18.
19.
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One thing seems clear however: as it is not
now possible to envisage a meaningful discussion of the
problem in its entirety, there is nothing to be said
for discussing particular aspects of it with the present
Chinese Government. Any attempt to do so, or to seek
to involve them in solving any of the Colony's internal
problems will almost certainly meet with a refusal to
discuss a matter which they at present propose to regard
as exclusively for us. Even in the unlikely event of
their accepting to do so, any agreement reached could
not bind any successor Government to the present one.
And finally discussion could result in their concentrating
on small changes of tactical interest to them (eg the
appointment of an official Chinese 'representative'
which has been raised in the past but which is at present
a dormant issue) without commitment on the long term
problem of interest to us. This could well limit our
freedom of manoeuvre when the time comes to consider the
problem as a whole.
19.
and to wait for the successor
It follows that the best course to adopt now is
to accept the status quo so far as Hong Kong's external
position is concerned;
Government to that of Mao to emerge, establish itself
throughout China, and define a general foreign policy
against which to judge the nature and timing of any
approach on Hong Kong. Meanwhile it should suffice to
avoid actions which past experience leads us to believe
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