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obligation on States to give their nationals the right
of abode in their territory, in contrast to the fact that
the right to protect them while overseas is generally
agreed internationally. In any case such obligations
are unenforceable by legal action; and in this connection
I am advised that the application of the term 'British
national' to all BNA 1981 categories is unlikely to be a
source of more difficulties for us at the European
Commission on Human Rights than we suffer at present
in respect of those who will become British Overseas
Citizens, British subjects and British protected persons.
Hong
The third foreign policy problem is that by mid-October all
Falkland Islanders may have become entitled to be British
citizens on 1 January 1983 if Lord Bruce of Donnington's
Bill is passed. That would be regarded in Hong Kong
as provocative, the more so if we refuse to allow
'British national' in passports. Hong Kong might well
lead the other Dependent Territories in demanding a
concession to match that awarded to the Falklands.
Kong's demand would be argued inter alia on the grounds
that more Hong Kong people (seamen) died in recovering
the Falklands than Falkland Islanders and that Hong
Kong belongers should similarly have the right of
admission to the UK if put under pressure by another
power. Racial discrimination would be alleged in the
event of refusal. I feel that in this context we must
at least be able to confirm British protection in the
way in which Hong Kong has requested. That done, it would
be less difficult to resist, as we undoubtedly must,
any demands for admission of Hong Kong BDTCs.
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