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By Michael Hsu
'ng principle. Jagmatism and
anti-colonialism
came into clearer division as the Chinese Language Movement became "institu- tionalised," as the students put it, with the appointment of a government study group headed by Sir Kenneth Fung Ping-fan. The students later claimed the "failure of the movement" was due to "the establishment's intrusions as with the participating of Urban Councillors." The movement, originally intended to "raise Chinese culture and consciousness in society," has become in their eyes a "broken exhibit in the show window of colonial democracy."
Even before the students abandoned the movement with the first report of Sir Kenneth's commission, they found themselves embroiled in a more ideolo- gically complicated issue the Tiao Yu Tai (Senkaku Islands) Movement. It had little relevance to Hongkong, but the students seemed determined to back China in the controversy.
mak
David Balrd
HKU students protest Japanese claim to is-
lands: Finding the "turning point."
society such as China is aiming towards communism, it cannot abolish territorial unity. Nationalism is a necessity."
However, the China-motivated stu- dents, divided in their own understand- ing of "socialist commitment," are being challenged by two rival groups. The anarchists, unwillingly "represent- The distinctions between "pro-ed" by Mok Chiu-yiu, assail the Peking China" at the level of nationalist enthu- siasm and "pro-communist” at the level of ideological inspiration had been dis- missed by students as insignificant sim- ply because "there is no contradiction between accepting socialism and China at the same time." They argued: “As a
Bhutto's action was an attempt to con solidate his personal position. Ele lashed out at the "Bonapartic" attitude of army officers and their tendency to be- have like politicians. He followed up the changes at the top with abolition of the post of commander-in-chief a title he called "anachronistic" and/ "colonia- list."
Henceforth the top commander of each service will be called Chief of Staff and he will have a fixed tenure with no possibility of an extension. These re- forms are expected to curb the power and ambitions of military bosses.
It is also significant that Gen. Tikka Khan was named for the highest army post on the eve of Bhutto's crucial poli. tical negotiations with the powerful opposition National Awami Party lea der, Wali Khan. The Pathan hero has been issuing veiled threats of an armed confrontation in his Frontier Province stronghold. He will now think afresh before deciding on a showdown with" Bhujo and his People's Party. After all, Tikka Khan had his first taste of blood in Baluchistan where the National Awami Party is now powerful.
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regime as a "privileged red clique." They regard Hongkong students' nation- alism as narrowed-minded thinking; they are unhappy about "the personali- ty cult of the Chairman and about sub- mitting Red Guards to authority, there- by making them lose their revolutionary independence." They want to attain a classless society via anarchism: everyone would participate in society. "The mass line of Mao Tse-tung is not a mass move.. ment, but a way of moving the mass," says Mok.
The reformist trend of the student movement has switched from distribut- ing winter clothes to the poor to more militant behaviour. The group of "re- form-orientated" students, epitomised by the New Asia Student Union, consi- der practice to be the primary task; they dismiss the present ideological struggle between pro-China elements and anar- chists as "empty talk." The reformers, while identifying with the present "Know China, Unite China" slogans, in- clude the Western concept of "student- as-social-catalyst" in the way they see themselves and their role.
Clearly, Hongkong's student factions will continue to do their thung separate-
ly
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at times overlapping with other groups. The resurgence of activism since December 1970 has been a story of trial and error. It promises to stay like that for some time until the students are able to approach ideological subtletics with mature comprehension.
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JAPAN
Waiting for May
BY GREGORY CLARK
Tokyo: A gate invented recently by two British historians Diplomacy has been known to turn close friends into enemies, to drive husbațids and wives to divorce. It could help to ex- plain the present unhappy state of Ja- panese foreign policy.
Each player owns one of the seven major powers on a pre-1914 map'of Europe. With counters representing armies and navics he must attack and occupy other countries./But most at- tacks can succeed only in alliance with other countries, so the/essence of the gamic is to cement alliances with as many as possible and to betray these al- liances when they have outlived their usefulness. It is not a game for the sim- ple and the trusting.
When it comes to the real game of diplomacy, no one can accuse the Ja- panese of being simple and trusting. But they have been made to look that way by the skill and speed of the US move towards China. The Americans are be- having with oriental cunning; the Japan- ese are the nice guys who remain faith- ful to old alliances, and lose.
It was not always this way, and some background is needed to explain just why Tokyo feels as unhappy as it looks. For most of the fifties and sixties Wash- ington lived in dread of a sudden Tokyo-Peking rapprochement which would undermine the chain of anti-com- munist anti-Peking alliances it was try- ing to cement in Asia. Whether there would have been such a rapprochement is hypothetical: Japan has always stood
IRAN TOWARD ASIA
Well on the way to becoming the /strongest power in the Middle East, Iran has earned the admiration of many Asian countries for its development· strategy. FOCUS on a country which in a decade has said goodbye to feudalism and fransformed itself into 8 modern, industrialising nation and whose GNP is growing
faster than Japan's.
In the Review, March 18
MARCH 11, 1972
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