VUNS LIADINELA
112 policies
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(iv)
Fears from the dependent territories are likely in
many cases to be weiferous critics of the British
Government's policy towards their own territory;
they would be first-hand Westminster lobbyists
devoting themselves single mindedly to the
advancement of their case in the House of Lords
(and outside) and no longer having to rely, as at
present, on the spasmodio efforts of peers and
X.P.s who could be interested in their case (in
this context, one has to consider how the Falkland
Islande and Gibraltar situations would be affected
by the existence of pears from those territories);
(v) Since at present penrages are envisaged as being
for life, there could be a problem on the attain-
ment of independence (or aven of associated state-
hood) by the territory concerned; unless it was
clearly understood that after independence the
peer would not exercise his rights to attend and
spoak, there could ensue the difficulties envisaged
in the memorandum of May 1968 (1.e. basically those
of the citizens of one independent country sitting
in the legislature of another);
(vi) Britain would probably face the charge, particularly
in the United Nations, of trying to 'mptropolitanise'
her territories.
CONCLUSIONS
6. There is a prima facie attraction in associating the remain-
ing dependent territories directly with the parliament which is ultimately responsible for their destinies. But there are
formidable difficulties of principle both nationally, in that
the House of Lords does not overtly 'represent' particular
interests, and internationally, in that we do not wish to be
seen to be inte grating our colonies with the United Kingdom.
In practice, also, the problems of selection and the embarrass-
ment of such peers' activities are strong arguments against
ARPITIAL
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