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Surnamese people's leg timate night and hand sacred duty to that
Betterbert Dean also their Bhy obliger but no lather peoples in the
world who are Wigg) me for injaprotectes free sking, peach democracy and
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Sining in their traditing of profriand paonazi, in their monothic wally,
The passpår at Nuuth Varmam, under Use the Natonul Dibenten poflcted
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179 15 pics and and
the debtor da to njega. I the * 1 expport the the era mag-
The me and shaamly
POPIS war ofaggression Broad
sert ins of the Amencin people se moth and more resolutely opposing the
dehaza government's Makand publiy
The US Ühemselves will piometry be conmmd
of
ed by the femme of wrath they have
served up
The South Viman Natangi Libera. wek Frent calls on all bellow countrys
men and members of the liberation armand
forces to close then runks and merge forward to defeat the second,
dry-sea-
strategic offensive of the US expeditionary troops and their puppets. as
well as ans scheme which they might devise so as to wis still greater
and maer gloriamN VİTTİNG
100
should
The Johann kause that any act at aggression of
Thein will meet with deserved pustak
H
The people of South VinaaN YOUR for peace, but they are resolved sen to
starken their fight so long as the shadow of a nu 24 175 appressor still
Temana on the territory of the below ad Fatherland
The South Vietnam National Libera- Tin Tiền an almil ban linh the font
want and good will of the pvarsment of the Democratic Republic ut
Virtanen Along with our bath and
indiener a que en plat la stay the Maa hint of the US. "z-
that the La
ly and ancesto se dy na bursisng and 19 Phet wat die spopad The Deu
cratic Republic of Vietnam, stăm 1 US. and satojauté troops fica South
Vatnam, and to the Noch Viermach sette by themteta per beterpal khala in
Arrondisce won the platform. of the Scrath Vietnam Saltomat-Talarga Diem
Prost, the sie genata representa- Toet of 19¢ South Vozta mese people: I
give it more vigorous support, mental, pe stical and mutual lo the
residence war against VS. Appression for national salvatina of the South
Varnitine poople in order 15 bring the US aggerwons to rund derval
The South Vattokar Milional Liberas tion front particulats appella su
the progressive people of the Uited States, Dar the sake of peace and
justzen and the honour of the American peop'N to set will mota
ezogetically against the US government's majort and tabte Man war, and
to check all its acheoDIN to step up and expand the war of agi gression
In Vietnam
With Bra cost dence in the metary
of their past cause and with the strong
support of the pooples throughout the world, the Naturowe Liberation
From and the South Vietnussoną people are determined to carry dei
litatealy their nght to was then saree Bational rights, and costubule a
moby share to the Comana Angela of the worki i pro piti int price and
freedom
4
NEW TIMES A
HLA
Nu
H
February 1917-
F
IVAN ALUF
The Overthrow of Tsardom
IFTY years ago, on February 27 (March 12). 1917, the Romanov monarchy,
which had ruled Russia for over 300 years, was overthrown by the people.
This climaxed long years of struggle by several generations of
revolutionaries. Radi- shchev, the Decembrists, the Narodnays Volya--
numberless were the sacrifices made to bring Russia freedom. But freedom
became possible only when there emerged a force capable of overthrowing
the detested autocracy-the Rus- sian proletariat and its political
party, the Bo ika
By 1917 the situation had become extremely tense. The imperialist war
aggravated all the contradictions of Russian life. There was cons
ruption at the top, compounded by the evil in- fluance of the monk
Rasputin, a succession of heavy reverses at the front, economic disloca-
tion, and the imminent menee of famine all these combined to heighten
public resentment The country was on the verge of a revolutionary
explosion
But, though rotten to the core, tourism did not collapse of itself, az
some bourgeois historians claim. A force was needed capable of demolish-
ing the whole system of tarist rule.
After the February Revolution. the liberal bourgeoisie claimed all the
credit for over- throwing isariam. In his "History of the Second Russian
Revolution," the leader of its chief political party, the Cadets, P. N.
Milyukor, de- picts the liberal members of the Dumia as revo-
lutionaries and the Duma itself as the prime mover of the revolution.
For, Milyukov asserts, "It gave the street demonstrations and army
mutineers a banner and a slogan, thereby trans- forming the revolt into
revolution." That con- tention is shared by A. F. Kerensky, now living
In the United States, where he is considered a specialist on Russian
history. In his latest book, "Russia and the Historie Turning Point," be
maintains that the February Revolution was performed not by the people,
but by the so-
called "democratic forces" led by the Cadet Party.
