home-loving people; it is no easy thing for then to leave behind kith
and kin, lifelong associations and even human identity, in exchange for
the uncertainties of life in exile. Certainly, only fears and revulsiona
of the intensest kind could recount for the decision to escape. By so
doing, they are asserting in the strongest terms possible their
unalterable betred for the régime.
The
Over the years my delegation has called attention to the un-Chinese
character of the Feiping régine. The so-called "proletarian revolution",
with its ruthless destruction of all the cultural values which the
Chinese people hold deer, bar demonstrated beyond any shadow of doubt
that the regime is un-Chinese in character and un-Chinese in purpose. It
is opposed to everything the Chinese people stand for. And, that being
so, it is totally unfit to represent the Chinese in the world community.
Another assumption, which flows directly from the fizet and which is
taken for granted by those who have an almost superstitious belief in
Peiping's ability to keep itself in power, 14 that the régime is in
China to stay and cannot be kogt out of the United Nations for an
indefinite length of time.
:
A/PV.1600 20-30
(Mr. Wei Tao-ming, China)
Those who base their position on this assumption have apparently
forgotten the lesson of recent history, namely, that all totalitarian
régimes appear Strong and Impregnable until they are overthrowm. The
Chinese communist rágine is no exception.
Indeed, the régime is already in deep trouble. The so-called "cultural
revolution" is itself a sign of wealmess and not of strength. It is the
outward manifestation of the régime's inner sense of insecurity, its
profound lack of
faith in its own future. Knowing that its authority has no sanction in
Chinese
cultural tradition, it has deemed it necessary to do away with that
cultural tradition. But the cultural tradition of the Chinese people has
now begun to
reassert its influence. It is this tradition, rather than the so-called
"thought
of Mao Tse-tung", that mist ultimately prevail.
The régime now finds itself in the grip of a convulsive power struggle.
Everywhere the Maoist and the anti-Heoist forces are locked in combat.
and order have practically ceased to exist. In their determination to
strike down "usurpers", "revisionista", and other "monsters", Mao1a
"revolutionary rebels" have done a pretty good job of destroying the
Party and administrative machinery. In the provinces, local leaders have
openly defied central authority.
Caly five out of a total of twenty-six provinces and two out of a dozen
or so
major cities remain under Peiping's actual control.
In the earlier stages of the "cultural revolution", the armed forces
remained somewhat aloof. In January this year they were ordered to "get
into the act". It was soon discovered, however, that "there are also
persons in authority in the Red Army taking the capitalist road".
Inamuch as the rank and file of the troops bail from rural areas, the
chaotic conditions prevailing in the countryside are reflected in their
declining morale. They cannot be expected to support wholeheartedly a
régine which has brought so much misery and suffering to their families.
I
I
T
I
.
RSH/TV
A/PV.1600
31
(Mr. Wei Tao-ning, China)
The disintegration has been heightened by two other formidable forces.
One is the people's yearning to be free. The other is the breakdown of
the economy, Peasants and workers, who have suffered the most under the
communist tyrenny, are now the vanguard of the anti-Maoist forose. They
have joined forces with the anti-Maoist elements within the Communist
Party to overthrow Mao Tse-tung and all that he represents. It is
ironical, as I said in my statement in the general debate, that Hao
Tse-tung, the theoretician of "People'■ War" and the proponent of the
tactic of encircling the cities from the countryside, now finds that his
chickens have come home to roost, The same "People's War" and the same
tactic of encircling the cities from the countryside are now being used
for his own downfall.
