We have been told that Taiwan is democratic. Since when have we had to
ask countries what kind of Government they have before they vere
admitted to the United Nations of course, we have been told that Taiven
han
relations with sany Members of the United Nations. I wonder when it has
been thought that a country had to be admitted to the United Nations
simply because it had relations with so many other Member States.
ET/IM
A/PV.1606
21
(Mr. Malecela, Tanzania)
On the other hand, we are told that the People's Republic of China 18
not peace-loving. Of course, in my statement I shall endeavour to point
out that in fact the contrary is true. We have been told that diplomats
are being beaten in China. I say with all sincerity that in this same
year ve have
read many stories from many other parts of the world where diplomats,
including diplomats from the People's Republic of China, have been
mistreated. We have been told that China is not peace-loving. I shall
endeavour in my statement to point out that it is not a question of
being peace-loving because in this very Assembly we have countries which
are far indeed from being peace-loving nations,
For the past eighteen years the General Assembly of the United Nations
has set to consider, in one session after another, whether the levful
rights
of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations should be
restored. During all those eighteen years the results and achievements
of that consideration have been a matter of diagracs and completely
unworthy
of the dignity of this great Organization. That has not been so because
all the members of the United Nations have known anything that would
verrant a constant campaign to exclude the representatives of the
People's Republic of China from this Assembly and the other organs of
the United Nations. The starile stalemate on this matter has been caused
by a handful of States, led by the United States of America, which have
used all means available to them to prevent the People's Republic of
China from exercising its lawful. rights in this Organization.
The position of the Tanzanian delegation and that of the Government and
people of Tanzania has been stated on the various occasions on which
this item has come up for discussion. When my delegation made its
statement in the general debate during the present session our position
was reiterated again, In brief, we stated:
"Tanzania has called for, and will continue to demand that the lawful
rights of the People's Republic of China in this Organization be
restored. This must be without any conditions, Taiwan cannot claim to
represent the wishes of the 700 million people of China. The truth of
this fact must be faced. The United Nations makes itself ridiculous
ET/IT
A/PV.1606
22
(Mr. Malecela, Tanzania)
TL/1
A/PV.1606
23
(Mr. Malecela, Tanzania)
by pretending that Taivan la China. In the view of the Tanzania
delegation there is only one China and that is the People's Republic of
China; and Taiwan is a part of it. The restoration of the lawful.
rights of the People's Republic of China... cannot be regarded as a
privilege to be dangled before the eyes of that sovereign State and with
intolerable conditions attached." (1583rd meeting, fr. 63-65) I have
restated these views so that there may be no misunderstanding
to the position of the Government and people of the United Republic of
Tanzania. First, we have rejected the so-called "two-Chines" policy
which
is being steadily advertised by some delegations. In our view it is a
dangerous policy whose adu da to divide the sovereign State of Chine
into
two States. Secondly, it is our firm conviction that any decision to
restore the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China must be
without
any conditions, The criteria for that restoration are already there;
they
emmerated in the various articles of the Charter of the United Nations.
Indeed, the People's Republic of China has already fulfilled all those
conditions of membership. It is already a Member,
It is already a Member, but its lawful rights those of participation and
representation -- have been violated by Taiwan,
which is a province of China,
Talvan has managed to do this not because of its own ability but because
its illegal behaviour has bem, chespioned by the United States and
those who toe its line. The followers of Chiang Kai-shek are here
because the United States says that they must be here. Chiang Kai-shek
is in Taiwan
because the United States has soon fit to maintain his there, And in
order
to justify that deplorable behaviour the United States and its followers
have come up constantly with curious and ingenuous arguments, the
illegalities
of which have always been covered by a maze of absurd arguments and
diplomatic and political zigserole. One of those maive argumente is that
the People's Republic of China is not peace-loving and therefore cannot
exercise its lawful rights in this Organisation, but the people who put
forward those arguments are the very people who should have been
expelled from this Organization if those same arguments which they are
now employing against the People's Republic of China were valid. The
terrible conflict
in Viet-Nam is a supreme example of the most outrageous and heartless
riolation of the principles of the Charter ever known to this
Organization since its birth in 1945. Every hour of the day all the year
round the world is informed with a great fanfare from the Pentagon and
the United States Press of how many villages have been bombed and
defenceless children and
vosen mutilated, all under the pretence of the defence of freedom and
Justice, The attempt to annihilate the Viet-Nemese people has been a
shook to the world. Those bravest of people are nessacred, under
different descriptions, in their hundreds daily and their land is
showered with bombs more mmerous and more deadly in accuracy than
Hitler's Germany ever experienced.
