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Fourth, the DS made clear that his staff were resisting changes. The notion here is that if it is not broken, do not fix it. ��This same Divisional Superintendent is said to have recently remarked in public, that he prefers to stick to the ��horse and buggy�� mode of transportation (the anatomy of most of his personnel seems most suited to this)��. Sarcastically, he sug-gested a number of ill-conceived but fancy reform measures such as: (1) He is prepared to do all he can to instill some ��devil�� into the division, that is, motivating the division with intimidating and scary talk; (2) ��train his dog Pluto to perform second-night patrols, complete with brandy flask at neck��, that is, getting dogs on patrol with nothing better to do in a rural area and mountainous side at night and get drunk and (3) finally, teach a dog to speak Cantonese so that it is able to report often, that is, it is hard to teach dogs a new trick, here expatriate officers speak to Cantonese, and at the same time, to provide for meaningless reports, repeatedly.336
This ��commentary�� on HKP reform said it all. There were a lot of prob-lems with the ongoing HKP reform, the chief among which is that it was ill conceived, from not being functional, for example, bike patrol in an open field, to not being applicable, for example, urban measures to a rural set-ting, to a potential for abuse, for example, sleeping at night while on moun-tain patrol, to resistance of expatriate officers, for example, having to learn Chinese to report to Chinese.
On Police�VPublic Relationship
A Magistrate in the HK Magistracy, told a shoe-shine urchin on trial for assaulting a policeman, that he should regard the police as his friends.337
Sub-Inspector R. Apedaile found the opinion of the Magistrate��s invi-tation incredulous, and decided to write a retort, telling his peers and the public how he felt about police role and relations with the public. The central message of the piece was that, in HK at least, policemen enforce the law, and they are not friend of the public. First, the police have little interest in devel-oping a friendship with the public, much less a criminal. Second, the police job is in enforcing the law without fear or favour, and not to befriend the people. Third, structurally, a criminal violates the law and police enforce the law. There is not a middle ground. The criminal is not going to like the police.
Policemen are my friends, you say,
From your lofty magisterial ledge;
A lot depends, I��d say, from what side of the hedge
You gaze. From where I stand, they Don��t resemble friends so much
As vultures with an eager clutch.
To swoop on every mouse they see
And add one more to their inventory
Of victims. I��m not allowed to shine��
My shoes, but I��m obstructing all society;
I��m not allowed to gamble in a very minor key
But I��m outside the law. The law is fine
For those inside it, or those to whom it lends
An air of honesty; but I; Policemen; Friends!!!
The Inspector of Police started by observing that what one sees and understands of a situation very much depends on one��s perspective and sta-tion in life (��from what side of the hedge��), and is thus relative. In this case, there are three perspectives: the judge from a ��lofty�� position, the shoe-shine child from an outsider perspective (��urchin��) and finally the policemen from a law enforcer perspective.
From the judge��s ��lofty�� position, the judge does not see and could not understand the plight of the shoe-shine boy on the street and the challenges of the police doing his job. The shoe shine has to make a living, the more money the merrier. The police have to arrest people, the more people the bet-ter. The police are vultures and the shoe-shine, the prey (inventory to fulfill a quota, to get promotion).
From the shoe-shine urchin stand, from the bottom of the society, and try-ing to make ends meet, he can do no right. He is always at the mercy of the police. If he is not arrested for shoe shining, he would be taken in for obstruction.
The Inspector saves his more critical comment till the last: ��The law is fine For those inside it, or those to whom it lends, An air of honesty��. By this, the Inspector meant to say that the laws of HK favour the rich and power-ful, and punish the poor and powerless. The people who made (judge) and enforced the law (police) should not think that they can ever pretend to be the friend of the (Chinese) poor people.
The relationship between the police (British coloniser) and the shoe-shine (Chinese colonised) is always an antagonistic one, notwithstand-ing any attempt to dress it up as a ��friendly one��. The British colonial police should not put on an air of fairness and compassion, when suppressing the poor Chinese is the end goal, and inevitable result.
British colonists should not be hypocritical, or otherwise delude them-selves, and fool others. History will be the final and ��honest�� judge.
On Police Self-Image
The A.S.P. awakes at dawn
Permits himself a mighty yawn
Blinks owl-like at the windowpane
Then settles down to sleep again
But soon his servant��s hateful rap
Abruptly ends his final nap
So throwing the bedclothes o��er his head
He take a leap right out of bed;
A hasty shave; a rousing splosh
A spot of grease on his moustache
And he��s prepared for come what may
Those guardians of our law and peace
From work are seldom known to cease
They ferret cut with well trained eyes
The opium dens and other Dives
And never turn the Nelson��s eye
At things that happen in Wanchai.
Should any criminal dare to stray
From off the straight and narrow way
He soon discovers to his cost
That everything he ��gained�� is lost
While he is hauled before the Beak
And fined two dollars or a week.
They never get the slightest chance
To dine at ��Gripps�� or seek romance
But spend their spare time, to a man
In catching gamblers at ��fan tan��.
These much respected men in blue
Are unlike blokes like me and you
Who having left the office din
Occasionally imbibe a gin
For when they take a proffered drink
They pour the liquid down the sink.
The A.S.P., in fact my lad,
Like Gunga Din,338 is not too bad.339
One of the many ways to understanding the nature, role and function of policing in HK is ask the British colonial officers how they feel about them-selves as a police officer at the height of their occupation, here the 1900s. The opportunity is made available with the discovery of a poem titled ��POLICE�� at the Stanley Camp @1942. We do not know who the author is or why he wrote. The author wrote in the first-person term as a police officer in HK (Wanchai). It is likely that he wrote the piece while under internment at the Stanley Camp in 1942.340
The poem is valuable because the author tells us what it was like to be a police officer before WWII in HK. As an Assistant Superintendent of Police (ASP), he must have served over 20�V30 years. This put his reflective work to about 1910�V1920. We can also surmise that the author served as an ASP in Wanchai, a place known for its wild drink and loose women.
The poem begins with the ASP being hauled out of bed to go on duty, suggesting he was working 24/7 non-stop, and fighting crimes in HK, large and small, everywhere. This is what he said: ��They (police) never get the slightest chance. To dine at ��Gripps�� or seek romance��. All they ever know was to provide law and order for the people, an endless task (��From work are seldom known to cease��).
And he��s prepared for come what may
Those guardians of our law and peace
From work are seldom known to cease
They ferret cut with well trained eyes
The opium dens and other Dives
And never turn the Nelson��s eye.341
The interesting part of this passage is that:
1. ASP considered himself as a crime fighter and law enforcer.
2. That people needed ASP to keep the place safe and sound (��guard-ians of our law and peace��) because he was trained and prepared for everything (��come what may��).
3. Coming at the end of his duty call, he seemed to express a slight regret of spending so much time and youth with the job. But it was too late to turn back ��And never turn the Nelson��s eye��.342
4. Finally, there is no one word about ASP functioning in a non-law enforcement rule, for example, suppressing the people.
The conclusion, if one cares to draw, after a careful reading of the poem is that in early (1900) HK, police role was not only into political control but also to fight crime and disorder, with the latter being more important. That is also very apparent from the work of another HKP detective of the time (1920�V1930s).343 This does not mean that the HKP officers have no political control role to play, especially of the surveillance kind, but just that for the most part, HKP was doing what other police agencies are doing all over the world: fight-ing crime, keeping order and rendering service, to the best of their ability.
VII: Conclusion
Introduction
The single most important contribution of this book is in deconstructing the institutional image of HKP in the colonial era (��Policing with Hong Kong Characteristics��) (Part I) and reconstructing the practice of policing in HK during the modernisation period (��HKP Reform in the 1950s��) (Part II).
In Part I, we find that colonial policing with HK characteristics is more about mutual negotiation and collaboration, than British coercing and Chinese complying. It takes two to tangle, is the take-away lesson here.
In Part II, we find that HKP reinvented itself after WWII, with localisa-tion, legalisation, modernisation, communalisation and organisation. HKP was being decolonised through the localisation of staffing, customisation of operation and indigenisation of investigation, not withstanding misleading name shakes, that is, Crown Colony (the 1840s), Royal Hong Kong Police (the 1960s) and British-dependent territory (the 1980s).
In retrospect, HKP has gone through four noteworthy reform periods: formation (the 1840s), reorganisation (1870), modernisation (the 1950s) and decolonisation (the 1990s). HKP reform in the 1950s is the watershed. It parted company with colonial policing and jointed modernised policing of the future.
As demonstrated and discussed in the text (Chapter 9), the 1950 reform to HKP is a class by itself, due to historical (WWII), social (influx of migrants, change to economy) and political reasons (U.K. decolonisation, emergency of PRC), and HKP has taken on itself to localise (staff, culture), legalise (detailed rule, strict process), modernise (POP, evidence-based policing and scientific-informed policing) and communalise (reach out to Kai Fong, transformed civil image), in drastic and substantial ways, for example, regu-larising recruiting/training/promotion standard and process with resources and facilities to match, centralisation of administration and decentralisation of control, grooming of Chinese Inspectorate officers for high command, enabling Chinese policing Chinese through CID and establishing frontier defence. All of the above are to be achieved through a formalized-legalised system and process. Coming out of the 1950s HKP reform, the HKP has been systematically and comprehensively transformed into a legal, bureaucratic and professional force, with a law enforcement and common service mission, and a heavy footprint in internal security capacity and readiness. If we were to compare the run up to 1997 police reform, we would not find very differ-ent from that of the 1950 reform. For example, 1997 reform moved along the same line and adopted the same methods, in substance and process: localisa-tion, legalisation, communalisation and modernisation.
HKP reform past (the 1950s) and present (the 1990s) raised an issue, rarely discussed, that is, for whom the bell tolls with HKP reforms? Particularly, to what end and for what purpose was HKP reform conducted? The ��Child-saving�� movement in HK discussed in this chapter provided some answers.344
Reflecting on ��saving child�� movement, we find that it is a decolonisation process and modernisation movement to nowhere, for the British as well as the Chinese, elite and grassroots. After WWII, British wanted to leave. But the Chinese did not know where to go.
In the mind of the traditional Chinese, the ��child-saving�� movement was a recipe for disaster, not a plan for remedial change. The ��scientific�� driven ��child-saving�� movement while fulfilling British-liberating political objec-tive (decolonisation) in HK and liberal agenda (Labor Party) at home, ill served the traditional Chinese idea of indigenous rule, that is, family cen-tred, parental control and paternal care and concern, and the ideal of par-enting, that is, Confucius order with self-cultivation at its core. Chinese parents believe in setting high expectations and dishing out strict discipline, by the family.345
According to Wolf (who conducted observational study of Taiwanese fami-lies in 1950s and 1960s)�K(with Chinese families)�K Emphasis was not placed on developing warm emotional relationships with children; instead, part of a father��s role was as a disciplinarian who should ��not encourage or tolerate emotional indulgence��.346
For most local Chinese who were not Westernised, decolonisation in the British way is jumping from the frying pan into the fire. To them, it appeared that while the British flag was slowly coming down, the Chinese way of doing things was not rising fast enough.
Still, to many and for the moment, ��saving child�� was an improvement over the past, when the British treated children unjustly, abusively, arbitrarily and capriciously, in inexplicable and offensive ways.