In an attempt to arrest the worsening conditions, the Peiping régine has
recently stepped up its campaign of forming what is called a "great
revolutionary alliance" of revolutionary cadres, the armed forces and
the
But this is not likely to save the régine from its ultimate doon. The
turmoil has reached such an intensity that the situation cannot be
meliorated even if the Maoista were to revise or to modify their
methods,
At a time when the hopes of the Chinese people for the recovery of their
lost freedom appear the brightest, the United Nations has no right to
put ite seal of approval upon a régise which has mmitted so many heinous
crimes
against theme,
To the Chinese people there is only one China and one legal Chinese
Government, the Goverment of the Republic of China. They categorically
reject any proposal that purports to resolve the question of
representation through the so-called two-Chines formula. Let se state
vith all the suphasis at my command that the right to determine who
should represent China in the United Nations belongs exclusively to the
Chinese people. It is not for Members of this Assembly or anybody else
to make the decision for them or to propound proposals tha are at
variance with the vishes and aspirations of the Chinese
people,
RSH/fv
A/PV,1600 32
(Mr. Wei Tao-ming, China)
The question of the representation of China involves not merely the
rightful position of the Government of the Republic of China in the
United Nations; it has far-reaching implications for the future of the
Organization itself. No one with the true interests of the Organization
at heart can allow the adaission of a régine which is clearly
disqualified by both the spirit end the letter of the Charter. Any act
of appeasement on the part of the United Nations cannot but give new
impetus to the aggressor's design for world domination. This is no time
to cling to positions which are no longer tenable in ciremstances in
vhich Peiping has intensified its subversive activities in all
vulnerable parts of the world, particularly against the countries of
South-East Asia.
Elementary prudence, therefore, requires the General, Assembly to take a
hard look at the question of Chinese representation. For the sake of the
700 million Chinese people now languishing under communist tymany, for
the wake of international peace and security, and for the sake of the
United Nations itself, I appeal to you, fellow representatives, to vote
down any proposal aiming at the seating of the Chinese Communist régime.
Hr. LOPEZ (Philippines): Today, as in previous sessions, we are called
upon to decide two related questions. The first is whether or not we
should accept a proposal for the "restoration of the lawful rights of
the
And the second la whether People's Republic of China in the United
Nations".
or not we would agree that any proposal to change the representation of
China is an important question which, in accordance with paragraph 2,
Article 18
of the Charter, requires a two-thirds majority vote for approval.
Tradition has established the fact that this is pre-eminently a
political question. Since it is a political question, we must observe
that the issue has not been correctly posed by the sponsors of the
present itan. Were the question at issue one simply of restoring a
so-called lawful, right to the People's Republic of China, the General
Assembly would have no option except to accede to the proposal, since to
deny it would itself be unlawful.
RSH/Tv
A/PV,1600
33
(Hr. Lopez, Philippines)
RSH/TV
A/PV.1600 34-35
(Mr. Lopez, Philippines)
and therefore indefensible. But a right, whether lawful or unlawful, cen
only be restored to one who once possessed the right and then
subsequently lost it. Since the People's Republic of China has never
before exercised the right to represent China in the United Nations, no
claim of restitution can properly be submitted by itself or by others on
its behalf, Thus, the wording
of the agenda item clearly begs the question.
For this reason, if for
no other, the proposal submitted by the delegations of Albania and
others must
be rejected.
It 1:
There is only one valid question that can be put to the General Assembly
concerning the People's Republic of China, and it is a hypothetical one.
That quastion is whether the General Assembly would accede to a request
or claim of the People's Republic of China to represent Chine in the
United Nations. We have chosen the terms of the conditional proposition
with great care. besed on the assumption that the Govermamt of the
People's Republic of China
itself would express the desire and claim the right to represent Chins
in the United Nations, and that it could give a flaar indication to that
effect to
the United Nations, So far as we are aware, the Government in Peking has
expressed no such desire and made no such clain, On the contrary, its
attitude towards the United Nations continues to be one of unmitigated
contempt, It has
announced that it would not consider joining the United Nations until
the
Organization has reformed itself in accordance with Peking's
stipulations; otherwise, Paicing would be obliged to set up what it
calls a "revolutionary United Nations" of its own.