What irony that those who commit naked aggression against the people of
Viet-Now, those invisible Governments which interfere flagrantly in the
domestic affairs of Member States in complete contravention of the
Charter and the many resolutions of the Assembly, those who unashamedly
practise subversion, should have the temerity to lay down "peace-loving"
conditions for other members to observe, the malicious allegations and
slander levelled
at the People's Republic of China by thosé States remind us of the
behaviour of a runaway thief vho, in an atten; t to divert the attention
of his pursuers, cries "Thier".
The people and the Government of Tanzania harbour no hostility tovards
any people. In expressing our opposition to the hostile policies of the
Goverment of the United States we are resinded of the principles to
which the people of the United States are known to be committed and for
which they shed their blood in 1776. As the President of the United
Republic of Tanzania stated recently:
The United States must recover from the delirium of power, and return to
the principles upon which her nation was founded," On 1 October 1949,
Chaiman Hạo proclained the establishment
of the Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China.
That was done after many years of hard fighting to end tyranny,
oppression and exploitation and to put a stop once and for all to one of
the most notorious
avils of imperialism. The establishment on that day of a new Government
in
A
.
ET/TV
A/PY.1506
225
EH/VM
(Mr. Malecela, Tanzania)
A/PV.1606
26
(Mr. Malecela, Tanzania)
It was a revolution
China was the culmination of the people's revolution, after a thorough
defest of Chiang Kai-shek and his imperialist masters. which, in the
words of its own leaders, vas aimed at making China a nation of people
who would never again be insulted. Yet the United States has been
spending considerable material resources and talents throughout all
these eighteen years in an attempt to convince the world that China had
no right to change her Government.
In the past there have been proposals that a study should be made to
find solution to this question. It has been suggested that the Members
of this Assembly should find out whether the People's Republic of China
was really interested in the United Nations. Others have laid the blene
on China and said that China had isolated itself. All those ideas are,
to say the least, fazaa saving ideas and they have one basic aim. Their
intention is to postpone the issus from one year to the next. The idea
of a study or a committee to find cut whether the People's Republic of
China wants to be represented and to participate in the work of this
Organization is not a new idea. Such suggestions have been mooted since
1950. Ever since then there bave been muuasrous writings all purporting
to make a study of the matter. Those representatives who are so keen on
studies must know very well that this is a well-trodden path. They might
begin with the article by Mr. Myres 8. McDougal and Mr. Richard H.
Goodman in the American Journal of International Law, vol. 60, no. 4,
October 1966.
In the view of the delegation of Tanzania there is nothing to be
studied.
The United Nations will have to We repeat, there is nothing to be
studied.
face the truth of this matter and sccept reality. It must be realized
that one of the most powerful nations on earth bes not been allowed to
be represented in this Organization. Because of that, one of the
principles which is necessary for the proper functioning of the Charter
system has been compromised; the principle of the universality of
representation.
Again, it must be realized that the failure of the League of Nations wea
to a large extext attributable to the fact that a powerful nation did
not participate in its work. We must therefore ponder very seriously the
consequences of the disgraceful behaviour of those Hembers which try to
keep postponing this matter by bringing before this Assembly ridiculous
suggestions which are a more restatement of past failures. If the United
Nations is to anke any progress in its endeavours to find a persament
solution to such problems sa disarasment and the non-proliferation of
muclear weapons it must first of all recognize that sil nations must
participate in those endeavours, otherwise all efforts to that and will
meet with disastrous failure, with tragle consequences thich all of us
will certainly live to regret if we live at xl2.