Finally, with the introduction of scientific policing of juveniles, and Chinese elites, this time, Westernised professionals and scientists finally have a say over the future of their children.347
Intellectual Challenge
Both of these projects�Xdebunking colonial policing myths and recon-structing HKP reform, challenge us to reevaluate what policing in HK is all about, in form and substance, professional identity and operational style. The reevaluation is to be conducted in the context of a murky and evolv-ing colonial past anchored in a multifaceted and emerging Chinese political economy, without pre-disposition, blind assumptions and hidden agenda. Then and only then can we begin to discern the many colours and shades of a rich, vibrant and dynamic ��colonial�� HKP, working among the Chinese people.
Following the above admonition, this book finds that before the 1900s, HKP policing styles differed substantially between British Victoria versus Chinese KLN. After WWII, HKP officers kept order in the exclusive enclave at the Peak as they enforced the law in the busy streets for the poor at Shek Kip Mei and conducted ��neglect policing�� in no man��s land of KLN-Walled City.348 At all times, UB officers provided hot tea and a warm cell for U.S. Marines in vice-infested Wanchai while Marine police officers sailed the high sea in search of victims in peaceful Cheung Chau.
One of the hopes of this book is for moving the study of Hong Kong Police away from tired and old diatribes that HKP, then and now, is colo-nial policing par excellence, that is, militaristic, coercive and oppressive, and nothing else. Alternatively, all that is disagreeable about colonial rule came from the British, and is not reflective of HK culture, for example, being authoritarian and punitive.
Finally, I am not suggesting here that HKP��s colonial past has no role to play in defining and shaping of the present HKP, as a legacy project. It has. What I am suggesting is that understanding HKP��s colonial past should start with asking what does colonial policing mean to different people and in a different context. That is to say, policing in HK must be HK policing, in more ways than one, starting with the use of HK language which carries with it history and culture, connotations and denotations.349 For example, police jargons used by HKP served to give meaning, fair or foul, as it provides vali-dation, good or bad, of what police officers do and do not, and they are all culturally bound.350 It is also important to consider colonial policing as an evolving, mutating and contested idea and practice. That is to say we should begin the study of HKP with questions to investigate rather than an opinion to assert, and worse, an ideology to promote.
Analytical Framework Proposed: Methodological Individualism
Human-to-Human Interface
With our intellectual quest set in motion, we need to deconstruct colonial HKP at its roots to reconstruct it from inception (1840) to reconstruction of colonial policing in HK after WWII. To do so, we need to look at colonial policing as a living human interface process, with one human being (not a colonial master) interacting with another (not colonialised subjects), on equal terms as resourceful humans, seeking survival and living dreams. Such interactions happen within a social structure (bounded rationality), with certain professed values and vested interests (colonialism) that inform life choices and instruct actions.
With such a humanistic and interactive approach, we can now investi-gate into how human beings, colonisers and colonised, each with different personalities and propensities, come together to negotiate the meaning of colonial policing. In doing so, human beings give vent to their individuality, identity and culture, in an epic struggle between the push and pull of struc-turalism and symbolic interactionism.
Colonialism as Negotiation: It Takes Two to Tango
Envisioning colonialism as a negotiation of meaning between people and not titles, asks us to reconstruct how colonists come to terms with colonised, in their habitat, and vice versa. If this be the intellectual quest, the first step is to investigate how the ��colonialists�� in their multiple and multiplex roles interact with the ��colonised�� in their different and differentiating capacities, over the give-and-take colonial policing process that of necessity involves both involvement and disengagement. If we had done so, we would most likely find that colonialists must first acknowledge and then deal with the colonised as people, who have to live a cultural mismatch problem created by the colonialists. This requires a political settlement, intimating cultural conversion, on the part of both colonialists and colonised, working together collaboratively and making concessions willingly.
In order to investigate into how policing in or ordering of HK is negoti-ated, it is best to look at how HKP officers�XBritish or Chinese engage the HK people on the streets of HK. The simple question is: How to do ��negoti-ated�� colonial policing in HK, at a micro�Vpersonal level? In doing so, we can return the human agency in the study of colonial policing, which is sorely missing.351
Such a cross-cultural project can start with CIP Anthony Annieson, a HKP officer retired, from Edinburgh. CIP Anthony Annieson grew up in an adopted Edinburgh family. He started working as a whaler after WWII (1945), one of the youngest, for 3 years, before joining the Royal Navy (date unknown). He worked first on HMS Glasgow for 3 years, a flagship for Americans and West Indies. Then he worked as a submariner before joining the HKP in 1958 until 1976.352
Anthony Annieson loves HK and her people.
The great majority of the Hong Kong Chinese are, in my opinion, the most hard, working, likeable, intelligent, shrewd, entrepreneurial, innovative, bois-terous, fun-loving, family-loving, good-food-loving, gambling people in the world. They should be declared a ��major human asset of planet earth�� by the world community.353
Cross-Cultural Negotiating: Case of CIP Annieson
Anthony Annieson does not approve of the opium trade, in making British rich, unabashedly, and China poor, beyond imagination. His reading of HK history is one of disgust and resignation: Dutch introduced opium to China. The rich Chinese traders were corrupted by the West and in the company of ��foreign devils�� and ��barbarians�� to indulge in drugs. The opium habits soon ��spread widely through the lower and porter classes to the great joy of the European trader, especially the East India company�KIn 1840 it was revealed in British Parliament that one sixth, 16.7 per cent, of all the public revenues of Britain and India together, came from opium profits and tea tax��!354
A love for HK and the Chinese people and a resentment of the Opium war and disapproval of British colonial policy made him an ideal person to reconstruct colonial policing in HK, at ground zero. Reading Annieson informs that there is more to colonial policing than meets the eyes; a fig-ment of imagination at White Hall and recruitment posters all over London. Colonial policing is the bastard child born to a labour of love and hate rela-tionship, dependency and resentment, consummated in the back allies of HK, in gestation over 150 years. HKP was born of mutual hate, resentment and distrust, before WWII. It matured through joint efforts and a common aspiration, ending in mutual respect and admiration, after the war. Anthony Annieson tells the story of a hate first and later love relationship that defies every imagination and label. To Annieson, HKP and policing in HK is a class and experience unto itself; ��miracle of Hong Kong Police�� awaits edification, and coronation.
Chief Inspector Anthony Annieson (1956�V1978)
The most conspicuous symbol of British rule in HK is the smartly turned out police officers who matched in perfect formation to the tune of ��God Save the Queen��. The HKP officers projected authority and promised security.355 They were everything the Chinese people were not, but everything foreign inves-tors needed. In this way, HKP, then as now, stands for ��stability and prosper-ity��. The importance of HKP to the British colonial was conspicuously on display everyday, with pompous ceremony on the Queen��s birthday to the head turning #1 licence plate of the Commission of the Police.356
Beyond appearance, the HKP was more than just a symbol of British rule. Like police everywhere, HKP lived to solve people��s problem large and small, from helping school kids across the busy road to hunting down a buf-falo in a crowed street. The HKP might match to ��Good Save the Queen�� once a year but it must learn to whistle to the Chinese tune every minute of the day in order to ingratiate itself to the HK people.357 That is the reality of colonial policing in HK; Crown servant working un-relentlessly for the HK people, solving their problems and keeping their faith. Failing that, strikes, protests and riots await.
Who made for a good Hong Kong Police in those days? In those days, HKP sought after resourceful people with strong character and high motiva-tion,358 more so than a ��well-educated idiot��.359 Professionalisation of police has yet to come. But the HKP was trying hard to catch up, more importantly and own up.
The HKP officers were very well trained in law360 and disciplined in the use of force.361 They were trained to deal with riots, and conducted them-selves in the most restrained and civilised manner.362
Expatriate officers led the HKP almost exclusively. Local officers, where allowed, were few and far between.363 Thus, it was not surprising to find a lot of racial animus within the police ranks. Local officers did not like the foreign officers. The foreign officers looked down on local officers.364 Signs of icebreaking were appearing.
HKP was organised along colonial police line, labouring under a para-military model. Police were organised into functional specialties from crimi-nal investigation to patrol to traffic.365 Police operated in shifts and worked out of a fortress such as buildings, which was meant to protect the coloniser from the locals, in a by-gone era.366 HK people were beginning to appreci-ate ��their�� police more, for all the stuff they did, for example, providing for security, witnessing the 1956 riot, and did not do, for example, abdicate their responsibility and accountability.
Beat police officers were augmented by EUs mobile patrol. EU mobile patrol was one of the most desirable assignments. It was always challenging and exciting, and at times rewarding and fulfilling. There was a lot to learn and see.367 It is certainly better than to struggle to deal with non-stop work-load in an understaffed368 Mongkok town centre369 or having nothing to do in the Aberdeen seaport.370 Policing in HK was one big contradiction: violent and restive, glamorous and mundane.
HKP has a lot of discretion371 and attracted as many complaints filed against them.372 It was clear that if one were to be a HKP officer, he could not survive for long without the exercise of discretion or be able to avoid complaints. It was also clear that many foreign officers were quite sensitive to Chinese concerns with police corruption and abuse.
Finally, one of the greatest difficulties of policing in HK was how to deal with conflicting expectations, for example, British desired rule-bound order versus Chinese wanted spontaneous order. British loved the rule of law ver-sus Chinese fancy personal give-and-take relationship.373
HKP officers were held responsible for (non)actions and indiscretions on and off duty, such as conduct unbecoming of an officer. For example, the author used his Bombay horn too close to the cyclist, causing him to fall by the roadside. The Superintendent asked for an explanation and ordered the horn to be removed (p. 109).
Themes and Contributions
In the end, this book makes four kinds of contributions, methodologically, substantively, theoretically and culturally.
First, substantively, it observes that colonial policing is less about impos-ing British colonial rule and more about negotiating Chinese social order. It is less about British colonialists running amok and at wimp, but more about British and Chinese, as people and culture, working together, calculat-ingly and judiciously. Both parties conspired together at times and connived between the self and another, all within the confines of historical circum-stances, social conditions and personal situations, to make and remake HK over time, in one��s image, to one��s interests, for one��s agenda and with one��s resources. In this way, this book offers a reflective treatment of HKP in search of a revisionist account of how policing in colonial HK was conducted. In doing so, this author parts company with other more conventional and criti-cal commentators, who proclaimed that policing in HK was a well-rehearsed narrative of British lording over Chinese, with every means and at every turn. In placing ��policing�� before ��colonial��, instead of the other around, the book is making clear that ��policing�� has ��high��(political) versus ��low�� (social) tendencies, with the latter as a default mode and the former always in the background (surveillance), and jumping into action at a moment��s notice (public order policing). In the study of ��colonial policing�� from the people��s perspective, it is the latter ��low-social�� policing that is more important than ��high-political�� policing, now at the centre stage.
Conceding problems with colonial policing, we need to make note that policing ��high�� or ��low�� can be done well or poorly in colonial as in decol-onised HK. Depending on one��s philosophical take on legitimacy�Vprocess based versus performance oriented, a well-organised and effective ��colonial�� HKP might be better than a poorly managed and inefficient ��decolonised�� HKP. That is why in HK of late, there are talks of returning to ��colonial�� policing of the ancient times being better for HK than ��democratic�� policing, currently.
In the study of police and society relationship in HK, scientific and apo-litical study of HKP history and reform awaits; which is the chief aim of this study. Looking ahead and moving in that direction, the first step is to debunk the myth that colonial policing is all bad (immoral, dysfunctional) and decolonised policing is all good (moral, effective). The book implores us to look at colonial policing in a different way and light; being less quick to condemn ideologically, and be more attuned to how policing in colonial HK has been conducted, theoretically, and empirically. The ultimate question to be addressed is: Did HKP address the concerns and meet the expectations of the HK people, however conceived and achieved?
