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CONFIDENTIAL
Mr
Quantrill
I Clerke
POLICY TOWARDS DEPENDENT TERRITORIES
69
1. Your minute of 10 October.
2.
on anybody!
か
CODI 18.77
Reference
RELA
нка
025/2
16 NOV 1978
DESK OPPOCR
INDEX
NO. 51
REGISTRY Action Taken
No
PA
87.1 0x се
We ought to be in a position to assure Dependent Territories that independence will not leave them vulnerable to external aggression. But in fact the only assurance we are in a position to give under the terms of existing defence policy is an assessment that the Territory in question faces no external threat and consequently does not need a British defence guarantee. This is the line that we took with respect to the Solomon Islands and Tuvalu, which became independent this year. We shall be peddling it again when the Gilbert Islands become independent next year.
3. Since 1971 our defence policy has been to avoid offering guarantees to independent states outside Europe. Following the 1974 Defence Review, our remaining forces East of Suez were brought home, apart from the garrisons in Hong Kong and Brunei (where we shall have a consultative commitment over external defence until 1983). Although Ministers are now disposed to step up our military training assist- ance effort, particularly in Africa, there has been no suggestion that we should revert to the position that existed before 1971. Quite apart from any political considerations, our forces are only capable of meeting limited commitments outside Europe. There is no realistic prospect of the British Government entering into military treaties with former Dependencies (except just possibly Belize).
4. Although our ability to defend the Dependent Territories is limited, the Government does recognise an absolute commitment to their internal security and external defence until such time as they achieve independence. Thus the basic objective of our policy in Belize is to bring the Territory to secure independence with the agreement of Guatemala. In these circumstances it would not be necessary to offer a defence guarantee to an independent Belize. The situation in the Falkland Islands is somewhat different. Not only is independence unlikely ever to be a real option we cannot realistically expect to defend the Islands effectively against a determined Argentinian assault. The circumstances in both the Falkland Islands and Belize suggests that where there is an external threat to a British Dependent Territory, independence will have to be postponed until the threat has receded.
5.
Of the other Territories listed in para 3 of your minute both Gibralter and Bermuda count as British Territory inside the NATO area. In view of the Spanish claim, and the known wishes of the inhabitants, independence, of both Britain and Spain, is unlikely to be achieved. Although the Spaniards have renounced the use of forces in pursuit of their claim to Gibraltar the Island is protected, like the Falkland Islands by our defence commitment to the Dependent Territories. Bermuda is in a special position in view of the important role it would have to play in any US reinforcement of Europe in time of tension or war. In the event of Bermuda achieving independence we would need to consider carefully how best to ensure that the Islands' defence installations continued to be available to NATO forces, and it would be important that the Island should be denied to a potential enemy. It might be appropriate to devise some form of association between Bermuda and NATO.
6.
From a security point of view it seems to me somewhat irresponsible to foist "independence" on scattered groups of Islands (such as Tuvalu) with the population, but not the resources, of a small county town. There may not be any external threat to Tuvalu now, but what if the Russians, or the Chinese or the Japanese were to establish defence facilities there: and what about Cuban advisers on the Turks and Caicos Islands. None of the remaining British Dependent Territories, apart possibly from the Gilberts and the New Hebrides seems remotely viable from a defence point of view as independent states.
CONFIDENTIAL
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