CAB129-45 — Page 182

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Text of telegram No. 813 Saving of 17th February. 1951, from the Foreign Office to H. M. Embassy, Washington

Sanctions.

Following are conclusions of study on Political

The tentative suggestions on political sanctions put to us in confidence by the Americans as a basis for discussion were as follows:

(a) countries which have not yet recognised Peking Government should refrain from doing so;

(b) countries which have recognised but have not yet established diplomatic relations should refrain from sending diplomatic representatives to Peking;

(c) possible agreement that no Peking representatives should be allowed in the United Nations bodies until, for instance, Chinese have ceased their aggression in Korea;

(a)

refusal to recognise any territorial gains which have resulted from aggressive activities of Peking Government.

2.

Our preliminary and general reaction is that sanctions are primarily measures to compel or induce the offending party to change its ways and unless there is some reasonable prospect of their doing this, they would do more harm than good. In general the proposals in paragraph 1 above seem to be little more than manifestations of moral disapproval which are not only likely to be useless as sanctions but might be considered superfluous in view of the expression of moral disapproval of Peking aggression already conveyed in the condemmatory Resolution of 1st February.

3.

Our more detailed comments are as follows:

(i) (a) and (c) are in our view merely different aspects of the same thing. To support either of these courses would be inconsistent with the whole case we put forward in the Cuban Item Debate, which is the basis of all our policy in this matter. In our view recognition is recognition of a situation of fact involving no moral approval of the Government concerned, nor for that matter any obligation to enter into relations with it, and ought not to be either granted or withheld on moral grounds once the facts as to stability and control are established beyond reasonable doubt.

(ii) On this view the United Nations and individual members have put themselves in the wrong by their persistent refusalso far to recognise facts. This has certainly added to diffi- culties which the United Nations have experienced in their dealing with People's Government. As regards (c), moral con- siderations are additionally irrelevant since the Charter lays down that the State of China is a member of the United Nations and a permanent member of the United Nations and a permanent member of the Security Council. The only relevant question therefore is, who in fact controls and represents China? For the Chinese seat to be occupied by an entity which controls no part of China proper and can implement no decisions taken is not only wrong principle but also dangerouage 182 of 587

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