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4. Further "acceleration" measures for territories who fall in the (b) category could arguably be an alternative option to legislative or other measures to retain any necessary control by HMG.
But I would have considerable reservations about this
unless
5.
(a)
(b)
(c)
the territory concerned really could become
viably independent from the political, defence and even moral point of view, as well as in simple economic terms:
any reluctance on the part of the inhabitants was
irrational or influenced solely by their. perception of the economic benefits of a long term United Kingdom connexion (even so the BIOT precedent illustrates how a "once and for all payment" comes to smell); and
we had considered carefully the effect on the
interests of allied and friendly countries and indeed of the international community.
However good we may think we are, our decolonisation record is not generally viewed as a model of perfection by the international community. If we wish to avoid undermining our status as permanent member of the Security Council, one thing we need to do is to discharge our responsibilities in the field of decolonisation in a manner which does not increase the number of ex-British problem territories we expect the international community to deal with. And that includes retention, permanently if necessary, of adequate governing authority in cases where there is a prima facie doubt that a small territory could genuinely keep its end up as an independent international entity. We have no need to adopt the lunatic fringe interpretation of UNGA Resolution 1514 or to conclude that the unhappy effects of our mistakes over Anguilla can only be avoided by a pretty cynical policy of forcing independence on reluctant mini territories.
6. I have not given this minute wide distribution, but please feel free to copy it further if you wish.
For landen
JLY SANDERS
Director of Research
11 January 1978
cc Miss Binns PLANNING STAFF
Mr Posnett DEPENDENT TERRITORIES ADVISER
Mr Stewart HKGD
Mr Quantrill HKGD
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