30
is not generally based on radical convictions in an industrial sense,
but on the non-industrial advantages of membership, on pride in Chinese
achievement, and on prudence for possible future political events; it
serves as a demonstration, not of class but of national identity.
65. As regards the much smaller (and in my judgment, senescent) group
of Right-wing unions, it is equally true that union activity, such as it
is, is dominated by non-industrial fuctions. In that case, the leader-
ship's political identification is elderly and historical; it conveys no
real future hope. In the case of the two biggest TUC affiliates, the
Restaurant Workers and Cotton Industry Workers, they appear to rely
largely on employer support or tolerance. Much of the Restaurant
Workers' funds is drawn from contributions by employers; in firms where
they are "recognised" by managements, Right unions are often aware that
this acceptance is designed, substantially, to avoid the firm having to
deal with a Left-wing organisation; they seem unwilling to disturb this
acceptance by undue militancy. Several managements have said that
Right-wing union officials are corruptible; it was generally agreed that the administration of FTU unions was in contrast, if not always 100%
efficient, morally impeccable and dedicated.
66. The position of the "neutral" unions largely arises from the
special circumstances of Government and public employment, which have
already been described, and the special tolerance which has been extended
to the multiplication of employee societies there. Many of these exist
to promote the narrow interests of workers in individual departments or
particular occupational groups, and to secure some special and
preferential improvement on the terms negotiated annually through the
present unrepresentative Senior Civil Service Council. But even there,
I gather that many so-called unions are primarly social in function.
most impressive association, as a trade union, which I personally
encountered the Professional Teachers' Union already mentioned
to deal with the special problem that most education in Hong Kong is
provided through non-governmental schools, and there is little
uniformity of pay and conditions of service between public and private
employment.
67.
has
The
Otherwise, and certainly for the private sector, it would not be far
off the mark to say that the real trade union movement in Hong Kong or
the agency which compensates for the absence of such a movement in any
I think it would be broadly true,
real sense is the Labour Department.
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