I
EH/VE
A/PV.1606
27
EH/vm
Mr. Malecela, Tanzania
It is the firm hope of my delegation that those counties which have
always maintained their negative posture will see reason, and change
their
attitudes this year. They would not only be doing a goud service to
their
countries and to the United Nations but also they would have advanced
one step further the cause of justice, pesce and security for mankind.
MY, MILLER (New Zealand): There has been no change in Rew Zealand's
position on the question we are now considering, the representation of
China in the United Nations. Nothing that has happened this year inside
China or
outside China has inclined us to consider any reversal or modification
of our
policy.
We accept the fact that the Peking Government la the effective goverment
of the mainland of China, although we are bound to yonder at present
just bew
fully effective and united that authority really is and by whom it is
exercised. We recognize that mainland China's voice must be heard on
questions in which its
interests are involved. We would not contend that the major problems
disturbing Asia and the world at large can be peacefully settled without
the peaceful contribution of the world's most populous nation to their
solution. We do not close our eyes to the facts, but those facts include
the existence of
• Republic of China as well as of a "People's Republic of China". They
include also policies and attitudes of the two, including their attitude
to the United Nations and to representation in the United Nations.
Because of those very facts we are not prepared to support the entry of
Comunist China into the United Nations on a bɛɛia that would acknowledge
right it claims to attempt to seize Taiwan by force, that would be at
the expense of the representation here of the Republic of China or that
would jeopardize the right of the people of Taiwan to have a voice as to
their future,
I have said that nothing that has happened has inclined us to zodify our
policy. Certainly it seems to my delegation that recent events inside
China can offer Hittle confort to those who argue Communist China's
cause in this Assembly. Those events are surely relevant to what we are
discussing here. do not pretend to comprehend fully the origins er the
course of the great proletarian cultural revolution. It strikes us es
being neither great nor
+
A/PV.1606
28-30
(Mr. Miller, Kew Zealand)
proletarian, neither cultural for a revolution. Its very name,
high-sounding
it may be, appears in fact to be a compendious description of the
confusion and turmoil into which mainland Chins has been plunged. With
an intensity varying from month to month, it has been accompanied by
armed claabes and violence, the extremism of the Red Guards, the
rejection of old values and even of dubious new ones and factional
struggles for power.
If the Albanian resolution, sponsored this year by eleven countries were
to be accepted, what representatives would be seated? Who would they
represent and for how long? We do not know, but what we see does not
prompt us to nova towards support for the Albanian approach.
By contrast, the Republic of China has continued to be stable and
progressive, and we adhere to the belief that it should continue to be
represented here.
Nothing that has happened outside China has inclined us to modify our
position. Throughout the part year Communist China has continued to
exert an ominous influence in its own region and beyond it. It
recognizes only two views of the world: its own view and a wrong view,
whether bald by the "revisionists", sa it calls them, or the
"imperialists", whom it denounces with equal vehemence, It has seemed
intent on prolonging the North Viet-Nanese aggression and frustrating
any hope of bringing about a negotiated settlement in Viet-Nam. It bas
pressed ahead with the development of nuclear weapons when the rest of
the world was seeking ways of limiting the muclear threat. It has
frequently brought to its relations with other States, Communist and
non-Communist, aligned and non-aligned alike, a mixture of truculence
and arrogance that makes normal inter-governmental contact wall-nigh
impossible.
At different times in the past year one of its neighbours has spoken of
its "chauvinism and great power course", another of its "madness,
discourtesy and subversion", others of its "extraordinary act of
interference in our internal affairs", of its "destructive attitude", of
its "actively interfering in internal affairs". What canons of conduct
has this Government followed in the past year?
Not, it would seem, those which the Charter requires of Heeber States of
this
Organization.
AP/16
A/PV.1606 31
(Mr. Miller, New Zealand)
AP/10
A/PV.1606 32-35
(Mr. Miller, New Zealand)
Against this background, it is hardly surprising that the supporters of
the Albanian proposal have been unable to give any appearance of
conviction to the arguments they have adduced this year. It is as if
they acknowledge that their amual ritual vill fall again at this session
as it has in the part. In addition to this, now routine, proposal, we
have before us a draft resolution (A/L.533) submitted by five countries
and introduced by the representative of Italy. That proposal, which the
Assembly considered for the first time at its last regular session,
would open the way for a full study of the problem in all its aspects.