Second, methodologically, HKP and policing in HK needs to be inves-tigated from ��inside out and bottom up�� (IO�VBU) building upon, or at least supplemented with, HKP frontline officers�� voices on their ��thinking�� and more importantly ��with their feelings��. This approach is preferred because thus far, the studies of colonial policing have been exclusively dependent on official data, from colonial records, to official reports, to commissioned stud-ies and to routine surveys.
In advancing the IO�VBU approach, this book makes two observations.
1. Questionnaire survey and field observation cannot get to the bottom of what policing is about. Policing can only be fully understood by leading the life of the people who ��live�� policing, as a job, career and/or life project. Those people who ��live�� policing include those who share space and life with the police, as relatives, associates and partners. In one way or another, all these people are outsiders turned insiders for the moment when engaging the police, in the family or on the job. The reminder here is that it takes one to know one. The other reminder is: implicit knowledge on policing matters, in deciphering police per-sonality, ascertaining the motive and breaking down conduct.
2. Police ��feeling�� (disposition, emotion) is more important than police ��thinking�� (cognition, logic) in understanding policing. In fact, all police thinking is pre-determined and wrapped up in police feelings, imperceptible and indivisible.
The voices of the HKP officers are seldom, if ever, documented, either as oral history (reflective), with canteen chat (spontaneous) or pillow talk (intimate). There is a dire need in listening to what the HKP officers of all ranks and kinds have to say about the HKP and its work routines, on their own terms and in their own voices. This can be achieved by analysing their graduate thesis for their informed opinion (thinking) and their web-blog exchanges for their impromptu utterances (feelings). This allows us to (re)construct HKP culture and personality, one person at a time, inside out, from the soul, not the head; existential, not essence.
Third, theoretically, this book offers up two frameworks in analysing ��dual track�� versus ��self-help�� policing as manifestations of state (police) and society relationship, based on conquest (dual track) versus consent (self-help) theory of governance.374 Conquest thesis argues that state formation is born out of invasion and subjugation. After conquest, the pacification of the con-quered requires mutual accommodation for the benefit of all, that is, the con-queror offers up protection and the conquered pays tributes, with the former acting as the final arbiter of disputes.375
The book offers a ��more or less governmental control�� framework to expli-cate and explain how ��dual-track�� policing might work in practice in colonial HK. In doing so, it removes ��dual-track�� policing from its sterile colonial policing anchor, placing it in a larger and more dynamic (re)distribution of state police versus people-policing context. In doing so, it allows us to see that distribution of policing role and functions, powers and authorities, duties and responsibilities, is made dependent on relationship, domain and circum-stances of control. It asserts that power to rule is a fungible commodity and always in flux, to be negotiated and adjusted between the state�Xgovernment versus society�Xpeople, continuously. This makes the relationship between state policing versus people��s policing less total or absolute. In essence, make the study of (colonial) policing sociological than political, empirical than doctrinal. In context, it makes a comparative study of pre- and post-1997 HK policing arrangements possible.
Turn to exploring and explicating consent policing as ��self-help�� polic-ing with the help of ��State Police Power as a Social Resource Theory (SRT)��. SRT invites us to look at crime and policing not from the state��s monopolis-tic perspective but from the people��s pluralistic viewpoints, thus achieving ��consent�� in policing (a/k/a Peel: ��people are the police, police are the peo-ple��). In doing so, it allows us to see how the colonial (British) HKP failed to meet up to the cultural and personal expectations of the (HK) people, and why they seek out alternative resources in solving their own problems. Again, as with the ��more or less governmental control�� analytical frame-work, the SRT does not look at ��crime�� to be dealt with by ��police��, invari-ably, but as ��problems�� to be solved by the people with ��resources�� (including the police as a resource), flexibly. This has the effect of making the study of (colonial) policing, theoretically informed and empirically driven. In this way, we can share with a world audience what is unique about HKP and policing in HK in theoretical terms, reversing the trend of importing theory and exporting findings, to formulating theory and comparing find-ings of our own.
Finally, culturally, this book observes, ��colonial policing�� is ��people polic-ing��. People policing makes the claim that in policing, people matter, as police and with the policed. In real terms, colonial policing is Chinese polic-ing (��Chinese policing��) Chinese (��policing Chinese��).
Since policing in HK, then as now, is Chinese policing Chinese, there is a dire need to study how Chinese history and culture comes to affect and define policing in HK (Chapter 5). This study offers up some initial findings. During the early colonial period (1841�V1900), HKP policy was to conduct ��dual-track justice��, with Chinese being policed by ��District Watch Force�� (1877). In 1950, Chinese rank and files expressed their disaffection with the HKP, based on a traditional Chinese cultural referent. In 1999, a survey shows that Chinese people do not take rule of law seriously. Finally, there is increasing evidence to suggest that Chinese culture and values matter in the study of HKP or policing in HK, post-1997. In the case of HKP, there is a distinct difference between HK�VChinese versus Chinese�VHK officers in value orientation and issue disposition. With policing in HK, we observe a difference in how local Chinese residents react to public order events than Westernised elites. Looking ahead, how Chinese culture and orientation affect HKP needs to be further explored and explained, lest we think HKP is through and through Westernised. In this, I join Professor Robe Low,376 in calling for writing a history of HK (HKP) from below, particularly one that gives vent to HK people��s aspirations and culture. Thus far, the Chineseness of HK has been effectively suppressed by British colonialists for ease of rule and conveniently ignored or dis-missed by Chinese professional reformers in their rush to be globalised or Westernised local elites in returning HK to its golden era, that of British rule of law.
Future Research
Looking ahead, the most pressing research is to investigate what polic-ing with HK�VChinese characteristics means in theory and practice; the central focus of this book. This book tells us that colonial policing in HK is unique because Chinese attitude towards deviance and control differs from the West, in substantive and substantial terms, sufficient to change the shape and contour of colonial rule in multiple, discernible but yet-to-be-defined ways.
For all too long, HKP and policing in HK has been operating, seemingly, without being mindful of and affected by HK cultural content and social context. Before 1997, HKP served as a colonial force, in promoting British value and securing her interests. After 1997, HKP serves as a professional force, disregarding local sentiments and unaware of HK culture. In neither case is the HK identity and culture an important or even a consideration in HKP policing philosophy, policy and practice. If that should be the case, how might it be said that HKP is serving the best interest of HK? More generally, is HKP a ��Hong Kong�� force of order and service?
The answer rests with unpacking the relationship between HK culture and policing in HK. That said, and having observed that colonial policing adapts and adjusts to local conditions as a result of necessity (��policing Chinese��) and due to convenience (��Chinese policing��), the issue is no longer whether HK�VChinese culture affects (colonial) policing in HK, but it is how, how much and how it is manifested. Posing the question this way, this study finds that colonial policing in HK is in effect Chinese policing in more ways than one; in some cases explicit, in other cases implicit, at some time apparent and at other times hidden, with some issues obvious, and with other issues subtle.
Looking at colonial policing as ��policing Chinese�� raises two kinds of research issues. First, how do British colonial officials adjust to Chinese cul-ture in enforcing law, maintaining order or providing services? Second, how do Chinese react to British policing in ideology, methods and style?
Looking at HK policing as Chinese policing (��dual track��), we observed two kinds of operations.
First, Chinese policing under British colonial rule investigates how Chinese conduct policing under the stricture of colonial law or impact of British culture? This research moves in two directions. First, how did Chinese officers conduct policing under British law and culture? Second, how did Chinese public (private security, District Watch Force and self-help policing) do policing under British law?
The latter, British�Xcolonial policing by and through the Chinese agent, direct (HKP Chinese officers) or indirect (District Watch Force), investigates how British colonial policing law, policy and practice is mediated by the Chinese agent and culture.
To begin investigating Chinese policing Chinese, as a general practice and not a limited exception to the rule, we can start with examining the golden era of HK�VChinese policing, the four Heads of CID regime between 1950 and 1974, as compared to the lesser varieties, as in the case of the District Watch Force.
Endnotes
1. HKP Police Commissioner John Penneather-Evans, ��Interim Report on The Hong Kong Police�� (1947) is most instructive on the 1950 reform agenda: (1) HKP should seize the golden opportunity to start anew because of a massive defection of Europeans from HKP during the first 2 weeks of Japanese inva-sion on 7 December 1941. (2) In terms of constitution, first and foremost, HKP should employ more Asians in responsible positions. (3) HKP should hire ��a more educated type of Chinese��. (4) HKP should do away with $50 bonds against good behaviour for Asian recruits. (5) HKP should hire ��a few Eurasian lads of good standing��. (6) HKP should provide the recruits with better training, more acceptable living and working conditions. (7) The inspector rank should not be monopolised by Europeans. (8) The Europeans should learn Cantonese. (9) ��Every effort should be made to enlarge the outlook and contacts of European members of the Force��. (10) Europeans should have single quarters while Asians do not mind communal living. (11) It was desirable for non-Cantonese to deal with Cantonese crowds. (12) The Commissioner was very much against mixed marriages between European policemen and Asian women. This is because Asian women have ��low standards of morality�� typical of lower-class Chinese women. (13) It was ��difficult to have mixed marriage partners living in European quarters without causing dissatisfaction��. (14) Hong Kong would turn out to be substantially different than its former self, after the war. P. Snow, The Fall of Hong Kong: Britain, China and the Japanese Occupation (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 2004).
2. P. Tam, From enforcement to service delivery: A study of strategic change in the Hong Kong Police Force, MPA dissertation, Hong Kong University Press, 2012. As an HKP officer, Tam observed the successful transformation of HKP from a law enforcement agency to one of service organisation with the arrival of New Public Management against the backdrop of 1997. The author did not place HKP reform in a historical context. He used limited contemporary sources, such as Lo and Cheuk on community policing to make his case. C. Wing-Hung Lo Albert Chun-Yin Cheuk, Community policing in Hong Kong: Development, performance and constraints, Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies and Management, 27(1): 97�V127, 2004.
3. A. Bartz, Sense and sensitivity. Psychology Today 5 July 2011. http://www.psy-chologytoday.com/blog/sense-and-sensitivity.
4. K. Lowe and E. McLaughlin, Sir John Pope Hennessy and the Native race craze: Colonial government in Hong Kong, 1877�V1882, The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 20(2): 223�V247, 1992; P. S.S. Yu, �k�^��D: ���t��E�����G�� (Tales from No. 9 Ice House Street) (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1 June 2002), p. 1 (Attorney General invited him to be the first criminal prosecutor in 1951).
5. A. Wright and Captain F. W. Lyons, Acting Captain-Superintendent of Police, Hong Kong, Police, prisons, and fire brigade, In: A. Wright (ed.), Twentieth Century Impressions of Hongkong, Shanghai, and Other Treaty Ports of China: Their History, People, Commerce, Industries, and Resources. Vol. 1 (London: Lloyds Greater Britain Publishing Company, 1908), pp. 267�V269. https://archive.org/details/twentiethcentury00wriguoft.
6. C. Y. Y. Chu, Foreign Communities in Hong Kong, 1840s�V1950s (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), p. 162.
7. M. S. Gaylord, D. Gittings and H. Traver, Introduction to Crime, Law and Justice in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2009), Chapter 4, pp. 57�V76.
