21
divisions in the trade union movement, has meant that there is in any
case no effective channel to formulate collective aspirations and
interests.
The unions are not particularly effective anyway, and
outside the public service, union membership involves a political
identification which the worker might find embarrassing either now or
later. Labour organisation is not a road to power or prestige for able
individuals, and employers have discriminated against active trade
unionists.
Workers with a refugee background, "between Big Brother and the
deep blue sea", are naturally insecure and do not wish to become labelled
as "troublemakers".
Demand for labour has generally been high in Hong Kong,
but in individual firms and trades it is sufficiently variable for employers
to get rid of awkward people without an open appearance of victimisation.
The essence of this argument is thus that the superficial acceptance by
workers of the existing state of affairs does not arise from their ability
to exploit it to their own satisfaction as individuals, or from an innate
dislike of collective action, but from the lack of an effective alternative
course of action for them.
30.
•
At first sight, there is evidence for both varieties of agrument.
In support of the first cluster of propositions, for instance, it is
-
clear that certain types of worker are highly mobile: some factories
have a very high labour turnover we were quoted instances of 5% a month
and workers have been known to leave them in groups on report of better
wages elsewhere. Certain firms particularly those of Shanghaiese origin
are highly paternalistic, and make extensive social provision (including
housing, welfare services, educational grants, and so on) for their employees. In both our surveys of employees (the smaller pilot' one of factory workers, and the larger general survey) about a quarter of those
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