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problem.
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Many visitors to the Colony have remarked. on the general lack of sympathy with things British; and while many factors play a part, from the decline of British prestige abroad to particular problems in British/Hong Kong relations, we strongly suspect that some senior officials actively set the tone out of resentment for the colonial link which is the basis
of Hong Kong's existence. Direct imposition of more radical policies through legislation at Westminster is constitutionally quite possible but we do not regard this as politically practical. Indeed we would risk unnecessary tensions without achieving
our objects.
51. It follows that the best, indeed the only, method of promoting these aims is through a continuous dialogue with the Hong Kong Government and particularly the Governor who must remain constitutionally responsible for the well-being and tranquillity of the Colony. This cannot, in the nature of things, eliminate the risk of friction and strain in our relations partly because it is to be expected that extraneous matters (as recently over Defence Costs and Textiles) will create problems similar to those we have with most countries of the world; and partly because the constitutional responsibilities of the Secretary of State and Governor can be expected to conflict when a colonial territory becomes as independent a social and economic entity as Hong Kong. (To take one example: the conflicting views, passionately held on both sides
-
and in Hong Kong
by the overwhelming majority of the population over the death penalty are virtually impossible to resolve). There may well be occasions when, in advising the Secretary of State, we will wish to move faster than the Governor of Hong Kong, advised by his officials, in the exercise of his
y responsibilit will judge wise.
52. But this does not mean that we should not insist upon an increased degree of accountability to London.
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