8. Ibid.
9. See Prisons Department Annual Report of 1938.
10. S. Chan, Colonial penality : A case study of Hong Kong��s penal policy and programmes under British administration (1945�V1997). PhD dissertation. Department of Social Sciences (Criminology), The University of Hull, p. 56.
11. Hong Kong Legislative Council. Friday, 19th July 1946.
12. J. M. Carroll, A Concise History of Hong Kong (Latham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 7 Jun. 2007), p. 134.
13. For an historical account of how a Chinese CID got into power in HKP in the 1950s and ended in trouble with the ICAC in 1974, see A Police Detective Sergeant and the mystery of his wealth (n/d). http://www.icac.org.hk/new_icac/eng/cases/detective/DETECTIVE%20SERGEANT_Eng.pdf. For a fictional but realistic account of the risk of Chinese CID sergeants within the HKP in the 1950s, see Lee Rock (Chinese: ���������p����: �p�Ѫ�) (1991). Lee Rock (1991) is a Hong Kong movie about how a real-life HKP CID Sergeant Lui Lok was able to beat out his competitors at Yau Ma Ti and became the most power-ful chief of all Chinese CIDs in the Colony; a position that was more powerful than the Commissioner of Police of the time because he controlled all opera-tional functions of police through corruption and bribery. He institutionalised corruption operations in HKP, setting rules and procedures for collecting and distributing bribes.
14. C. C. Fung, Solving problems with whatever means necessary. The four skill characteristics of Hong Kong accounting for his success are: ��being opportun-ist��, ��being brainy��, ��being aggressive�� and being ��committed��. See F. C. Cheong, To Bash the Hong Kong People Again (Hong Kong: Sub-Cultural Publishing, 1998).
15. The opening scene had people from all walks of life converge on one of Godfather��s wedding party, asking for favour. He then went about making deals people could not refuse, by favours, mixing with intimidations. ��Godfather�� (1972).
16. A ��cop merchant�� is one who treats policing like a business, trading favours to advance one��s interest.
17. http://www.bigwhiteguy.com/archive/2006/05/case_closed/
18. I Corrupt All Cops (2009) (The movie tells the story of Gale (Eason Chan), a cop that has risen to a high rank, not because of his police work, but willingness to do favors for his superiors Lak (Tony Leung Ka-Fai) and Gold (Wong Jing), most notably taking care of their mistresses.)
19. T. Wing Lo, 8. Minimizing crime and corruption in Hong Kong, In: R. Godson, Menace to Society: Political�VCriminal Collaboration around the World (New.Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2003), pp. 231.
20. ���|�j�`�ر������S���� (The demise of four Heads of CID). http://www.-discuss.com.hk/viewthread.php?tid=21070537
21. Ibid.
22. Fong first enlisted with HKP on 20.9.1938 in the newly created rank of ��Chinese Sub Inspector��, as the first batch of ten Chinese sub-inspector trainer. He received his first commendation from HE governor in 1947 (circumstances unknown). He was OC Administrator at PTS in 1948, and commandant 1965. He was awarded CPM on 8.6.1950, Coronation Medal in 1953, Queens Police Medal 1967. Fong earned a number of first with HKP: 1.1.1954 First Chinese chief inspector; 1.12.1954 First Chinese assistant superintendent; 1.12.1957 First Chinese superintendent; 1.1.1966 First Chinese senior superintendent; 1.4.1968 First Chinese chief superintendent. http://gwulo.com/node/19235, http://gwulo.com/node/14819
23 Annual police review 1952, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 2(1): 22, March 1952.
24. Tsang was born in Guangzhou, China, May 1925. He studied economics in Japan. He joined the HKP in 1947 as an inspector. He was sent to London Scotland Yard for training. Thereafter he served in many police functions: Traffic, CID and Special Branch. In 1960, he was sent to study public admin-istration in Cambridge University, and was promoted to assistant superin-tendent, serving as deputy commandant PTS. �e����ĵ..�U�zĵ�q���L��.���@.��..��.�@��(Former Assistant Superintendent of Police Tsang Siu-fo engaged in spying case) 2013-07-16. http://www.xfjs.org/read.php?tid=103764
25. ���.���O.���L��, (Body guard of HK Governor) ���ѤU.��(Guest under the Roof) Feb. 25, 2012. http://www.360doc.com/content/12/ 0225/14/449862_189521837.shtml
26. Hong Kong Police Magazine X (4): 37, Winter, 1960.
27. Li was embraced as a role model because he could be trusted. Li Fuk Ki was not just another RHKP officer. He fought alongside the British in WWII in Burma and with Rhodesian African rifles. He was leading the Far East investigation and security services. J. P. Zabolski, The Man from Waukegan (Lulu.com, 1 February 2005), p. 15. Li Fuk Ki 852-2388-8577, 852-2384-8862 [email protected]
28. CP opens IPA HK Section Clubhouse. OffBeat Issue 905, 2009. http://www.police.gov.hk/offbeat/905/eng/n19.htm
29. Tsui Yiu-kowong (�}ģ��), The promotion system in the officer cadre of the Royal Hong Kong Police Force, Master of Social Science, Public Administration, University of Hong Kong, 1982. http://hub.hku.hk/bitstream/10722/29416/1/FullText.pdf?accept.=.1
30. Target population: 26.8.1961 and 16.9.1973 (1308). Sample size: 437 (p. 33). The independent variables were: (a) age (p. 39); (b) education (p. 39); (c) previous working experience (p. 42) and training performance (p. 43). The outcome vari-able was: promotion performance (p. 35); (d) work experience (p. 44).
31. Wong, Chung-chun, Dick (������.), An analysis of the CIP, SP and SSP pro-motion system of the Hong Kong Police Force, MPA dissertation (Hong Kong University Press, 2005), p. 29.
32. Police (discipline) regulations (1964).
33. P. Leonard, Old colonial or new cosmopolitan? Changing white identities in the Hong Kong police, Social Politics, 17 (4): 508�V538, 526, 2010.
34. Wong, Chung-chun, Dick (������.), An analysis of the CIP, SP and SSP pro-motion system of the Hong Kong Police Force, MPA dissertation (Hong Kong University Press, 2005).
35. Great Britain Public Record Office CO 129/392, 14/12/12, 58. V. Lee, Being Eurasian: Memories across Racial Divides (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2004), p. 16.
36. P. Snow, The Fall of Hong Kong: Britain, China and the Japanese Occupation (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004), pp. 201�V202.
37. Ladies Page, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 1(1): 34, September 1951.
38. Ladies Page, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 1(2): 23, December 1951.
39. M. Chan, Women in Hong Kong fiction written in English: The mixed liaison, Renditions, 29 & 30, 257�V274, 1988. http://www.cuhk.edu.hk/rct/pdf/e_out-puts/b2930/v29%2630P257.pdf
40. W. B. Zhang, Hong Kong: The Pearl Made of British Mastery and Chinese Docile-Diligence (Hauppauge, NY: Nova Publishers, 2006).
41. Ibid., p. 172.
42. H. C. Ching, ��The dragon boat festival, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 1(1): 35, September, 1951; The Chung Yeung festival, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 1(2): 23, December, 1951.
43. Learning Chinese characters, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 9: 19�V20, Spring, 1959; P. W. Kam-on, Collecting Chinese porcelain for the beginner, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 1(1): 20�V24, September, 1951.
44. Ibid., p. 23.
45. D. Bray, Hong Kong Metamorphosis (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2001).
46. M. C. Wright, The Sociological Imagination (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1959).
47. World Justice Project (WJP)�XRule of Law Index (Hong Kong in ranked sec-ond in 2012�V2013, fourth 2013�V2024.). http://www.police.gov.hk/info/doc/WJP%202014%20-%20Order%20&%20Security-E.pdf
48. S. Austin, et.al. (eds.), The Limits of Law (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2005).
49. K. Jayasuriya (ed.), Law, Capitalism and Power in Asia: The Rule of Law and Legal Institutions (London and New York: Routledge, 19 June 2006), p. 47.
50. Ibid. C. Jones, Politics Postponed: Law as a Substitute for Politics in Hong Kong and China, pp. 45�V69.
51. Chapter 4: Law and Justice, S. Tsang, A Modern History of Hong Kong (London and New York: I.B. Tauris, 15 August 2007), pp. 45�V55.
52. The reach of colonial state, In: T.W. Ngo (ed.), Hong Kong��s History: State and Society under Colonial Rule (New York and London: Routledge, 11 September 2002), pp. 3�V5.
53. K. Jayasuriya (ed.), Law, Capitalism and Power in Asia: The Rule of Law and Legal Institutions (London and New York: Routledge, 19 June 2006), p. 46.
54. R. Wacks (ed.), The New Legal Order in Hong Kong (Hong Kong University Press, 1 November 1999), p. 46. (Professor Benny Tai placed the legalisation of Hong Kong in the 1970s, while I argue that the process began with the prom-ulgation of an all new Police Force Ordinance in 1950. While I credit the HKP with taking the leadership in legalisation, the uptake of the rule of law move-ment has to wait till the formation of ICAP in the 1970s).
55. D. Anderson and D. Killingray, Policing and Decolonisation: Politics, Nationalism, and the Police, 1917�V1965 (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1992).
56. A. Mills, Police reform in post-colonial states, Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF), Working Paper Series No. 36, 2002.
57. Op. Cit. note 55, p. 2.
58. Policing and the policed in the Postcolonial State Session 1 (1.33.22), 29 April 2010; Session 6 (2.03.43), 30 April 2010. Organized by Colonial and Postcolonial Policing Group (COPP), International Centre for Comparative Criminological Research, The Open University and School of Advance Studies, Institute of Commonwealth Studies, University of London Speakers will include Professor David Anderson (University of Oxford), Dr. Graham Ellison (Queen��s University, Belfast) and Professor Alice Hills (University of Leeds). For conference brief, see http://icommlibrary.blogspot.com/2010/04/policing-and-policed-conference-and.html, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v.=.1-gHCly0wR4 (Session.1); https://www.youtube.com/watch?v.=.Jth8z45h0HU (Session 2).
59. Ibid., p. 3. In India, the police grew from 190,000 (1938) to 300,000 (1943). With the Gold Coast, police grew from 2,5000 (1945) to 5360 (1956). With the Nigeria police, it grew from 5000 to10,5000 between 1945 and 1956.
60. http://www.hklii.hk/eng/hk/legis/HKHistLaws/
61. C. Loh, Underground Front: The Chinese Communist Party in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2010), p. 112.
62. 9 (a) Preserving the public peace.
63. 9 (b) Preventing and detecting crimes and offences.
64. 9 (c) Preventing injury to life and property.
65. 9 (d) Apprehending all persons for whom it is lawful to apprehend and for whose apprehension sufficient grounds exist.
66. 9 (e) Regulating processions and assemblies in public places or places of public resort.
67. 9 (f) Controlling traffic upon public thoroughfares and removing obstructions therefrom.
68. 9 (g) Preserving order in public places and places for public amusements, for which purpose any police officer on duty shall have free admission to all such places and meetings and assemblies while they are open to any of the public.
69. 9 (h) Assisting in carrying out any revenue, excise, sanitary, conservancy, quar-antine, immigration and alien registration laws.
70. 9 (i) Assisting in preserving order in the waters of the Colony and in enforcing port and maritime regulations therein.
71. 9 (j) Executing summonses, subpoenas, warrants, commitments and other pro-cesses issued by the courts.
72. 9 (k) Exhibiting information and conducting prosecution.
73. 9 (l) Protecting unclaimed and lost property and finding the owners thereof.