This utterly false version has been taken up by many Western historiana,
Thus we find in Palmer's "Dictionary of Modern History" the statement
that in Russia "there were two main groups of revolutionaries: the
liberal intel- ligentals and the Bolsheviks........ The first group
carried out the February Revolution, the second group the October
Revolution."
IF
It would be naive to think that these and similar statements are due to
ignorance of the facts. They have a dennite political purpose, namely,
to counterpose the February to the October Revolution and obscure or
discount the organic ties between these two stages of a single
revolutionary process.
Kerensky and his friends hold up the Febru- ary Revolution as "their
own," maintaining that it gave Russla a "normal" bourgeois constitu-
tional regime, and that the October Revolution was an "accident," the
result of an "oversight" by the Provisional Government. No wonder these
historians try so hard to "excommunicate" the Bolsheviks from the
February Revolution. Their contention is that the Bolshevik Party played
no role of any significance in the struggle that led to the overthrow of
Tear Nicholas 1 and his government.
It need hardly be said that that version bears no resemblance to the
facts. And the facts are that the liberal bourgeoisie was frightened by
the maturing revolution and convulsively clung to the monarchy. Up to
the very last its leaders tried to work out some arrangement with the
Tsar's government for a division of power. That was very candidly put by
one of the opposition landers, Shidlovsky, at a meeting of the bour
grols Duma deputies, a few months before the revolution, on November 16,
1916:
"The government thinks that we are engineer ing a revolution; actually
we are trying to pre- vent it."
True, the bourgeoisle had its own accounts to settle with Nicholas II.
It was alarmed by the rapid development of the revolutionary crisis
NEW TIMES + N 12
·
!
1
|
and the reverses suffered by the Russian armles at the front. It was
also frightened by the trar's MINOGLYTES towards a separate peace with
Germany. It was angered by the tear's stubborn refusal to make any
concessions whatever. The liberal bourgeoisie believed things could be
put right by palace revolution. That plan was lavoured by the British
and French imperialists who feared that Russia might withdraw from the
war.
These opposition manoeuvres naturally tended to weaken and isolate the
tsarist regime. But they could not put an end to tardom. That was done
by the struggle of the workers and peasants and their sons in the army.
Only the Russian proletariat, which had gone through the school of the
1905 revolution and was led by the Bolshevik Party, was capable of
ridding Russla of the autocracy.
The working class was the main driving force of the February Revolution.
It stood at the head of the popular democratic movement against the war
and suldcratie rule. Ils reve- lutionary courage and perseverance in
number- less strike struggles inspired the people to rise against
tsardom.
At the close of 1918 and the opening weeks of 1917 the strike struggle
spread to the entire country. The strikes were especially militant in
Petrograd, which became the centre of the mass movement. And it was in
Petrograd, with its long-standing revolutionary traditions, that the
February Revolution started. This was no re- cident. Trained by the
Bolsheviks, the Petrograd workers braved police terror and army
mobiliza- tions. They were the backbone of the Russian proletariat, ita
vanguard.
The Russian Bureau of the Bolshevik Central Committee had its
headquarters in Petrograd and, despite the additional difficulties
created by the war, maintained contact with Lenin and the Central
Committee Foreign Bureau In Swit- zerland, from where it received
Lenin's polley directives.
The Russian Bureau acted principally through the Petrograd Committee,
which Lenin regarded as a model of revolutionary work in the com- plex
war situation. The Petrograd Committee represented the country's biggest
Bolshevik organization, numbering at that time several thousand.
Altogether the party had about 24,000 members, all of them steeled in
revolutionary battles and able to withstand tarlet terror and
persecution.
In discussing the February events, the Men-
NEW TIMES A HAN
sheviks and Socialist-Revolution. rigs (SR's) uzually treat them an
unbridled spontaneoLLE setions that came as a surprise to everyone. One
of the SR lenders, Zenzinov, wrote: "The revolu- tion came at a bolt
from the blue and caught the government, the Duma and public
organizations by surprise..., it was a surprise, too, for us
revolutionaries.
What revolutionaries? The petty-bourgeois parties were not thinking in
terms of revolution and for them the events of February 1917 were indeed
a bolt from the blue. The Mensheviks and 58's wanted to resolve all the
issues through the Duma, by prodding the liberal bourgeoisia to power.
