Lord oorie: My Lords, on this, the first time that I have the honour to address your Lordships, my instructions are clear: "Your maiden speech may be informative but not controversial ". That I have chosen today, the occasion of the Third Reading of the British Nationality Bill, is coincidental and will not . prejudice these instructions. Since Hong Kong is so far away from here that one cannot go any further' without coming back, it is not too surprising to meet with misconceptions as to the past, present and future of this city.
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In attempting to present the picture as seen through the eyes of one of its citizens-and an old China- hand "I trust that I may be forgiven for telling your Lordships much that you may already know. To understand the Hong Kong of today, and the im- portance of continued strong and friendly ties to China, one must look into the past. According to Britain, the United Kingdom owns the island of
Hong Kong and the Kowloon peninsula, while China. owns the remainder of the colony but will not exercise effective sovereignty over it until the New Territories' lease expires on 1st July 1997. In China's view, the status of this unique territory is quite different. The agreements under which the island and the peninsula were ceded to the British were unequal treaties extorted by force from a weakened China incapable of de- fending its territories.
Today, de facto, Hong Kong has become the free zone of China under British management. It is a neutral point of contact between East and West. It enables China to regulate the flow of expertise required to fuel its four moderisations programme. From a devastated colony, said to have been the most looted city in the world, Hong Kong has risen like a phoenix from the ashes to become a prosperous industrial centre boasting of little unemployment. Today, with a population of over 5 million people in an arca of fewer than 400 square miles, Hong Kong continues to fill its traditional role providing asylum for thousands of refugees, the majority of whom will have to be absorbed into the economy.
In no place in the world have the Government done so much to improve the lot of their people. This does not mean that we are living in Utopia-far from it. However, what has been achieved in the post-war period is remarkable. Hong Kong's unique value as a neutral point of contact between East and West leads me to believe that the future holds a real possibility of merging interests to mutual benefit. There is no doubt that China intends to use to fullest advantage the facilities and expertise of the West that are concentrated in this area, and that of all the Western powers the United Kingdom is best placed to assist in this process.
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Now I propose to move into the realm of, see ourselves as others see us". How does a Hong Kong citizen, one who is born in Hong Kong or who has become British through naturalisation in Hong Kong, see the United Kingdom? We are puzzeld why a change in the political status of former colonics should create an apparent lack of self-confidence. Britain's assets are inherent in its people and the vast experience that they have gained in constructive management over the past century. It is very notice- able that so much of the initiative to preserve Britain's export trade comes from its citizens overseas. An example of this that has been apparent since the war is that Hong Kong has placed very substantial orders in this country. For a new power station alone, orders have been placed in the United Kingdom which, over an eight-year period, will amount to £2 billion and will provide about 7,000 jobs for seven years in the Midlands and the North-West-arcas which I understand are in much need of employment.
To many Hong Kong citizens the proposal that we are no longer to share a common citizenship with those of the United Kingdom and colonies gives an impression of rejection, a feeling that at this important stage in our history Britain is distancing itself from Hong Kong and that we are losing our Britishness. The majority in Hong Kong are satisfied with their present status. They are not seeking refuge or the right to live and compete with your working population. We in Hong Kong do not regard the words “ United Kingdom
and” which appear on our present passports as being of practical significance in terms of the right of abode in the United Kingdom. What Hong Kong's citizens are asking for is that in any eventuality and at all times they and their children born in British Hong Kong can rely on world recognition of the international benefits inherent in the British passport. They require the assurance that Great Britain, a country they have come to trust, will not let them down.
I have endeavoured in these few words to show you the Hong Kong of today, its raison d'être and the unique position that the country occupies as a neutral point of contact between East and West. It is well to remember that this link is British, that it enjoys the friendly acquiescence of China and that this places the United Kingdom in a very special position not available to any other Western power. Hong Kong's influence and the attitude of the Hong Kong people to the United Kingdom can play a vital part in the future of Sino-British relations and the development of British trade in the Western Pacific arca. Hong Kong's relationship with both the United Kingdom and China has never been better. Surely the goodwill of its citizens is a valuable asset which it is in the interests of Britain to preserve. Governments tend, quite naturally, to concentrate on matters of law and fact, but human feelings can often be more important.
My Lords, I am indeed privileged to have had the opportunity to speak to your Lordships today. I thank you for your patience in listening to me and I hope that I have not strayed too far away from non- controversy. May I in conclusion ask: why alienate the goose that has the potential to lay so many golden. eggs?