We do not underestimate the difficulties of such a study nor
overestimate the prospects of concrete results. The Italian draft
resolution draws our attention to the principles of the Charter, the sin
of univarsality, the desirability of strengthening the United Nations,
the political realities of the area, and the need for an equitable and
practical solution. These aims will not be easily achieved or
reconciled, and the draft acknowledges that the most searching
consideration will be needed before any conclusions can be reached. The
proposal could lead to a greater understanding of this complex and
difficult issue to which there may be no saxy solution but to which
there is certainly no solution at all in the standard Albanian draft
resolution. Last year New Zealand voted for the proposal and we shall
give it full consideration again this year.
- 7
My delegation has joined with fourteen others in sponsoring draft
resolution A/L.532, which would have this Assembly reaffirm the validity
of the decision that a change in the representation of China would be an
important question in
the existence terms of Article 18 of the Charter. The facts that I have
cited of a Republic of China and a "People's Republic of China",
together with the policies they have pursued support this decision which
is, indeed, no more than a colon sense one. In our submission, it is
logical and correct that this draft resolution should be voted on before
the vote is taken on any substantive proposal made under this item, and
we therefore support the motion made by the representative of Australia
in his statement of 21 November.
!
This question is one of concern to all Members of the United Nations
but,
in particular, to the Hember States from Axia and the Pacific. We have
considered
with the utmost care all aspects of the problem in the light of the
wide-ranging
cussion of the question at the last Aarembly and we have taken full
account
of the views and experience of those who would be most directly affected
if
there were to be any change in representation. It was after such full
consideration that New Zealand renewed its decision to co-sponsor draft
resolution A/1.532 and to vote against the draft resolution contained in
document A/L.531.
Mr. TCHERNOUCHTCHENKO (Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic)
(interpretation from Russian): The position of the Byelorussian Soviet
Socialist
Republic on the question of the restoration of the lawful rights of the
People's Republic of China in the United Nations is well known. For many
years
our Republic has unswervingly been in favour of seeing to it that the
representatives of the People's Republic of China and not the
representatives of the bankrupt Chiang Kai-shek clique participated in
the work of the United Nations and its organe.
Speaking in defence of the universality of the United Nations, the
delegation of the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic proceeds from
the
premise that the Member States of the United Rations cannot fail to
reckon
with the well-known facts and events and with the changes which took
place in the life of the Chinese people in October 1949, We cannot fail
to
■ the absurdity of a position where so far we find gentleman from the
island
of Taiwan illegally sitting in the United Nations and its organs.
Our delegation has been and is still against the false theory of the
"two
H
Chinue"
L
At previous sessions of the General Assembly the delegation of the
Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republie has been in favour of the
restoration
of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United
Nations
and its related organa, and accordingly is for stripping the
representatives of the Chiang Kai-shek clique of all rights in the
Organization, and for their
expulsion from the United Nations and from all related institutions.
In accordance with this position the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist
Republic vill vote in favour of the draft resolution contained in
document A/1-531, and will vota against the draft resolutions of the
Western Powers contained in documents A/L.532 and A/L.533.
PKE/po
A/PV.1606
36
FKB/p
A/PV.1606
37
Mr. PANYARA CHUN (Thailand): Once again the question of the
epresentation of Chim in the United Nations comes up for consideration
in
the General Assembly. The Thai delegation vould like, first of all, to
present some viewpointa vidch we have considered and continue to
consider
to be fundamental to the issue under discussion.