In these ciremstances, and in the absence of a request or a claim by the
People's Republic of China to represent China in the thited Nations, the
question of changing the existing situation does not even arise. The
General Assembly should not be expected to respond to a hypothetical
question.
We are often reminded that we are dealing not with a question of
admitting a new Member State but of deciding which of two rival régizes
has the right
to represent a State that is already a Member of the United Nations,
implication is that the decision to be made is mandatory, not
permissive.
But
ych a decision necessarily implies a deliberate act of choice dictated
by
considerations mainly political in character, These considerations are
not concerned with the legitimacy of a government, the nature and scope
of ite
authority, or the stability of its institutions, Bach Member State must
decide
for itself what is best for the United Nations. There can be no question
of
any automatic satitlement of any régime to represent a Member State in
the
United Nations.
Since considerations of a political character are decisive, we would
repeat the view va expressed at the last session, namely, that there is
a season
for everything under the sun, and it reasing our candid view that the
time
has not come to review the question of the representation of China in
the
United Nations. Divided against itself, at odds with most of its
neighbours
end with much of the rest of the world, the People's Republic of China
today
is neither willing nor able to carry out the obligatins of membership in
the
United Nations. Indeed, it does not appear to want to have anything to
do with
the United Nations at all.
EX/VE
A/PV.1600
36
(Mr. Lepez, Philippines
A/PV.1600
37
Mr. Lopez, Philippines)
Do we than expect to bar mainland Chins forever from participating in
the work of the United Nations? The word "forever" does pot exist in the
lexicon
of history. We would recall that it took nearly ten years of patient
negotiation to effect the simultaneous admission of about a dozen
important States to the United Nations. No one questioned the
qualifications or the right of those States to be admitted; there was
only the question of timing and the evolving clinste of opinion among
the States concerned and within the United Nations itself, So too the
time vill surely come when the Chinese people will have a government
truly expressive of their ancient traditions of moderation and their
vibrant aspirations for a better life, in peace and freedom. They cannot
be barred permanently from co-operating with the United Nations either
by arbitrary decision of the General Assembly or by the continued
irresponsibility of their leadera. But the Chinese people themselves
must break down the new Great Wall of fanatical doctrine which their
leaders have built around their country It took the Soviet Union
forty-five years to moderata its ideologiesl fervour and to sccept the
principle of peaceful coexistence. We must be prepared to wait just as
long, if necessary, for a similar transformation to take place in the
régime that now controls mainland China,
China, which used to call itself the Middle Kingdom, stands in the very
heart of Asia, as large a life itself. We cannot, even if we wish, make
it vanish by magic or by prayer. We know that we, its neighbours, have
to live with it and come to terms with it. We are certain that through
peaceful co-operation and neighbourly relations we could basten together
the improvement of the quality of life of the teeming millions of Asia,
but we dany that China has the right to dictate the terms on which we
should live with it, and we must defy any attempt on its part to do so.
It is a tragedy fraught with nameless danger for all mankind that
Communist China disbelieves violently in the principle of the peaceful
coexistence of countries having different political and economic
systems. Peking has denounced that principle as a revisionist heresy
designed to undermine the doctrines of perpetusi revolution and the
export of revolution.
We must have the fortitude and the patience to wait for the eventual
release of the Chinese people from the tensions of their long and bitter
revolution. The time will cer when the people of mainland China will
have a government that
1
!
faithfully reflects their wish to co-operate with their neighbours and
with the
must of mankind in building a new world of peace, freedom and abundance,
under
by rule of law, what time is not yet.
To the question of whether or not the proposal to change the
representation of Chips requires a two-thirds majority vote for
approval, our answer is self-evident. The question involves, on the one
hand, a right
pertaining to the most populous cation on earth, a permanent member of
the
Security Council, and, on the other hand, the very future of the United
Nations
itself. Therefore few queations can be more important than this.
