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Britain and Hong Kong
48. The policy recommended above, involving a temporary holding operation with China and an even greater emphasis on institutional and social reform in Hong Kong requires a clear identity of purpose between the Hong Kong Government at its senior levels and Her Majesty's Government. In this the Governor's rôle is crucial since he must both give the lead in Hong Kong and fearlessly defend the Colony's interests in Whitehall. There are members of his senior staff
who have been, and remain, resistant to the changes introduced by the present Governor (who is to some degree suspect as a non-career Hong Kong colonial servant): and we believe that the interaction of these on a predominantly conservative Legislative and Executive Councils is a significant hindrance to
progress. A fortiori resistance from these can be expected if any acceleration of the speed of progress is to be attempted.
49. We do not think that a continuance of the present Governor's strategy, consisting partly of giving a strong lead to his officials and unofficials alike and partly by mobilising public enthusiasm for change against the inbuilt resistance in the system, despite its evident success, will be enough to carry a process of further reform, more particularly in the institutional field. It cannot be right to put
all the burden for this on future Governors as we
have on the present one. It is our impression that some of those concerned, having enjoyed a wide measure of autonomy in recent years and genuinely (and rightly) proud of Hong Kong's achievements, have resented what they consider to be interference from London motivated by domestic political considerations; and have correspondingly failed to appreciate the deficiencies in Hong Kong life which are of genuine concern. Neither the evidence of widespread corruption in the police, nor the extraordinary behaviour of the Stock Exchange, seems to have shaken
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