What they feared most of all was street demonstrations and an open clash
with the tourist regime,
The Manabarik lender Chkheidze told the Duma on February 14: "Gentlemen,
the street is ralging its voice, and we cannot afford to disre gard what
it has to say." The Mensheviku tried to frighten the liberals by holding
up the Red bogey. They thought they could force them to be more active.
The Bolsheviks were the only party which systematically and consistently
prepared the masses for decisive battle with the regime. Late in 1916,
the Russian Bureau Instructed the Petrograd and Moscow Party Committees
10 organize mass demonstrations culminating in a general strike. In
other words, to prepare for open war against turism, for the transition
from scattered economic nad political actions to organized mass
political struggle ending in an armed rising of the proletariat. And at
fres tory meetings," in leaflets and through other media, the Bolsheviks
called for a decisive battle. One such leaflet, issued by the Petrograd
Committee, read:
"We must more and more powerfully swing the pendulum of the revolution.
From economic struggle against capitalism in the factories the movement
must grow into a broad political struggle, a struggle for power, Into
elvil war."
The street demonstrations began on Janu Ary 9. 1017, when, in response
to the Bolshevik appal, there were strikes and open-air rallies in many
parts of the country. The slogan at all of them was an end to the
autocracy and the war. About 145,000 downed tools in Petrograd.
After that the movement rapidly gained mo mentum. A high point was
reached in Petrograd where, on February 14, in opposition to the
Menshevik call for a peaceful march on the State Dume, the Bolsheviks
carried out a mang
7
י
political strike Three days later, on the 17th, there was a strike at
the huge Puuilov Engineer- ing Works. 1. aan was nearing breaking point.
On February 23 the revolution began. On that day the strikes developed
into demonstrations against the regime The Bolshevik slogan of open
struggle, of revolution, was being put into practice. From the
working-class districts the demonstrators marched to the centre of the
city, breaking through pouce cordons and Biling the huge Nevsky
Prospect, the capital's main street.
The Bolsheviks took messures to spread the hovement and give it more
organization. On February 23, the Ruadan Bureau and the Potro- grad
Committee Instructed all Party organiza- tions to give the movement
maximum scope. Late at night the Balihevik Izadership met in the Vyborg
district. It decided to continue and expand the strike movement,
intensify propa- ganda among the troops, and take measures ta arm the
workers. It advanced two slogans: the overthrow of the monarchy, and an
end to the imperialist war. It urged "all comrades to go to the
factories early in the morning and, without starting work, hold belef
meetings and bring out the workers in mass demonstrations."
On February 25 the capital was paralyzed by a general strike. On the
37th the movement merged with a revolt by the troops By the evening of
that day the workers and soldiers were practically in control of the
city. The taarist ministers were arrested. Nicholas abdicated. The
revolution had triumphed, and in the next days and weeks spread
throughout the vast country,
The February Revolution was an important landmark on the road to the
great sosialist reve olution of October 1917, In February the tsarist
monarchy wna abolished and Soviets of Work- ers', Solfilers' and
Peasants' Deputies set up sil over the country. The socio-political
prerequl. sites were thus created for a transition to the
vw, socialist stage of the revolution.
The February Revolution was the first vic- torious people's revolution
in the imperiallat wen. Having broken out during the war, it was the
first ray of hope for all the working people tormented by the world
holocaust. News of the revolution broke through the frontiers of the
Warring countries and came as a clarion call for peace and brotherhood.
The events is Runda exerted a tremendous influence on the Interna-
tional revolutionary and anti-war movement.
However, owing to a number of factors the revolution carried out by the
workers and peasants did not result in the establishment of genuine
people's government. The Mensheviks and SR's, who commanded a majority
in the Petrograd Soviet, voluntarily surrendered power to the
bourgeoisie. A Provisional Government under Prince Lvov was formed on
March 2. But the Soviets continued to function. They had the support of
the armed people and were there- forex foren to be reckoned with. Prince
Lvov had to admit that his government was "an authority without power,
while the Workers Soviets had power without authority."
The result was a contradictory intertwining of two dictatorships-the
bourgeois dictatorship represented by the Provisional Government and
revolutionary-democratic dictatorship repre- sented by the Soviets. From
the very start the Provisional Government plotted against the people,
endeavouring to check the spread of the revolution, eliminate the
Soviets and establish the undivided rule of the imperialist bour-
geoisie.