74. 9 (m) Taking charge of and impounding stray animals.
75. 9 (n) Assisting in the protection of life and property at fires.
76. 9 (o) Protecting public property from loss or injury.
77. 9 (p) Attending the criminal courts and, if specifically ordered, the civil courts and keeping order therein.
78. 9 (q) Escorting and guarding prisoners.
79. 9 (r) Executing such other duties may be by law imposed on a police officer.
80. Willim Henry Cowie vs. Attorney General [1948] HKCFI 13; [1946�V1972] HKC 520; HCA336/1947 (2 September 1948).
81. From Commissioner to police cadet (Article 3).
82. Robert Sandeman Lamb vs. A. D. Monkhouse [1900] HKCFI 35; HCA77/1947 (judgment date unknown); Willim Henry Cowie vs. Attorney General [1948] HKCFI 13; [1946�V1972] HKC 520; HCA336/1947 (2 September 1948).
83. http://www.hklii.hk/cgi-bin/sinodisp/eng/hk/cases/hkca/1961/1.html?stem=&synonyms=&query=police
84. For personal background and contribution to Hong Kong, see HK��s Rumpole was tireless in the search for justice, South China Morning Post, 8 November 2009 (��Before arriving in Hong Kong in 1958, Sanguinetti spent two years in Kenya with Britain��s Colonial Legal Service. He was assistant attorney general of Gibraltar from 1952. Arriving in Hong Kong aged 35, he soon became a magistrate��. He retired from the bar in 1994, and died in 2008. Sanguinetti is a social activist and rebel. He represented Elsie Tu for $1 in her appearance before the inquiry in 1966 Star Ferry riot. ��Sanguinetti came to believe that the harsher the punishment, the less chance it had of being either a deterrent, or useful for rehabilitation. His philosophy was a direct challenge to the prevail-ing colonial justice system, in which corporal punishment was common. He relentlessly pursued its abolition��). http://www.skyscrapercity.com/showthread.php?t.=.117521&page.=.22 For judicial philosophy, see Does punishment work? An interview with Judge Albert Sanguinetti. By Margret Chen (29 April 2008) (Judge Albert Sanguinetti, http://www.icubed.us/node/1522
85. Ibid., para. 10.
86. M. Chiu, Justice without Fear or Favor: Reflections of a Chinese Magistrate in Colonial Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Ming Bao, 1999), p. 1.
87. For personal background and contribution to Hong Kong, see HK��s ��Rumpole�� was tireless in the search for justice, South China Morning Post, 8 November 2009. http://www.skyscrapercity.com/showpost.php?p=46723179&postcount=431
88. Does Punishment Work? An interview with Judge Albert Sanguinetti. By Margret Chen (29 April 2008). http://www.icubed.us/node/1522
89. See Op. cit., Note 84, supra.
90. S. H. Tan, In attributing legitimacy, British ��social contract�� (SC) theory and Chinese ��.���� (bao en [BE]) principles work differently. First to observe is that SC and BE are built upon a completely different philosophical foundation and assumption. SC is built on a dog-eat-dog world. BE is built on a harmonious uni-verse. SC assumes that human beings are born brutish, selfish, but are rational. BE assumes that human beings are born good, at least pure of heart, and moved by emotion. For SC, individuals enter society through negotiation and exchange, that is, trading freedom for security. For BE, individuals are born in a society in the image of a well-integrated universe, wherein people��s roles are defined: (1) ruler to subject, (2) father to son, (3) elder brother to younger brother, (4) hus-band to wife and (5) friend to friend. Under SC theory, an individual is bonded to the collective by way of agreement. Under BE principles, an individual is born with status and duties (ascriptive role and assigned responsibilities.) Under SC, the individual attributes legitimacy to the government because of a ratio-nal consent to the government. Under BE, the individual accepts governance, at birth, and continues until there is a breach of faith, that is, Emperor or rulers acting beyond an ascriptive role (despotic ruler) and assigned responsibilities (neglectful officials) in providing for the people materially and ethically (��Tian Ming��). Acceptance is based on BE of a ruler treating subjects like parents. Thus, Confucius acceptance of the ruler is based on benevolence extended and obedi-ence returned, or ��performance legitimacy��. S.-H. Tan, Confucian Democracy: A Deweyan Reconstruction (New York: State University of New York Press, 2003).
91. B. Knaus, 5 mental traps relationships can��t escape, Psychology Today, 30 April 2014. http://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/science-and-sensibility/.201404/5-mental-traps-relationships-cant-escape
92. http://www.hklii.hk/cgi-bin/sinodisp/eng/hk/cases/hkcfi/1968/40.html?stem=&synonyms=&query=%22Commissioner%20of%20Police%22
93. In China ��elder learned brothers�� (�v�S) are those who enter tutorage of a trade, profession, or organisation before you. This means that they are more senior and can teach you about the trade or skills, that is, mentoring. You as a ��junior learning brothers�� �v�S have the duty to respect and learn from them. http://www.baike.com/wiki/%E5%B8%88%E5%85%84
94. Now, we called this force training the officer system.
95. There were to be a total of three topics on �j�v�S web discussion in a series, namely: Talk about colleagues who are �j�v�S (2001-09-04 at 12:07), �j�v�S system (2001-09-06 at 19:26) and II (2001-09-09 at 19:17). The above topic on �j�v�S started at 2001-09-04 at 12:07 and finished at 2001-09-05 22:08 with 11 entries. The series on �j�v�S tells us a traditional peer-to-peer mentoring sys-tem that is responsible for the transmission of vocational skills and inculcation of institutional culture on the next generation of HKP officers, in informal and personal ways, from what to do with situations and cases to how to deal with people (seniors, colleagues, public and offenders) and relationship. In doing so, it reveals the working relationship among police officers, old and new, senior and junior, mentor and mentee. The clear observation is that the nature, role and relationships of �j�v�S system have changed, drastically.
96. Blogger: family man. On 001-09-5 at 20:47.
97. http://www.hklii.hk/cgi-bin/sinodisp/eng/hk/cases/hkca/1900/13.html?stem=&synonyms=&query=police
98. M. Chui, op. cit, note 6. Op. cit.
99. H. L. Packer, The Limits of the Criminal Sanction (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1968).
100. In 1949, Magistrates (Amendment) Bill (1949) was introduced to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of the judicial process to catch up to the rise in minor court cases in the colony after the war and in transition to civil administration. The bill calls for adding more magistrates (permanent and special, clause 3); allowing for a letter plea of guilt in minor offences (clause 8) and allowing for a review by magistrates (clause 39). ��Although this measure was originally passed as an emergency measure, its utility since the return of Civil Government has been demonstrated by the fact that increased Powers were resorted to by magistrates in a vast numbers of cases, all of which would otherwise have had to be tried by an already over-burdened Supreme Court or been inadequately punished. It is perhaps significant that despite the trial of these more important cases by mag-istrates there have been very few successful appeals against sentence since the restoration of Civil Government��. Proceedings, Hong Kong Legislative Council, 9th February 1949. http://www.legco.gov.hk/1949/h490209.pdf For an insider view of the magistrate��s court and process, see G. Bickley (ed.), A Magistrate��s Court in Nineteenth Century Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Proverse, 2005).
101. T. Shanin, The idea of progress, In: M. Rahnema and B. Victoria (eds.), The Post-Development Reader, (London: Zed Books, 1997), pp. 65�V71.
102. R. Nisbet, History of the Idea of Progress (New York: Basic Books, 1980).
103. F. A. Ewins, Ballistics and the police, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 1(1): 16�V20, September 1951, Part II, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 1(2): 32�V34, March 1952.
104. Ibid., p. 16.
105. Sub-Inspector Cheng Loon Hooi, The police laboratory, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 1(2): 21�V22, September 1951.
106. Ibid., p. 21.
107. Ibid., p. 22.
108. Extract from the minute by Mr J. M. Macintosh, the then Commissioner of Police.
109. The route 2 murder, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 9 (1): 10�V15, 10, Spring, 1959.
110. Ibid., p. 11.
111. Ibid.
112. Ibid., p 10.
113. Ibid., p. 14.
114. Ibid., p. 15.
115. Ibid., p. 13.
116. D. W. Stephens, J. Hill and S. Greenberg, Strategic Communication Practices: A Toolkit for Police Executives (NIJ, COP, 2011). http://cops.usdoj.gov/Publications/e081129395_Strategic-Comm-Practices-Toolkit_rev.pdf
117. P. K. Manning, Information technologies and the police, 15 Crime and Justice, 349: 356, 1992.
118. Hong Kong Police Magazine, 4(1): 3, March, 1956.
119. HKP Archive, Communications branch, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 4(3): 4�V6, Autumn, 1956.
120. Hong Kong Magazine Police, 6(3): 17, Autumn, 1956.
121. Sub-Inspector H. H. Cheung, My impressions of the six months police course in England, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 2(2): 5�V8, March 1952.
122. University courses in 1950, sponsored by the Hong Kong University Press, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 11(3): 42, Autumn, 1959. The Prison Department followed HKP footstep in 1968. In 1968, the new Staff Training School for the Prisons Department was completed. The first course for newly recruited prison staff started in the same year with 171 men and four women recruits. The basic training for the staff was extended to 6 months and apart from courses run by the department, the Extra Mural Department of the University of Hong Kong was involved in the training in social science subjects such as: ��The Evaluation of Law and Punishment��; ��The Objects and Ethics of Punishment��; ��Delinquency and Human Nature��; ��Theories of Deviant Behaviour��; ��Chinese Attitudes to Law��; ��Social Aspects of Crime��; ��Drugs and Crime��; ��Psychiatric Aspects of Crime��; ��Group Counselling�� and ��The Effects of Various Treatments in Law��.
123. Inspector J. D. Adams, Police and youth, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 6(3): 16�V21, Autumn, 1956. (This was the winning essay in the Queen��s Police Gold Medal Essay Competition held in 1955. It is reproduced by kind permission of the author and the Committee of the Queen��s Police Gold Medal Competition).
124. Miss D. Lee Youth welfare in Hongkong, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 9 (4): 21�V15, Spring, 1959.
125. Hong Kong Police Magazine, 6(3): 16�V21, 16R, Autumn, 1956.
126. Ibid.
127. Ibid.
128. N. A. Vincent, Neuroscience and Legal Responsibility (Oxford University Press, 7 March 2013), pp. 309.
129. Hong Kong Police Magazine, 6(3): 16�V21, 20R, Autumn, 1956.
130. Hong Kong Police Magazine, 6(3): 16�V21, 19L, Autumn, 1956.
131. Due to the prison condition of the time, that is, no separate facility for children, children and young persons were placed in solitary confinement for their own good! G. Bickley, A Magistrate��s Court in 19th Century Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Proverse, 2005), p. 319.
132. G. Bickley, A Magistrate��s Court in 19th Century Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Proverse, 2005), p. 320.
133. Ibid., p. 319.
134. C. Cunneen, Postcolonial perspectives for criminology (January 2011). University of New South Wales Faculty of Law Research Series 2011. Working Paper 6. http://law.bepress.com/unswwps-flrps11/art6, http://law.bepress.com/cgi/viewcontent .cgi?article=1275&context=unswwps-flrps11
135. Miss D. Lee, Youth welfare in Hong Kong, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 9 (4): 15�V21, Spring, 1959. Lee was the assistant director (Youth Welfare) of the Social Welfare Department.
136. Ibid., p. 22.
137. ��An Ordinance to amend the Industrial and Reformatory Schools Ordinance, Chapter 225��.