The Thai delegation continues to be unconvinced by the assertion which
is still voiced by a good many delegations that the question of the
representation
of Ching in the United Nations is merely a matter of procedure or of
verification
of credentials and, therefore, should be sussarily treated as such. We
would have thought that after the eighteen long years through which this
question
has been considered at each session of the General Assembly, as well as
in
umerous other forums related to the United Nations, there would at least
have
emerged a general consensus that this question is one of a political and
legal
nature which has profound significance and bears far-reaching
consequences
not only for the vital structure of our Organization but also for the
peace
and stability of the entire world and especially for the pesce and
security
of the regions of South and South-east Asia,
The delegation of Thailand has joined with fourteen other delegations in
co-sponsoring draft resolution A/L.532 in order to reaffirm the
"important" nature of the question of representation of Chine, We have
no doubt in qu
wind se to the obvious validity of the assertion in the aforesaid draft
resolution and we expect that the logic and reality implicit in its
argument
vill find overwhelming support among the Members of our Organization, We
have also taken note that in paragraph 1 of the explanatory memorandus
accompanying the request for inclusion of the present item, the
co-sponsors
have explicitly stated that this question is "vital for the future of
the
Organization". A great deal has been said in the present debate on this
question about the need to establish and face "reality" in this matter.
The delegation of Thailand is convinced that the first and foremost
reality to
face in this question is its undoubted degree of importance to the
United
Mations and the world sa a whole, He also believe that when the authors
of
the rter and ruler of procedure of the United Nations decreed a
two-thirds
majority for certain decisions of an important nature, they did so in
order
1
(Mr. Panyarachun, Thailand)
to establish a guarantee that any decision of momentous significance
should, and would, hava ita validity fully tested before being allowed
to affect the Organization and the world. We contend, therefore, that a
just and durable solution to such a question as the representation of
Chine could only be found when all sides in the contention sbell have
come to accept the reality of the supreme importance of its nature, For
the same reasons, any solution which evades those two factors is bound
to be fragile and artificial as vall as likely to have adverse effects
for the Organization and the world as a whole. The second point at issue
in this question which the delegation of Thailand wishes to reffim is
that its position evolves around the often
Let me cited concept of universality of membership of the United
Nations, state at the outset that Thailand is by no means against the
concept of universality and our records on the question of membership
stand as a clear evidence of our praition in this matter, We are,
however, not saive enough to accept that this concept should be applied
to the letter in all cases of membership of the United Nations, nor are
we so shortsighted as not to be able to see the various difficulties
inherent in settling the issue of membership of such entities as divided
States, neutral States and even micro-States which presently draw the
concern of the Secretary-General.
Basing our position
once again, therefore, on establishing and facing reality in the matter,
we could recognize only one negative certainty, that the concept of
universality could not be used as a magical formula to dissolve all
problems of membership of the United Nations. Instead, each and every
case involving membership must be thoroughly considered in all its
inherent and complicated facets, before a final conclusion could be
renched,
For example, in the present issue of China's representation, if the
substantive resolution A/L.531 were to be adopted, it would, in the
first place, have the effect of expelling the Republic of China from the
United Nations and all its organs. As the delegation of Thailand bea bad
occasion to point out several times previously, the incontrovertible
fact
matter
in this case is that the Republic of China, exercising affective control
over some twelve million people who enjoy a high standard of life in a
territory covering over fourteen thousand square miles, is, ipao nomine,
a founding
PKB/
A/PV,1606
38
PKB/pa
(Mr. Fanvarachun, Thailand)
A/PV.1606 39-40
(Mr. Panyarachun, Thailand)
Member of the United Nations and a permanent member of the Security
Council and has throughout the years loyally discharged its obligations
and responsibili in accordance with the Charter. The exemplary manner in
which the Republic of China and its representatives have always
conducted themselves in the United Nations has proved to be a vital
cornerstone of its foreign policy and is extended to cover its conduct
in the other spheres of diplomatic relations which it enjoys with the
majority of nationa. Yet, the sponsors of draft resolution A/1.531 would
wish to see the Republic of China erased summarily from the roll-call of
thited Nations membership. Apart from going blatantly against Article 6
of the Charter which explicitly states that a Member State can be
expelled only if it is persistently violated the principles contained in
the present Charter, the expulsion would also work directly against the
ais of all-embracing universality.