The reactionary nature of the Provisional Government was glaringly
demonstrated during the so-called April crisis, precipitated by For-
eign Minister Milyukov's note to the Allies pledging Russia to continue
the war and honour all the obligations assumed by the tsarist gov.
emment. This evoked a storm of protest and for several days there were
protest demonstrations in Petrograd,
It was not long before the people realized that the Provisional
Government www merely continuing the foreign and home policies of the
tear. The people wanted pesce, but were being made to continue the
criminal war. The pensants demanded land, but the bourgeoisie did not
dare to encroach on the big landed estates. The work- ors demanded
bread, but the food shortage was becoming worse from day to day. Russla
was rapidly sliding into economie ruin.
The revolution did not solve the problems posed by the economic and
political situation. They could be solved only by the further devel-
opment of the revolution, its development Into socialist revolution.
Lenin wrote: "It is impos- sible in twentieth-century Russia, which has
won a republic and democracy in à revolution- ay way, to go forward
without advancing 10- wards socializzo."
For the Rumla of 1917 soclallem was the only way out of the horrors of
war, famine and economic chaos. The Great October Revolution consummated
the work begun. In February,
The Soviet Union and Bulgaria
connection with the 19th anniver-
ciaty, on March 18 of the Soviet- Bulgarian Treaty of Friendship,
Co-oper-
alion and Mutual Amiatanes. Alt Mure
skat Vladimir A. Sadeta, Vice-Pragkdant of the Soviet-Bulgarian
Pilendably do- clety, shared with our correspondent, A. Hạ kh swtories
of co-operation between the fordel and Bulgarian pas ple
The Irlandskip of wir two peoples in of long standing, sald Air Mambal
Sur das. Mosmaense to the Russian aldiara who fought for Bulgaria's
frendom back To the last century are to be seen in her remote mountain
villages na wail as on the main aquares of her cities.
Nearly My years ago, when the young Devlet republic was in bart stralia,
Bulgaria Communists and prov
Enessiver started a campaign for lun
schoend (hangiver of their own moszte
cocognition and the Bulgariena prople
seppiles of broud to help the fam stricken in the Volga araa
The second wacht war put Šavlate
spite all her aborta, sen Chimany wat
Bulgarian friendship to a hard jest. De-
unable to use Bulgarian armed forces so the masters front. The Bulgarien
pro ple take pride in the fact that not a
single one of them fought against the Soviet Union.
The 17th Air Army, which I com- monales, was part of the Sed Ukrainien
Frant and took strect part in the Bebt- ing for the liberation of
Bulgaria. That scan, I believe, the test apertion in our experience
which began without the thunder of an artillery and aur barrage In the
morning of Septemiker 8, 1944, Soviet troops crossed the Rumanian-
Bulgarian Tenation. A day laing sen learned that a popular uprising had
taken place in Bulgaria ağalıon the mor
marcko-fascist clique Political power
was in the banda at the Pathachand Front Gover
There were Hill German troopy in the country, however, and revolutions.
Air Marshal V. A. SUDETS
ry Sola was threatened by the forma- dlow concentrated northwest of the
saphat, da Yugoslar terrory, and at The Bulgarian town of Vibe. By onder
of the Fatherland Frost Governmban Bulgarian troops and poneilla forma-
tion went into action on September 10 In defence of the western
Trootkins Bet-
for Bghting masund. At the request el
the people's government the Saviol comesed undertook to co-ordinate the
actions of the Bulgarian troops and the troops of the 3rd Ukrainian
Front.
On September 11 the fest planes of the 17h Air Army landed at the Softa
alleld. Never will I forget the warm welcome we were given be the
covence of the next two days our principal voula few
echoes to the Solia and Plovdiv areas. Our bau Rekter reglenka weera
detallad to delend Solla agaljaat mesi ale ruldu. Together with the
Bulgarian army, Indo wiich the zweritha foma- tions had been
incorporatal, the Soviet Groops repolved the mezi sitacks on Sofia and
Viêu. With nor al support the Belgarian troops began sa offensive La the
northwestern skraction. Simula- moodsly, our pllots covered the advanen
of our troops across the Tallum to So- Da. Plovdiv and Vidka, sed in
co-opera- tion with the People's Liberation Army et Yugoslavia, and the
parrilla paralym
od attempla de trabalar Corsaan waka
by railway and motor road towards Nia and Belgrade.