138. The idea of separate correctional facility for young people first materialised with ��West Point Reformatory�� (1863). The reformatory handled minor indis-cretions of juveniles (6�V12 years old) recommended by the police magistrate. On 12 February 1966, Steard spoke out for a government reformatory, for ��children in out streets and on the Praya, who are growing up in ignorance and bidding fair to surpass their predecessors in the practice of violence and theft�K�� G. Bickley, A Magistrate��s Court in 19th Century Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Proverse, 2005), p. 365.
139. W. S. Chan (���س�), An assessment of the police superintendent��s discretion scheme. Thesis (M.P.A.)�XUniversity of Hong Kong, 1998. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B31965581.
140. The police superintendent��s discretion took after the U.K. Liverpool Police Juvenile Liaison Scheme (1949).
141. 2. What is police superintendent��s discretion? HKP Web. http://www.police.gov.hk/ppp_en/13_faqs/faq_cri.html
142. T. Platt, The rise of the child-saving movement: A study in social policy and cor-rectional, Annals of the American Academy of Political Science, 389(1): 21�V38, 1969. http://www.umass.edu/legal/Benavides/Fall2005/397G/Readings%20Legal%20397%20G/3%20Anthony%20Platt.pdf
143. To make the point clear, Hong Kong Police Magazine 7(2): 7, Summer, 1957.
144. Ibid. (��Values in Penal Theory and Scientific Criminology��. Extract from an arti-cle by A. Mergen, Professor of criminology in Mainz University, published in International Criminal Police Review, Number 103, December 1956).
145. ��Problem�� child focusses on the child, as a deviant, requiring treatment by experts. Child��s ��problem�� focusses on the difficulties confronted by the child, requiring attention of the family and community. For example, Mencius��s mother moved three times to provide Mencius the best educational environ-ment to succeed. This is the legendary story of �s���T�E (meng mu�� s.n qi.n; literal translation: ��Mencius��s mother, three moves��).
146. K. C. Wong, Chinese jurisprudence and Hong Kong law, China Report, 45(3): 213�V239, 2009.
147. Permissive Western vs. demanding Eastern: Which style of parenting is best for children? Wall Street Journal. http://online.wsj.com/community/groups/general-forum/topics/western-parents-too-indulgent
148. P. T. K. Lin and E. C. Lin, In the Eye of the China Storm: A Life between East and West (Montreal, Canada: McGill-Queen��s Press�XMQUP, 4 August 2011).
149. D. W. Clayton, Labour-intensive industrialization in Hong Kong, 1950�V70: A note on sources and methods, Asia Pacific Business Review, 12(3): 375�V388, 2006.
150. https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=666915996667684&id=648757011816916
151. Police History: Women�XAn equal force. HKP Web. http://www.police.gov.hk/ppp_en/01_about_us/ph_06.html By 1954, the strength of women po1ice had arisen to that of 53:2 cub-inspectors, 10 sergeants and 41 constables. The first Pakistan Woman Police joined in 1952. Lawrence K. K. Ho and Y. K. Chu, Policing Hong Kong, 1842�V1969: Insider��s Stories (Hong Kong: City University of Hong Kong, 2012), p. 21 Calderwood, Annie Hannah. In Service of the Community (�A�Ȫ��|). (Hong Kong: Liang Yu Printing Factory, 1974).
152.�u�ڥͩʦn��,..�I�D�ԩʪ�ĵ�Ȥu�@���n�ŦX�ڪ��ʮ�,..�]���ڷ��ɩ��t�@����¾�ӿ�ܤF�[�Jĵ���C�v ���Ĥ@�N�k��� (��First generation Woman Inspector��) or Classic Kimmy looks back, PoliceBeat, Issue 699, 21 March to 3 April 2001. http://www.police.gov.hk/offbeat/699/021_c.htm
153. Ibid.
154. ���M�D���D�G����Ĥ@�Ӫ��j�v�j�� A Special Report: First WPC allowed to carry a gun, Apple, 3 October 2006. http://hk.apple.nextmedia.com/news/art/.20061003/6368042
155. Hong Kong��s policewomen (30/3/2013). http://casualtvb.blogspot.com/2013/03/hong-kongs-policewomen.html
156. OffBeat, Issue 699, 21 March to 3 April 2001. http://www.police.gov.hk/offbeat/699/021_e.htm
157. Recalling Kimmy, PoliceBeat, Issue 702, 9 May to 22 May 2001.
158. Ho, Lai-sheung, Cora ���R��, Women in the Royal Hong Kong Police Force: Equal or unequal partners? Master thesis. (Hong Kong University Press, 1988); Cheung, Wing-kan, Simon, �i�ö�, The changing role of women police officers in the Royal Hong Kong Police during the past ten years, MPA dissertation. (Hong Kong University Press, 1997).
159. New women assistant superintendent of police, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 10(4): 3, Winter, 1960.
160. Ibid.
161. Hong Kong Police Magazine, 7(3): 6, Autumn 1957.
162. A. H. Chan and L. Ho, Women police officers in Hong Kong: Femininity and policing in a gendered organization, The Journal of Comparative Asian Development, 12(3): 489�V515, 2013.
163. ����ĵ�ȳB�h�ЦP����|�M�� �mĵ�n�n ��825��. http://www.police.gov.hk/offbeat/825/chi/h14.htm �����Q�~�N������kĵ���B������ �mĵ�n�n ��826��, http://www.police.gov.hk/offbeat/826/chi/h14.htm
164. http://www.police.gov.hk/offbeat/825/chi/h14.htm
165. Ibid.
166. Ibid.
167. Ibid.
168. http://www.police.gov.hk/offbeat/826/chi/h14.htm
169. Hong Kong Police Magazine, 2(3): 42, September 1952, Central.
170. Hong Kong Police Magazine, 2(3): 44, September 1952, Eastern.
171. Lai-sheung Ho (���R��.), Women in the Royal Hong Kong Police Force: Equal or unequal partners? Dissertation. Master of social science (criminology) University of Hong Kong, 1988.
172. Ibid.
173. Op. cit., N162, supra.
174. Ibid., pp. 7�V8.
175. Ibid., p. 8.
176. Ibid., p. 42.
177. Ibid., p. 43.
178. Ibid., p. 44.
179. Ibid. p. 45.
180. Ibid., p. 45. ��Police Station duties��.
181. Ibid., p. 46.
182. Ibid., p. 46. ��Allocation of beats��.
183. Ibid., p. 47. ��Pairing up with male colleagues��.
184. Ibid., p. 47. ��Allocation to incidence��.
185. Ibid., p. 48.
186. Ibid., p. 48.
187. T. Prenzler and G. Sinclair, The status of women police officers: An interna-tional review, International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice, 41: 115�V131, 2013. http://oro.open.ac.uk/36665/1/Status%20of%20women%20police%20an%20international%20review.pdf
188. Ibid., p. 116.
189. C. Jones, Women and the law in colonial Hong Kong, In: B. K. P. Leung and T. Y. C. Wong (eds.), 25 Years of Social and Economic Development in Hong Kong, Centre of Asian Studies Occasional Papers and Monographs, no. 111. (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1994), pp. 111�V132, 118�V119.
190. Topic ��Please report on mouthy (�h�f), bad mouthing colleagues��. The Police Forum web blog discussion was started by WAT HKI on 05-01-2001 at 11.39. It ended on 13-07-2001 at 20:14. There were a total of 70 entries. There were 41 separate commentators.
191. 27-05-2001 at 01:28. Little Sister.
192. A research conducted by Hong Kong Caritas on extra-marital relationship shows that from 1997 to 2001, there were 96 news reports on extra-marital infidelity disputes leading to 35 deaths or 65 injuries. From October 2002 to 2005, 335 people sought help from Caritas, with 118 violence cases and 54 sui-cide cases. Z. Y. Guo, Extra-marital relationships and family crisis (�B�~���P�a�x�M��) fcsc.caritas.org.hk/DOC/article/03marriage.doc. People seeking help with Hong Kong extra-marital infidelity doubled, 70% involved female, Hong Kong people easy to fall in love with colleagues (������B�~���D�U���W�k�ʥe70�H ��H��.�W�P�ơ�) Xinhua News 5 January 2013. According to data released by Caritas on extra-marital infidelity counseling service, there were 693 cases of infidelity last year (12/2011 to 11/2012), compared with 336 cases in 2011. 70% were female. 20% were married between 4 and 9 years. 40% involved co-workers or friends. Reasons include boring marriage (30%), lack of communication (28%) and having fun (18%). http://news.xinhuanet.com/gangao/2013-01/05/c_124186152.htm. According to Caritas extra-marital rela-tionship counseling centre, the reasons for extra-marital relationship that differ between male and female were as follows: For male, they are: (1) prove charm at 40; (2) not satisfied with sex; (3) sudden urge at work; (4) boredom; (5) escape from home or work pressure; (6) universal lover and (7) disgusted with the partner. For female: (1) revenge; (2) boring life and (3) no attention from the husband. Caritas. http://ema.caritas.org.hk/couple/reason01.html
193. 2. The Force is committed to ethics and integrity in the Hong Kong Police Force where Ethics and Integrity in the Hong Kong Police Force (HKP: Hong Kong Police College, August, 2009).
194. Hong Kong Police Magazine, 6(1): 25, March, 1956.
195. Inspector Patrick, Women police, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 7(3): 4, Autumn, 1957.
196. D. A. E. Peterson (principal probation officer), The policeman and the juvenile, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 2(2): 10�V13, March, 1952.
197. Hong Kong squatter village fire 1953. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=.evIwMJRVoHQ
198. ��However on Christmas night 1953 the biggest fire in Hong Kong��s history occurred in the Shek Kip Mei Squatter area in Shumshuipo. About 7,500 huts were destroyed and nearly 60,000 people were rendered homeless�K. the Tai Hang Tung fire in July 1954, which destroyed over 2,000 huts and rendered 25,000 persons homeless��, CIP Roberts, Squatter fire in Hong Kong, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 6(1): 13�V15, 14 March 1956.
199. Ibid., p. 14.
200. Ibid., p. 15.
201. A. Smart, The Shek Kip Mei Myth: Squatters, Fires and Colonial Rule in Hong Kong, 1950�V1963 (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2006). Chapter 6: Shek Kip Mei, pp. 95�V117.
202. CIP Roberts, Squatter fire in Hong Kong, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 6(1): 13�V15, 14 March 1956.
203. The New Kowloon City Police Station, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 2(3): 19�V20, September, 1952.
204. The same with the report from Central: ��The New Aberdeen Street Quarters for Bank and File were opened in April by Lady Grantham. The fine white edi-fice rising as it does from Paddy��s Market and looking down onto the Harbour is without a doubt a proud start to the solution of our accommodation trou-bles. Less magnificent buildings, the wooden huts to be precise, have been erected at Upper Level for Single Constables and should accommodate 100 men��. Chatter from the state�XLeft column, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 1(1): 25, 1951.
