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45. It ipaget9tfoexpected that the
echange 20gan be brought about without opposition from influential circles in Hong Kong (including some officials); but we regard them as essential for the future good government of Hong Kong. It is not to be expected that this process will be possible at a pace sufficient to contain the widespread criticism in this country of the institutional framework existing in Hong Kong; and indeed some of the critics who propose an elective system of government without sufficient regard to the "China-dimension" will never be satisfied. But it could certainly be made more credible by the inclusion of representatives of organised labour. It would be desirable if, for optical reasons alone, the Governor could appoint a member of the independent trade unions to the Legislative Council in June; and, indeed, it is our judgment that the carefully conceived system for reform which has emerged under the present Governor might well be at risk in Britain without it. But further appointments of representatives at the trade unions must, in our view, await consideration of the low-profile study of industrial relations referred to in paragraph 42 above. The study may
also point the way forward on the development of trade unionism generally: prima facie there would appear to be an essential element of modern industrial society but we are puzzled by the ineffectiveness of the present trade unions and by the failure of the attempts to stimulate the movement hitherto, particularly bearing in mind the existence of freedom of expression generally and more particularly a free
press.
46.
Until such time as the institutional reforms can
be fully implemented, the Governor of Hong Kong must base his plans for social reform on the growing public support and enthusiasm for them which in turn seems to be producing a climate in the Legislative and Executive Councils conducive to the necessary
legislation and an increase in Government revenues. Nonetheless we do not think that everything that could
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