Our Bulgarian friends, from the pe Prement and the army down in private
Individuals la towar and country, helpe ad us greatly. For one dlung,
they quarded the athable where our planer
vere baand.
De occasion we were required to carry out raliber untiat sakipunants On
the morning of September 17, 1 re member, Marshal Tollukkia phoned me
from Tirmavo, where Hka then was. The night before, he told me, the
state of
the
mildary missions bad had from Solla and were making Joe Turkey. Wik
a daw makadtors of the
of Bulgaria. They bad taken th acchron and part at the country's gold
taserve with them. Our Supreme Command ordered the whole tralaload
Kapisa
The same day our Chief of Stall, Gasacal "Brysov, arrived in Sofia We
learned that the then ourrying the zunaways then when more than 200, and
all wel komod) was ademedy near- ing the Tarikan Tenaline. Sace there
were no Bulgarian trooja or quacitias A that ar
we decided to see our
plasen to effect the captors. Haro of the Soviet Union N.V. Kosler, then
Captain and deputy commander of the bambar regiment, now a Major
General, was placed in charge of the "expedis flow" Pive bombers
wecorled by dgkinen duly look of from the Safa alebek,
Kozlow and his group Deve at a lowe abitude. The tallway lam was deert-
ad-na maka szywkara. But at the sal Nation of Madera the pilota sighted
two trains. The locomotive of
one was pulling staan.
The plane landed, tested up to train sad almond their large-calibre
chloe gun at the sasia, Our lounge Tikiots come spiling out of the brush
bays The Killers kept circling and
down on the train, ready to open
The Tommy-gunas mond on the tenisa Whan they come even with locomotive.
Use bogine drivve and hi MALALANE Mepped down to dent then. They had
bona forced in deive the Trata at plašai poist, they said, sad told our
mon that 10-15 minutna barnen a group of fascial diplosnata Had
absodoned the tenta and Red lowanda. Tukey la beo motorcen.
They did not get far. Pihkan pulmater later two Agklers spotted and
berbed them back. Macawhile the diplomata and Daarin who had remained in
th train were deemed and deta
Our Buigenaar brochary the aud
Ohe Soviet Army. "You
L
brought us freedom, thank you, Iriends" LE A VENTURANt we bocet from
many.
I have been die Buchgärna and
abd Trinida Chocu many thrEL HOCK
neck ume | have vezeKİ Denn deeply jouched by ike Daternal Teslags the
Bulgarian people cherish See the Soviet Darm feelings we Soviet people
fully reciprocata.
Cher (recky las are deep and
vr. This is to be fall in Bolgarsą at EVITY AND
At the alchukla from which see des De oor antosioms in 1944 wow stand
but marion ale lines. They won bulk al Soviet FactOCIAL
1 have the pleasesy of
teking new nem of program. How long ago dal ve kat kaur of Krank
CHINA
Pins Tarhang and his pro mcking the bones at Herestrans
that in which the volate of the operok culture of a motion are
destroynet. What ona i leva de common with a genuine catural revakciant.
Here in the Sevi Unban the culture revokation brought the Dight of
howledge to sublime, in Calm the people are being offered the alander
vakama
Bir Vilaga, USSE
the sciences.
P. Domkov
Yastarsday 1 mood in the local papar er dem about the outrageous activam
at the Paling jendera. In Chim they roplating. Sovint phat with enth
Chinese machines 21 they do
ality of such method. What do the acnee në det. Have lose they have
fallen ze their
10
Volkmor Wündschittel
Spetal, the villaga nasz Soča where Il vens decided to build an from and
staal wechat Now 35 la producing thonanda of tonn af pig iron and seal
annually
and in vil at panling-
ulgarian trinade toll was of the
I remember the Jay with which
struction of a big chemical plant in De- mulzovgrad. Pilean years ago it
seemed the some of the country's technical porntial. Recently I saw in
Stara Za
gora a far bigger chemical plant pro-
docing fertiline.
We follow Bulgaria's progress with tride. la iha yous of people's
governe
nearly half the population, moved inio saw house. The clan kaya expended
and grown youngus. And the villagua have truly changed beyond
recognition. In fact they can handy be
called villages now, they are more like wall lower with sturdy stone
hours All Soviet people are happy to know that our country's aid hai
bạon of bezali in Bulgaria.