205. This recalls the station improvement and amalgamation projects. HK Audit Commission, 2005. http://www.aud.gov.hk/eng/pubpr_arpt/aud_HonPol.htm
206. Hong Kong Police Magazine, 10 (4): 56, Winter, 1960.
207. This kind of meet and greet type of HKP�Xcommunity relationship should be separate from and distinguished with frequent meetings between local business people and well-connected residents with Chinese police officers at the sergeant level, for social exchange, for example, shop-opening banquets or official busi-ness, for example, intelligence sharing. Our family-watch business, one of the oldest and a household name by now, started in Shum Shui Po in 1952. We lived on 59 Tai Po Road opposite many watch shops my father had established through the years, until the 1960s. My father was a self-made man. He was respected and loved by the community for his business acumen and industriousness, integ-rity and honesty, generosity and gregariousness. I recalled my father having a lot of influential friends inside the Shum Shui Po Police Station. The police, UB and CID, all knew him well. One ring to Shum Shui Po Police Station and the police would be all over the place. He was on first-name basis with them. The police purchased watches from him at a deep discount and watch repairing was for free. Sometimes, the courtesy was extended to friends and associations of the police. When asked, my father would say: ��They worked hard day and night. They protected us. We repair watches for them��. My father drank a lot. CID officers came over to wine and dine on many occasions. All got drunk. When my father wanted something done with the government, he would call up the CIDs. When troublemakers appeared demanding for tea money in New Years, my father would call the CID, and the problem would be solved. There was no need for station visit and report entry. Strange enough. I never met an expatriate officer, nor inspectorate and above-grade police officer, dropping by. I guess they were too busy doing official community-policing work. My father never missed them.
208. My father has his fair share of shop opening with the biggest movie stars in attendance, cutting the ribbons. Reporters would come. People would gather. Cars would be parked and double parked. No one could get through, for about an hour, usually at noon.
209. In Washington, DC or New York City, NY, the bragging right is when and where you reserve a table by the window. Or what kind of public events you were invited to. T. Alexander Smith and L. O��Connel, Black Anxiety, White Guilt, and the Politics of Status Frustration (Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group, 1 January 1997), p. 38.
210. W. Y. Jiang, Mianzi (face) and Guanxi (relationship) in Chinese culture and their implications for business management, American Review of China Studies, 7.1: 15�V29, 2006.
211. A. Chan, The Chinese concepts of Guanxi, Mianzi, Renqing and Bao: Their interrelationships and implications for International Business, 2006. http://arrow.uws.edu.au:8080/vital/access/manager/Repository/uws:7413
212. K.-P. Huang and K. Y. Wang, How Guanxi relates to social capital? A psycho-logical perspective, Journal of Social Sciences, 7 (2): 120�V126, 2010, 2011.
213. The author��s family business is a household name in Hong Kong, in the watch business. The author��s father was an influential member of the community. He opened the first watch shop in Shum Shui Po. The author thus saw at first hand how relationship�Xface management worked. G.-M. Chen and R. Ma, Chinese Conflict Management and Resolution (Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2002). (The Chinese look for five things in cultivating a meaningful and durable relationship, namely: harmony, Guanxi (relationship), Mianzi (face), seniority and authority. p. 4)
214. Photos: The Shamshuipo Divisional Soccer Team in full array and The two teams�XKowloon City and Shamshuipo�XPhotographed prior to the com-mencement of the game, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 10 (4): 57, Winter, 1960 and Hong Kong Police Magazine, 10 (4): 62, Winter, 1960, respectively.
215. Presentation of letters of appreciation to members of the public on 17th March 1959, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 9 (4): 30, Spring, 1959.
216. Presentation of awards to members of the public, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 2(1): 14, March, 1952.
217. Hong Kong Memory. http://www.hkmemory.hk/collections/oral_history/All_Items_OH/oha_60/records/index.html#p48801
218. Owner of Lai Heung Yuen Cafe, Hong Kong Memory. http://www.hkmem-ory.hk/collections/oral_history/All_Items_OH/oha_74/highlight/index.html#p56936
219. Ibid.
220. Hong Kong Police Magazine, 10(4): Winter, 1960.
221. Story in pictures. Wandering child found. A story heard many times but each with its own differences and heart-touching reality, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 10(2): 12�V13, Summer, 1959.
222. Sir Rober Peel��s principles of law enforcement. http://www.impsec.org/~jhardin/gunstuff/writings/Peels_Principles_Of_Law_Enforcement.pdf
223. Hong Kong Police Magazine, 6(1): 9, March, 1956.
224. Ibid. ��LET��S Face It by Regular��, p. 9.
225. Ibid. ��On Taking�XOver�� by Special, p. 11.
226. Ibid. ��Let��s Face It by Regular��, p. 10.
227. ��However on Christmas night 1953 the biggest fire in Hong Kong��s history occurred in the Shek Kip Mei Squatter area in Shumshuipo. About 7,500 huts were destroyed arid nearly 60,000 people were rendered homeless�K. the Tai Hang Tung fire in July 1954, which destroyed over 2,000 huts and rendered 25,000 persons homeless,�� CIP Roberts, Squatter fire in Hong Kong, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 6(1): 13�V15, 14 March 1956.
228. Ibid., p. 10.
229. Ibid.
230. Paper on Legislative Council Panel on Security Review of the Hong Kong Auxiliary Police Force (HKAPF) (Security Bureau, June 1999). http://www.legco.gov.hk/yr98-99/english/panels/se/papers/se1006_5.htm
231. Royal Hong Kong Auxiliary Police Force (Amendment) Bill 1980 ��The Auxiliary Police Force came into existence in 1959 on the amalgamation of the two for-mer reserve bodies known as the Police Reserve and the Special Constabulary. Its role was to provide a nucleus of trained personnel who would be available to supplement the regular police in times of emergency. �KHowever as a result of the deteriorating crime situation in 1972 it was decided that elements of the auxiliary police should be called out to supplement the uniform branch of the regular police in a normal constabulary role��. Hong Kong Legislative Council, Official Report of Proceedings, Wednesday, 25 June 1980, 902�V903.
232. Hong Kong Legislative Council, Official Report of Proceedings, Wednesday, 5 December 1990, p. 26.
233. ��A Committee consisting of regular Police officers and officers from the HKAPF including its Deputy Commandant was set up in November 1998 to conduct a comprehensive review of the HKAPF. The results were announced in mid-March 1999. Copies of the review report were sent to Members for information in April 1999. �KThe Committee has made a total of 33 -recommendations -covering the role, establishment, organization structure, recruitment and training of the HKAPF��. Paper on Legislative Council Panel on Security Review of the Hong Kong Auxiliary Police Force (HKAPF) (Security.Bureau,.June.1999).http://www.legco.gov.hk/yr98-99/english/-panels/se/papers/se1006_5.htm
234. Paper on Legislative Council Panel on Security Review of the Hong Kong Auxiliary Police Force (HKAPF) (Security Bureau, June 1999). http://www.legco.gov.hk/yr98-99/english/panels/se/papers/se29061a.htm
235. On 28 April 2003, Hong Kong Auxiliary Police Association (HKAPA) wrote to the chairman of the Legislative Council (LegCo) Panel on Security to discuss and resolve issues on the status and rights of HKAPA. The HKAPA is registered under section 5A of the Societies Ordinance (Cap. 151). Unlike the Police Force Ordinance (Cap. 232), Hong Kong Auxiliary Police Force Ordinance (Cap. 233) does not preclude the formation of staff association or trade union. According to section 8 of the Police Force Ordinance (Cap. 232), police officers are not allowed to join the trade union or take part in industrial actions. At issue is the fact that the HKP management failed to acknowledge HKAPA as a proper consultative body and would not allow HKAPA to use any of the government building or official time to promote its activities. HKP objected to HKAPA��s representative, advocacy and consultative role and activities on two grounds. First, HKAPA registered under the Society Ordinance (Cap. 151) and are permitted to func-tion under the Hong Kong Auxiliary Police Force Ordinance (Cap. 233) as a private association. For example, HKAPA included retired auxiliary officers as its members. Second, HKAP was officially represented by HKP Internal Review and Management Committee (IRMC). IRMC is a standing committee established in September 2000 with HKP force wide membership. It was charged with facilitat-ing communication and addressing issues of concern to auxiliary police officers. Legislative Council Panel on Security, Status of the Hong Kong Auxiliary Police Association in representing Auxiliary Police officers, Paper No. CB(2)2247/02-03(04). Discussed 5 June 2003.
236. This author has been consulted by the HKAP senior management on the issue in 1999�V2000. At the time, there was a siege mentality prevailing in HKAP HQ with frustration and resentment in the mix. At the time, I was perplexed by what I considered as ��dime wise pound foolish�� cost-cutting measures, by the HKP.
237. At a public lecture at HKP HQ, with 500 officers attending, a Commissioner of Police openly challenged the wisdom and feasibility of community policing, as applied to Hong Kong. ��State Police as a Social Resource Theory��. Professional Development Seminar, Police College, Hong Kong Police. 16 October 2009.
238. In order to facilitate crime fighting better, Mr Cheong-Leen, called for the establishment of district or area security groups (�a�Ϧw����) (ASG) in all CDO offices. ASG would be community organised but is selective, voluntary, uniformed and trained with limited power. It would be the responsibility of the HKP, with the co-operation of the CDOs and the Fight Violent Crime Area Committees. ASGs were second-class auxiliaries�Xless trained, less well-turned out, less well paid, less armed and less powerful in law. Hong Kong Legislative Council, Official Report of Proceedings, Wednesday, 30th January 1974.
239. LegCo Panel on Security. Minutes of special meeting held on Tuesday, 29 June 1999. LC Paper No. CB(2) 2783/98-99. http://www.legco.gov.hk/yr98-99/english/panels/se/minutes/se290699.htm
240. This is to suggest, indirectly, that the training up of HKAPF to serve regular policing role is not the best value for money.
241. Op. cit, N239, supra.
242. Ibid.
243. Redefine and limit the role and functions to crowd control and guard duties, not general policing duties.
244. Op. cit, N239, supra.
245. Ibid. ��The Chairman requested the Force to consider addressing some of the concerns of the Auxiliary Police officers which did not involve a matter of principle before the trial period ended such as abolishing the symbol on their uniform which differentiated an Auxiliary Police officer from a regular Police officer. Mr CHEUNG Man-kwong echoed the Chairman��s view��.
246. Ibid. ��Mr Howard YOUNG said that the revised role of Auxiliary Police officers, whom were mainly responsible for crowd control, was quite different from the per-ception of the general public on HKAPF. He enquired whether the Force had criti-cally examined the respective roles of HKAPF in drawing up the recommendations��.
247. Ibid.
248. Op.cit, N239, supra.
249. HKPM Summer, 1959, p. 28.
250. ��Reproduced by kind permission of the Author and the Editor of the Police College Magazine��. Ibid.
251. ��The importance of organisation in police work��.
252. ��A History of Police��.
253. W. L. M. Lee, A History of Police in England (London: Methuen, 1901).
254. W. R. Miller, Chapter 16: Weber��s Rational�VLegal Model of Legitimation and the Police in London and New York City, 1930�V1870, In: Wilbur R. MillerVarisol Lopez Menendez, Mr Fanon Howell, Professor David Chalcraft, Mr Hector (eds.), Max Weber Matters: Interweaving Past and Present (Farnham, Surrey, UK: Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 28 December 2012), pp. 257�V271.
255. D. Bordua and A. Reiss, ��Command Control and Charisma��, Working Papers, #10, The Center for Research on Social Organization Department of Sociology, University of Michigan, June 1965.
256. Ibid., p. 258.
257. H. E. Egerton, The system of British colonial administration of the crown colonies in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries compared with the sys-tem prevailing in the nineteenth century: A lecture delivered before the [Royal Historical] Society on 9 April, 1918, 1919.