Moreover,
since the General Assembly, as often as the question has been raised in
the past,
has decided consistently that it falls under the two-thirds rule, there
could be only one logical reason for changing that decision today. that
would be that for some obscure and mysterious reason the question bad
suddenly become less important than it vas in previous yearu. But that
would be a patent maurdity, For the reasons we have stated, we shall
vote against the draft resolution submitted in the name of Albania and
others in document A/L.531, and we urge
support for the draft resolution tabled by fourteen countries, including
the Philippines, in document A/L.532.
MI. TŠURUOKA (Japan); The question of the representation of china
in the United Nations is one of the most complex and important problems
that this
Organisation has ever faced. It is a problem which has a very serious
hearing on the peace and security of the world as a whole and of haia in
particular. Japan is concerned about every aspect of China and above all
about the basic situation which gives rise to the very question we are
nov discussing. Japan: is so closely ralated to China in many ways that
we simply cannot ignore the magnitude of the
question of Chinese representation.
Geographically, a glance at the map of western Jain reveals that the
Japanese islands are separated from the mainland of thins by relatively
nRYTOW bodies of water and are quite close to Faiwan. Kores de " aver
neighbour. south-east and south AsiA, LE VE DELsure time and distance
today, are not so very far away. These simple geographical facts in this
day and age of advanced technology and sophisticated nuclear weaponry
obviously wont be taken into account
ET/VE
A/PV.1600 38-40
EH/ca
A/PV.1600
41
(Mr. Tsuruoke. Japan)
(Mr. Tsuruoka, Japan)
by us as we consider problems relating to our own peace and security.
Nor ena we be ungdadful of the menaces that exist today with regard to
the specific areas, I have mentioned.
Culturally, I would remind representatives of the long, almost unbroken
history of relations between Japan and China extending back through many
centuries. ha a result of our intimate associations with Chiasse of
other years the Japanese people cannot help taking a keen interest in
their relations with the Chinese people. We look forward to the day and
we hope that it will be in the not too distant future -- when it vill
become possible for all the Chinese people to live in peace and harmony
with their neighbours and the rest of the world. It is most certainly
the desire of the Japanese people and Government to live in that way
with all our Chinese neighbours.
Apart from these factors, I think it is quite obvious that Japan, as a
country of east Asia, must take a vital interest in say watter or
question which may affect, directly or indirectly, the peace and
security of the region in which we live. The China problem as a whole,
and one aspect of the China problem, which is the immediate queation
before the General Assembly, are matters which fall, within the category
of those which are of vital interest to Japan.
¡
My delegation has always maintained that any proposal to change the
representation of Chins in the United Nations is an important question
under
Hticle 18 of the Charter, requiring a two-thirds majority for decision,
and we have been opposed to any attempt to expel the Republic of China
from
the United Nations, Today we have not found any valid reasons that would
Justify a change in that attitude, Our reason is simple; there has been
no basic change in the elementary facts which the Assembly must take
into
account in its examination of this problem. Indeed, we are more than
ever
convinced, in the light of the current international situation, that the
way this issue develops will certainly affect the peace and security of
Asia and consequently of the entire world.
What are the basic facts that remain unchanged and which must be
taken into accountt
The first is that there are in existence two authorities confronting
sach other scross the Taiwan Straits. One of those authorities is the
Government of the Republic of China, in effective control of a
population
of over 12 million people who enjoy a high standard of living on the
Island
of Taiwan and ita adjacent islands. The other authority is the
Government
of the People's Republic of China, in control of 700 million people on
the
Cuina Mainland. Bach of these authorities parsistently claims to be the
sole lawful Government of all the Chinese people, that situation has
continued to be the main source of tension since 1949.
In such circumstances say attempt to solve the problem of the
representation of China in the United Nations sorely by expelling one of
the
two bodies directly concerned from the place it has legitimately
occupied.
in this Organization and replacing it by the other would inevitably risk
upsetting the balance of pover in East Asia.