In the centre of Soba, on Russlan Boulevard, there stands a building
over which waves the Bulganes red-white- and-genom fag. li ti the
building where ska People's Assembly meets. De kla pediment le this
inscription: "la unity there le strength." These supple words eptionalen
the wisdom of the people and the kimariest experience of the country.
On the 19th anniversary of the Tematy of Friendship we can say with
gradilication that úhla metio hau bean sad remains the cornerstone of
the policy of both countrie
From the Mail-Bag
1 dved on the Soviet Daisa many pear before the second world war. During
the sear 1 fought at the Treat
en kosmaloyed worker, 1 kartes much From reading Marxist-Lestakt
Hjeratori, } was frescosted ta the Chinese ques
I fought in the war opaliet Japan and
Den in those daya. And round about...
la October 1945 wa dhehazard. Da
way back do Bulgaria 1 saw the loaded with food and opclpment going the
other way. To the question "where jo" we were given the preLNÍ
"
GANG, Bit for the Chinese people. Iven in these hard times, exhausted
They were by the war, the Sevier
people were mindful of their Interne
Develet duuty, Shame on thom who can Intget this
Bulgaria
P. Uzunov
Recently my wife and I had the pant Joraszna to visit Mascom a ma bern
of a German-Soviet - Friendship Society delegation. There were many
non-Party people among tin, but wher
ontered the Lande Mausoleum And
FORE CAR GRterstand how and we taken at the news of the estrapon
committed by Chisam citam DE well of thai shrine.
an old veteran of the Party, Way back in the poentira, when i wat
1950 † enia dezake a very curious book: "Sue Yelena Last 101 and
Tasimesen!". From le 1 lægraed of the life and work of the great son of
the Chasm people
friendship for the Soviet Union, at ka alfarte do promote co-operation
between the Chinese and Soviet pengina Sobar- quently Chiang Kababek
chose to sever
prophra
The bands which unites these bisa great
of the
ening in China now det af trenchery Jowards the Soviet Union. But the
Chieme lenders are thereby also koylag the intsoner of theirown propİL
Fritz Fengler
Woltersdorf, GDR
Can anyone doubt that if the Peking Jenders were not undermining the
unity at the internallomal Commerkt ond working-chan movement, Wite met
Joli jowing a divisie policy. The United States could not operate on
high-hand-
H down in Vialaku
Prague,
V. Blazek
"Izvestia" Jubilee
THE 50th birthday of Izvestia, organ of the Soviets of Working People's
Deputies of the USSR., is a landmark in the history of the Soviet press
and of Soviet public aksira. Izvestia fist appeared in Petrograd on
March 13 (February 28 by the old-style calen- dar), 1917, the day after
the February revolu- tion which overthrew the tsarist autocracy. The
first issues, published by the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and
Soldiers' Deputies, mirror for us today the complex character of the
dramatic events of those days, when the genuine revolu- tionary forces
not only had to beat back the furious attacks of the bourgeodale but
conduct
■ stubborn struggle against the Mensheviks and
Socialist-Revolutionaries, who were ready to betray the cause of the
workers and peasants, After the victory of the Great October Social- ist
Revolution favestic became the chief organ of the Soviet government and
played an impor tant part in the evolution of the world's first working
people's state.
i
Many historical documents, including the fa- mour Decree on Peace, the
Decree on the Land, and Lenin's article "The Chief Task of Our Day,"
were first published on its pages. Among its permanent contributors were
such outstand- ing leaders of the Communist Party and the Soviet state
as M. I. Kalinin, G. K. Ordjonikiḍ- ze, M. V. Frunze, G. L. Petrovsky,
N. K. Krups- kaya, M. 1. Ulyanova, V. V. Kulbyshev and A. V.
Lunacharsky. The founders of Soviet Ute- rature-Maxim Gorky, Vindimír
Mayakovsky, Demyan Bedny-wrote for it. Many publiciale
извѣстія
HEPPATPATCHANO BURSTA
Рабочихъ депутатовъ.
Its sacenada Derporpsan u Pecabs,
4
The first issue of "levesha" put out on the day allar tha February
Revolution,
choslovakia
NEW TIMES A DA TE
NEW TIMES A KI
of the Leninist school left on its pages remark- able specimens of their
work, in which pro- found Marxist thinking was combined with simplicity
of exposition. Contributions from worker and peasant correspondents were
always given much space.