The next point to be considered, if draft resolution A/L.531 vere to be
passed, is the implicit invitation by the United Nations to the People's
Republic of China to come and join the United Nations, not only as an
ordinary Member State, but also as a permanent member of the Security
Council. First of all in this matter, the delegation of Thailand wishes
to register its perplexity at the technical validity of a clata to a
vital membership of the United Nations raised, not by the authority
which would assume the seat, but by
some Member States apparently acting on behalf of that authority, But
what is more astonishing, and this raises the second point to be
considered in this facet, is that the authority in question has not
shown the slightest wish to come and participate in the work of our
Organization. On the contrary, it has seen fit to heap abuses of the
lowest sort on the United Nations. The delegation of Thailand has had
opportunity to describe in detail in our statements in previous years,
how the Peking authority has shown its contempt for our Organization and
the personalities within it as well as how it has set
insulting and impossible conditions before it would deign even to
consider
membership. Within the past year since this question has been considered
in
the General Assembly, not the alightest sign has been detected of the
weekening of the recalcitrant and abusive attitude of the Paking régime
vis-à-vis the United Nations. The only variation may be in emphasis in a
certain direction, as an article from the Beking People's Daily of 28
June 1967 summarized:
+
I
:
¦
"... In the past the United Nations was dominated by US imperialism
alone,
but now it is under the joint domination of US imperialias and Soviet
revisionis, **
하
The main question to be considered in this facet, therefore, is whether
the United Nations would, first of all expel a loyal Member State, and
then
go to offer vital membership to such an abusive authority, bearing in
mind
also that the chances are very great that such an offer would be
contemptuously
refused, There have been comments from some proponents of such a path
that
the gesture would show magnaninity and enhance the dignity and
reputation of
the United Nations, The delegation of Thailand believes, on the contrary
and we are convinced that our belief is shared by the majority of the
United
Nations Members that such an action is injurious to the dignity and
effective
functioning of the Organization and would undermine the faith and
confidence
of Member nations in it.
---
With all the discussion around technicalities, legal rights and
universality,
one tends to give too little significance to the supreme criterion in
the
qualification of membership in any set of circumstances at any time, and
that is, whether the authority in question could comply with the spirit
of
the Charter with its basis of a peace-loving intention. What faith and
what
value could seall nations like my own, which form the great majority of
the
membership, find in the United Nations if the basic drive of all United
Nations
deliberations and actions is not to find a peaceful and just solution to
all the problems. That is why all the main Articles of the Charter,
particularly Articles 1, 2 and 4, which form the Purposes and Principles
of the United Nations, confirm this peace-loving qualification in
several.
places and I need not take the time of the Assembly to cite them for
they are
so well-known.
MP/1js
A/PV.1606
41
(Mr. Panyarachun, Thailand)
MP/rje
A/PV.1606
42
(Mr. Fanyerechun, Thailand)
The sponsora of the inclusion of the present agenda item and of draft
resolution A/L.531 are also conscious of the above criterion and have
chosen to declare in their explanatory amorandum that:
the Government of the People's Republic of China has always followed a
policy aimed at settling by peaceful meana ell disputes which may exist
or arise between independent States." (A/6831, para. 4); that it, the
People's Republic of China --
H
+
sarnestly desires peace and peaceful coexistence with all countydes on a
basis of equality and mutual respect" (Ibid., para. 5); and that
H
the People'e Republic of China has always displayed full respect for
the independence and dignity of other countries." (Ibid., mary, 6)
A
The delegation of Thailand has had occasion in the past to expose how
#imilar laudatory words about the People's Republic of thins have not
been borne cut by the facts. On the contrary, the Peking région has
always held fast to such of Mao Tse-tung's thoughts as "Political pover
comes out of the barrel of a gun" and "The seizure of pover by armed
force and the settlement of the Based image by war is the central task
and the highest form of revolution, on such bellicose principles and
consistent practices, the policy of the Peking régime has been to commit
open aggression, indirect aggression and surbarsive activities
everywhere in the world where It has been allowed to exert its
influence. Numerous exposures of these insidious activities can be found
in the records for all to see from various countries in Asia, Africa and
even Latin America. The main target of this aggressive policy of the
Paking régime, however, mast necessarily be our region of Asia, and
especially
South-Buat Asia.
