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us of power to carry out the responsibilities we still retain, and there is a tendency for the process to continue through inertia.
And we are naturally Increasingly we can rely only on persuasion. under constant temptation (which I do not think we always resist) to subordinate a Colony's interests to our own.
5. The process is surely irreversible. The time has long passed for any sensible debate on the old question of when a Colony is "ready for independence". The "localisation" of administrative posts, as well as constitutional evolution, means that we can no
They longer effectively "prepare" our colonies for independence. will have to learn by their own mistakes, and will do so quicker if the insubstantial shield of our presence is removed. In any case we must accept for our Colonies, as we do for Britain, that self- Government is better than authoritarianism, however benevolent. And the "Empire" is now so reduced that it would make no sense, even if we wished, to try to create the administrative and defence structura in London as well as abroad, to carry out our Colonial responsibili- ties in the manner we might ideally desire.
6.
There is no inconsistency between all this and the studies that are in progress on the constitutional destination of the very smallest island Colonies in the Atlantic and Caribbean: about half a dozen island groups, with an aggregate population of less than 50,000, that may be quite unwilling or unable to proceed to independence. We are concerned here with finding some alternatives to independence, not its postponement, Leaving these and the disputed territories (Belize, Falklands, Gibraltar, Hong Kong) aside, there seems to be no practical alternative to the existing policy of accelerated decolonisation.
Solomon Islands points
7.
After Hong Kong, the Solomon Islands is much the largest of our Dependencies (population some 200,000), with substantial and develop- ing natural resources, and quite a competent, good natured, self- reliant and homogeneous population. If we cannot bring it to independence, we shall make a mockery of the decolonisation policy for which as argued above we have no practical alternative.
8.
A
The Solomon Islands has already had almost 18 months of internal self-government, which for the reasons indicated in paragraphs 4 and, 5 must be a strictly limited transitional stage to independence. brief postponement of independence would be more likely to increase than reduce internal tensions and the risk of seccessions and dis- integration after independence; it might bring about another political upheaval followed by the emergence of even more inexperienced and unsure Ministers than those in the present Council. A longer delay might produce a need for another ascertainment of the popular will, e.g. a general election, and a repetition of last year's wholesale replacement of Ministers and back benchers. further "preparation" of the country as a whole for independence would be a matter of decades rather than a year or two, even if we had (as we have not) effective control over and penetration of the local Government.
And
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19.