Izvestia's services were outstanding in all crucial periods: during the
early Ave-year-plan periods, in the grum days of the Great Patriotic
War, in the postwar reconstruction period. Many of its correspondents
died the death of herows in battle with the nazi Invaders. And other
talented young journalists appeared to take their place.
Izvestia'" circulation of 6,670,000 is an indi- estion of higher
cultural and political levels, At the same time, the paper
unquestionably owes its popularity to the professional stiil of the men
and women who make it.
Izvestia raises vital questions, conducts frank discussions on problems
of the day, maintains broad contact with its readers, responds to their
letters promptly. Its coverage of foreign policy questions deserves
special mention. It works consistently for the triumph of the cause of
peace and sociallam, for international co-opera- tion; it exposes the
aggressive designs of impe- rialist powers, supports the
national-liberation struggle of the peoples. Extensive information on
the latest events on our planet are to be found in its columns.
In recognition of its outstanding services the government has marked
Izvestia's 50th birthday by conferring the Order of Lenin upon it.
Congratulating the editorial and publishing staff, its worker and
village correspondents, ita contributors and readers on the anniversary,
the Central Committee of the CPSU, the Pres- dium of the USSR. Supreme
Soviet and the Council of Ministers note that "true to the tru ditions
of the Leninist Pravda, Izvestia has at all stages of the development of
the Soviet slate energetically helped and today continues to help the
Party lo carry out its Leninist gen- er line and to work for the vital
interests of the people." And further: "It is the mission of Izvestia to
keep its readers informed of the for- eign and domestic policies of the
Communist Party and Soviet government, international re- lations, the
national-liberation movement, and to expose the anti-popular and
aggressive na- ture of modern imperialism."
H
In behalf of its readers both at home and abroad, New Times takes this
opportunity to add ita voice to the chorus of congratulations to in-
verfia on its golden jubilee.
$1
I
I
I
T
The French Elections:
HE parliamentary elections in France reveal
a definite picture of political polarization. To properly assess its
extent we must analyze the outcome of the first and second rounds.
The following table shows the number of volos, and percentages of the
total, polled by the various parlles in the 1958 and 1982 elections and
in the first round, on March 5, 1967,
UNE and UDT
Popolar Republicat
National Centre of
Independence
Dover parties
+
-
- -
+
+
4
·
•
BOTIN
J
RE CHENKRA | mittion
18.0
13
47
11
195
1.1
17.5
+
ILF
-
119
L
3.2
02
-
·
+
D
BORIS VESNIN
Political Polarization
sented primarily by Jean Lecanuet's Democratic Centre (its two component
parties, the MRP and National Centre of Independents, also fought the
1958 and 1982 elections separ- ately). Its programme was for a return to
Atlantic foreign policy
VODKA
#124
5.0
23 15
7.79
224
1679
23
12:34:
1J
1774
20
1274
13
$35
The table sugests, first of all, a considerable strengthening of the
Communist Party and the Left forces generally. The Communists Increased
their vote by one million. It might be mentioned In this context that
the maximum Communlai vote, in the early postwar democratic upsurge
following the defeat of naziam and the victory of the Resistance,
amounted to 3.7 million. The Communist vote in the first round, on March
5. was an unqualified victory.
It also showed that the policy worked out at the 17th and 18th
Congresses of the Party was the correct one and that its programms of
demo- cratic regeneration, accords with the interests of France's
working people.
The Democratie and Socialist Federation (ite two components, the
Socialist Party and Rad- lenis, fought the 1958 and 1962 elections sepa-
rately) and the United Socialist Party likewise increared their vote.
This, too, is evidence of a growing desire for more democracy in Fronch
16r.
That is the conclusion one should draw from the defent of the Right-wing
forces, repre-
12
and adoption of a more renc- tionary home policy. The voters rejected
that.
Lastly, the first round rent- firmed the elability of the political
forces supporting the present regime. Evidently this was due to the
following factors among others:
A favourable foreign policy position resulting
resulting from the government's efforts to streng- then France's
independence vis- à-vis the United States, promote relations with the
Soviet Union and other socialist countries, and work out constructive
solutions for major International problems, particularly Vietnam;
Definite progress in economic development, which, though not attended by
a corresponding rls in Iving standards, has strengthened France's
independence.
Prosident de Gaulle's popularity doubtlessly played a part too, and he
hinted in his election speeches that a vote for the ruling party would
be a vote for bl.
The flext round was important because it de- termined the alignment of
the main political forces
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