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biotic relationship between the People's Republic and this most capitalist of colonies, finding it to be a lucrative busi- ness. Some of the Hong Kong land which the China Resources Corporation has bought is for the construction of an oil storage base to facilitate this trade. The new oil refinery and petrochemical com- plex now being built at Whampoa, 80 miles to the north, will produce industrial raw materials eminently suitable for pro- cessing in Hong Kong factories. In recent years rail, telex and trunk communica- tions between Hong Kong and China have been improved and the telex link with Peking was inaugurated in April 1973 by a message from Peking which read: "We feel this to be symbolic of continued expanding mutual communica- tions links and wish for new develop- ments and co-operation in the future."
political advantages
While the economic advantages to Peking of the Hong Kong connection are plain, there are many observers who feel that there must be more to China's tolerance of this imperialist regime than mere eco- nomism. Traditional Chinese pride plus Maoist ideology make the Peking Gov- ernment's attitude appear incomprehen- sible, even heretical. Hence there has been much speculation about what Peking's true motives are. Three views are popular.
One is that Hong Kong has been, and is, China's listening post and contact point with the outside world. It provides a con- venient venue for discussing business and politics with foreigners and much infor- mation can be gathered in this way which would otherwise be missed. The latest products of Western technology can be examined and purchased. It serves as a link between China and the millions of Overseas Chinese. And where else could discreet meetings take place between Tai- wanese and Chinese communists ? Another view is that so long as Hong Kong remains a British colony the Chinese Government, through creating civil disturbances in Hong Kong, can put pressure on the British to, in turn, put
diplomatic pressure upon the American Government. In this theory Hong Kong provides China with leverage over Britain and the USA. It must be said that the evidence for this is rather flimsy. The third view is that China receives no par- ticular political advantage but that she is simply taking her usual long view of history and waiting for the imperialist paper tigers to fall apart. And 1997 may solve the whole situation in a legal and non-violent manner, anyway.
Two further, and contradictory, views sometimes expressed are: (a) that China would find Hong Kong's 4.25 million highly individualistic people a difficult and indigestable morsel to swallow; and (b) that after the death of Mao Tse-tung and Chou En-lai a power struggle will develop in Peking over the succession. In this struggle the absorption of Hong Kong will be both a diversionary tactic and a proof of virility.
There is a more realistic possibility: that China is apprehensive about the conse- quences of her taking action. Of course it would be easy for her to take Hong Kong by force, but the diplomatic reper- cussions would be considerable. Her cur- rent good relationships with the West would be shattered to the accompaniment of rejoicing in the Kremlin. Short of military action the Chinese leaders in Peking may believe that even diplomatic pressures on Britain over Hong Kong might be counterproductive.
The fact is that no-one in the West seems to know which of these theories, if any, is correct. Nor does it matter in the pre- sent context. For whether for economic reasons, or political reasons, or a com- bination of the two, China shows no signs at present of wanting an end to the status quo in Hong Kong. To state this obvious fact is not the same as saying that China must therefore bear responsi- bility for conditions in Hong Kong and Britain can sit back and do nothing. Rather it means that in the past, present, and foreseeable future responsibility for Hong Kong and the condition of its people rests not only in law but in reality with the British Parliament.