A review of the happenings of the last twelve months would indicate an
intensification on a grand scale of that same policy. In fact, their
blatent nature has become so obvious that even some socialist scholars
and the
socialist Press have begin to recognise the facts of life in Asia for
what they are. Let me quote you excerpts from an article dated 31
October of this year by Professor M. Ukraintsev of the Soviet Union,
entitled "In the Footsteps of the Chinese Emperors".
¡
#
the
"If you visit the countries of South and South-East Asia,
Professor began "you will become sware of a feeling of anxiety there in
conexion with the policy of Peking. This anxiety grows sa the
hegasonic alag of Mao and his group develop and their territorial claims
in South and South-East Asia beccas more apparent.
The Professor went on to reveal:
#
*Already in 1954, a book called, 1A Short History of Modern China'
contained a tạp on which, under the general heading 'Chinese territories
annexed by the imperialists', the following independent countries vere
listed: the Mongolian People's Republic, Korea, Viet-Nan, Laos,
Cambodia, Burma, Thailand, a part of the territory of India, the Ryukyu
Islanda belonging to Japan, the Sulu Islands in the Philippines, etc.
These
'discoveries' vere officially inspired,"
He stated further:
"According to Hao, It appears that the capture of Burma, Malaya,
Viet-Nan and other countries by the Western colonialista vas as set of
aggression directed against China and not at all against the peoples of
those countries. And if we are to go by the logle of the present Chinese
leaders, it appears that many countries which have von Independence have
no right to an independent existence and must again come funder the
protection of China'."
Such explicit analysis of Peking's aggressive and colonialist policy has
been borne out by verbal and physical conflicts which have escalated in
intensity and scope between the People's Republic of China and various
other Asian countries such as Burma, Cambodia, India, Indonesia and
Nepal. Radio Delhi on 5 July 1967, in commenting on the Indian note of
protest to the Paling broadcasts of
28 and 30 June, made the following affirmations:
"Ho attempt has been made to conceal in the propaganda the aim of the
ruling group in China today to subvert the Government of India, as well
as the Governments of other Asian States who do not fall in line with
ita
changing shims and fancies,
H
MP/xjs
A/PV.1606 43
HP/r.ja
(Mr. Panvarachum, Thailand)
Radio Moscow, in its international service on 6 September 1967,
described
an article on Asian affairs in the nevepaper Investiya in the following
terms:
"Ignoring the sovereignty of several neighbouring States, the
Mac group has decided to export Haoise.
The independent stand taken
by the leaders of several neighbouring countries which banned the
propaganda
of Mao's teaching 'did not please Peking' and it took to the path of
open provocations. A feature of Peking'e new line is that the Maoiste
are resorting to open pressure and blackmail with respect to certain
groupe
of Chinese minorities in South-East Asian countries, in an effort to
use them as plient tools to impose ita hegemony over the peoples and
Governments of those countries.
"Peking has resorted to provocation against Bupin, India, Singapore,
Malaysia, Nepal and certain other countries...".
Even Prince Sihanouk of Cambodia, in his Press Conference on 11
September 1967,
admitted that the Chinese communista' activities in Cambodia directed by
Peking are "an extraordinary interference in the affairs of a sovereign
State". His subsequent statements are also equally enlightening. In his
Press Statement on 16 September, Prince Bihanouk said:
"I did not expect China to strike a blow at the Cambodia of Sihanouk
and provide such a thorough support for the local communiste against our
régime and our people...".
Be went on to say:
"The Chinese Government has not always acted in accordance with the
five principles of peaceful coexistence set forth in Bandung...". Prince
Sihanouk, of course, recognized and was fully eware of the ultimate
of the Peking régime in South-East Asia when he declared on the same
occasion:
"I vsa also surprised because the offensive came earlier than expected.
I expected that compensation would come up ultimately, that is, only
after the departure of the Americans from Indo-Chira...".
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