For the rORBONE I have set forth, the Japanese Government considers
that any proposal to change the representation of China in the United
Nations is an important question, in accordance with Article 18 of the
Charter.
Japeness delegation has therefore joined with others in co-sponsoring
the draft resolution in domment A/L.532. We are confident that a large
majority of
the Assembly vill join with us in supporting that draft when it is put
to the vote,
We take that position not as a means of excluding the People's Republic
of China.
A/PV.1600
42
(Kr, Tsuruoka, Japan)
To
from the United Nations but simply because there has not been any basic
change in the pertinent facts which would cause us to believe that this
question vas no longer an laportent one in the sense of the Charter, our
sinds the question of Chinese representation is just as important as
such problems as disarmament, apartheid, South West Africa, the Middle
Baat and many others.
Another important point to be stressed is the great difference in the
attitudes of the Republic of China and the People's Republic of China
towards our Organization.
The Republic of Ching not only was one of the original Members of the
United Nations but also has faithfully carried out its responsibilities
and obligations under the Charter and consistently upbald the authority
and prestige of the Organization. Those are vell known and indisputable
facta, which cannot be denied by anyone. As to the position of the
Government of the People's Republic of China with regard to the United
Nations there is room for doubt.
One cannot help wondering
whether that Government is in fact villing to carry out the obligations
and responsibilities enjoined by the Charter and whether its membership
in the United Nations would be a positive factor in enhancing the
prestige and authority of our Organization.
Japan stands for an orderly and peaceful evolution towards an
international. system based upon law and respect for diversity among
national societies, It is possible that the day will come when the
People's Republic of China may be able to play a more constructive and
harmonious role in the
International community, but for the moment, because of the uncertain
and fluid situation in mainland China and the apparent lack of
flexibility in the attitude taken at present by the Government of the
People's Republic of China towards other countries and the United
Nations, that possibility now wa
somewhat
The only substantive proposal for a solution to the problem of Chinese
representation that has been placed before the Assembly is that
contained in document A/L.531, the draft resolution submitted by Albenia
and supported by certain number of other countries. With due respect, I
am obliged to state that the proposed solution to the problem of Chinese
representation in that draft resolution is quite unacceptable to my
Government. We shall vote ngainst
¡
1
|
EH/cs
A/PT.1600
43
(Mr. Tauruoka, Japan)
it, and we hope that a large majority of the Assembly will join us in
Heing likewise, It is altogether unreasonable and unjust to propose that
de reprezentatives of the Republic of China -- or for that matter the
representatives of any other Member State -- should be summarily
expelled from the United Nations, and in the light of what I said
earlier it is quite clear that the adoption of that draft would entail
serious consequences for the peace and security of an area, where such
serious tension already exists.
So much for the way ay delegation vill vote on the draft resolution
contained in document A/L.531. I wish to stress once again that my
delegation
maintains the position that a decision on the draft resolution in
document
A/L,533, or any other draft resolution having the direct sin of changing
the representation of China in the United Nations, requires a two-thirds
majority by its sheer importance. That is the reason why my delegation
bas
joined with certain other delegations in co-sponsoring the draft
resolution
contained in document A/L,532, believing that that draft resolution is
wholly consonant with the overriding interest that all of us have in the
maintenence of international peace and security. We sost samnestly hope
that it will be approved by an overwhelming majority.
It only remaina for me to say that my Government looks forward to the
time when a peaceful and just solution of the question before us my
contribute
to more harmonious relations among the countries of hala and of the
world.
The PRESIDENT (interpretation from Spanish): At its meeting tomorrow
morning the Assembly will continue ita consideration of item 95 of its
agenda. It la, of course, understood that item 94, "The Situation in the
Middle East", will retain its high priority and may be taken up for
discussion at any time.
The peating rose at 12.20 p.4.
No comments yet.
Private notes are available after approval.