258. This is not to say that various policy centres always agree on the policy line. In fact they do not.
259. Retrospect, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 3 (2): 10, June 1952.
260. W. I. Nicholson, Use of Discretion and the Law: Formal and Informal Perspectives in the Royal Hong Kong Police, Master of social science (Hong Kong University Press, 1981).
261. Ibid., p. 30.
262. Ibid., p. 33.
263. Ibid., p. 36.
264. Ibid., p. 39.
265. Ibid., p. 41.
266. Ibid., p. 4.
267. Ibid., p. 27.
268. Ibid., p. 22.
269. Ibid., p. 27.
270. Ibid., p. 30.
271. Ibid.
272. Ibid., p. 31.
273. Ibid., p. 30.
274. Ibid., p. 31.
275. Ibid.
276. Ibid., p. 31.
277. Ibid., p. 33 (SDI�VCentral), p. 34 (SDI�VWF).
278. Ibid. 36.
279. Ibid., p. 40.
280. Ibid., p. 36.
281. Looking back�XA need for marines, OffBeat, Issue 688, 27 September to 10 October 2000. http://www.police.gov.hk/offbeat/688/024_e.htm
282. Hong Kong Police Magazine, 1(1): 24, September, 1951.
283. ����ĵ��B��. http://bbs.tiexue.net/post_4116775_1.html
284. Ibid.
285. F. R. D. Aberdeen, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 15(4): 14, Winter, 1964.
286. Hong Kong Police Magazine, 15(4): 22�V23, Winter, 1964.
287. Wong Tai Sin Divisional Newsletter, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 15(4): 14, Winter, 1964.
288. For development of Kai Tak Airport since inception, see http://hongwrong.com/kai-tak-airport-photos/
289. Chatter from the station: Kowloon City Division, Hong Kong Police Magazine. 1(2): 31, December, 1951.
290. Kowloon Walled City: Remembering Hong Kong��s Chaotic City of Darkness. http://gizmodo.com/5995070/kowloon-walled-city-remembering-the-chaotic-city-of-darkness; For an oral history, see RHKTV http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YbrqjNWOuko
291. City of Imagination: Kowloon Walled City�X20 years later (Photographer: Greg Girard, City of Darkness: Life in Kowloon Walled City) Wall Street Journal (21-11-1991). http://on.aol.com/video/walk-police-in-kowloon-walled-city-518196214.
292. E. Sinn, Kowloon Walled City: Its origin and early history, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 27: 30�V31, 2009.
293. The convention between the United Kingdom and China, respecting an exten-sion of Hong Kong Territory (Second Convention of Peking) (1898).
294. HKP started routine patrol in 1975. RHKTV: Kowlooned Wall City (2 December 1975): ����: ����C �s��: ���~��, �������@�ʻs: ��¨q ���X���: 1975�~12��2��. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v.=.YbrqjNWOuko
295. The author was posed to Walled City as a relief IC while attached to Kowloon City Police Station in 1970.
296. Kowloon Walled City is considered without the control of Chinese, British and Hong Kong authorities. �u�T���ޡv���E�s����. http://news.stheadline.com/figure/?id.=.132
297. Kowloon Walled City: A special retrospective 20 years after its demolition, Time Out Hong Kong, 18 April 2014. http://www.timeout.com.hk/big-smog/features/65777/kowloon-walled-city-a-special-retrospective-20-years-after-its-demolition.html
298. ��Photography�XRare shots from inside the old Kowloon Walled City, Date: 05.07.2012. http://hongwrong.com/kowloon-walled-city/
299. Policing by neglect is when the police ceded control of an area, allowing other forms of social control to claim the territory, such as China town in New.York.
300. Because of a deal between China and Great Britain at the time, British police had no power within the Kowloon City walls. My dad recalls thieves robbing people on the outskirts of the city and then immediately running into the Kowloon City center in order to evade capture. The British police were sim-ply not allowed into Kowloon Walled City, My Father Lived in Kowloon Walled City Doobybrain.com 1 May 2008. http://www.doobybrain.com/2008/05/01/my-father-lived-in-kowloon-walled-city/
301. ���򶰡G���� (1975) @ 2.47. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x29vVQiV4_o
302. Ibid., p. 2.57.
303. Ibid., p. 3.06.
304. Ibid., p. 3.14.
305. Ibid., p. 3.38.
306. Ibid., p. 3.43.
307. Ibid., p. 4.23.
308. Ibid., p. 4.34.
309. Ibid., p. 5.21.
310. Ibid., p. 6.00.
311. Comment: Mark, 13 June 2012. 10.05 a.m. My father lived in Kowloon Walled City, Doobybrain.com 1 May 2008. http://www.doobybrain.com/2008/05/01/my-father-lived-in-kowloon-walled-city/There��s also a good recent article in The Mail Online at: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2139914/A-rare-insight-Kowloon-Walled-City.html
312. Chatter from stations: SSP, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 1(1): 31, September, 1951.
313. Chatter from stations: SSP, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 2(1): 40, March, 1952.
314. �w�����u��. http://chengyu.xpcha.com/506g518jsn6.html
315. Ibid.
316. Shek Kip Mei�XThose were the days (1): Built in 1954, Shek Kip Mei Estate was Hong Kong��s first resettlement estate with a long history of more than 50 years. With the redevelopment of the estate in 2006, all but one ��H�� shaped resettle-ment blocks had to be demolished. Those who had lived in Shek Kip Mei Estate before shared the fond memories when neighbours helped and cared for each other. Those days would remain the most precious memory deep in their hearts. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8gOwc22YyG8
317. Li Ping Sum, Retired journalist. DOB 1944. 67 years old. Upper Secondary. The two centres of Yau Ma Tei: Yau Ma Tei Police Station and Yung Shue Tau. (14/12/2012) Hong Kong Memory. http://www.hkmemory.hk/collections/oral_history/All_Items_OH/oha_34/records/index.html#p57148
318. See Felson, Routine Activities Theory.
319. Yue Shue Tau has not changed much, except now, it is visited more by bargain hunters, tourists, foreign and Chinese, who want to spend an evening in Temple Street.
320. For problems with refugee policing, see History�XNewly restored Old Hong Kong Newsreels: Part 1, Refugees (Entitled: Refugee Turned Back, 1962). http://hongwrong.com/category/video/
321. Hong Kong Memories: Cheung Koon Fu: Retired policeman. https://www.hkmemory.hk/collections/oral_history/All_Items_OH/oha_112/records/index.html#p73022
322. R. J. Sampson, J. D. Morenoff and F. Earls, Beyond social capital: Spatial dynam-ics of collective efficacy for children, American Sociological Review, 64: 633�V660, 1999.
323. A community-oriented policing (COP) is to have police working with the com-munity to define, prioritise and solve a problem. A community-driven crime control (CDCC) is having the community solving their problems with procure-ment of resources, with the police being one of the resources made available. Kam C. Wong, ��State Police as a Social Resource Theory�� (2000), a/k/a CDCC, alternatively ��Expectation theory��. K. C. Wong, Policing in China: History and Reform (New York: Peter Lang, 2009).
324. ��Hong Kong Memories: Cheung Koon Fu: Retired policeman��. Op. cit.
325. Tse, Ching-kan, Curry (�¥���), The fortified line: Police observation posts in the frontier closed area at the border of Hong Kong and Shenzhen. Dissertation. Master of science in conservation at the University of Hong Kong.
326. In 1970, the author was involved with a border incident at Sha Tau Kok, as OIC Sha Yau Kok Police Post, when a number of British soldiers drove into China for a visit. Both the PRC militia and PLA were mobilised, as did the British military. The incident lasted for 12.h.
327. P. Jackson, Hong Kong Police Stations: The Peak Police Station, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 10(4): 29�V32, Winter, 1960.
328. Ibid., p. 29.
329. L. W. C. Lai, Discriminatory zoning in colonial Hong Kong: A review of the post-war literature and some further evidence for an economic theory of dis-crimination, Property Management, 29(1): 50�V86, 2011.
330. C. Courtauld and M. Holdsworth, The Hong Kong Story (Hong Kong Publishing, Oxford University Press, 1997).
331. The police patrols, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 2(2): 10�V11, Summer, 1951.
332. Ibid.
333. Since the last publication of the Police Magazine, we have lost our Divisional Superintendent Mr Wright-Nooth. We were very reluctant to lose him since we have been a very happy division under his direction. Chatter around stations, YMT Hong Kong Police Magazine, 1(1): 35, Spring 1951.
334. The police patrols, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 2(2): 10�V11, Summer, 1951.
335. This recalls the debate over: ��Station improvement and amalgamation projects��. Hong Kong Audit Commission (2005), The auditor found that the carpet used to beautify the Report Room and back areas was not suitable for heavy use and needed to be replaced. http://www.aud.gov.hk/pdf_e/e44ch06_summary.pdf
336. The police patrols, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 2(2): 10�V11, Summer, 1951.
337. Sub-Inspector R. Apedaile, Policemen are my friends, Hong Kong Police Magazine, 7(3): 23, Autumn, 1957.
338. Gunga_Din is a movie in 1939. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gunga_Din_%.28film%29
339. The above poem was originally published in a magazine at Stanley Camp, in 1942.
340. G. C. Emerson, Hong Kong Internment, 1942�V1945 Life in the Japanese Civilian Camp at Stanley (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2008).
341. Hong Kong Police Magazine, 6(1): 23, March, 1956.
342. Hong Kong Police Magazine, 6(1): 23, March, 1956.
343. K. W. Andrew, Hong Kong Detective (London: Adventurers Club, c.1962).
344. T. Platt, The rise of the child saving movement: A study in social policy and correctional reform. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 381: 21�V38, 1969.
345. A. Chau, Battle Hymn of the Tiger Mother (New York: Penguin Books; Reprint edition (December 27, 2011)).
346. C. Ruth and V. Tseng, Parenting of Asians, In: M. Bornstein (ed.), Handbook of Parenting, 2nd edition, Vol. 4. (Mahwah, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc., 2002), pp. 59�V93, 63.
347. The struggle for dominance between Western science and Chinese culture as a mediator of Hong Kong decolonisation and HKP reform needs to be studied, lest we fall into the traps of borrowing Western science to trump Chinese cul-ture, thinking it is a liberating give-and-take process, and not a dominating zero sum gain experience.
348. J. Liederbach and L. F. Travis III. Wilson Redux: Another look at varieties of police behavior, Police Quarterly, 11: 447, 2008.
349. Y. King-cheung, Hong Kong police jargon and some sociolinguistic correlates. MA dissertation. (Hong Kong University Press, 1981).
350. Ibid., p. 17. My supposition here is that whatever the law said or British boss asks of them, HKP officers must find their work ��culturally�� meaningful before they can do it well. This does not mean that they need to understand the law or agree with the boss, but whatever they do, they need to translate them in cultural terms, such that they know what they are doing. This includes going rogue when there is a disjuncture between legality and cultural correctness. I would go as far as an argument, and much of police corruption at the time resulted from mis-match between British law and Chinese culture. As simple as it is, if the Chinese culture encouraged Guanxi and approved of gambling, why should it be street care if the residents provided it with a few dollars to look the other way?
351. G. M. Hodgson, 10: Reconstitutive downward causation: Social structure and the development of individual agency, In: E. Fullbrook (ed.), Intersubjectivity in Economics: Agents and Structures (London and New York: Routledge, 2 September 2003), pp. 159�V168.
352. A. Annieson, The One-Eyed Dragon. The Inside Story of a Hong Kong Policeman (Scotland: Lochar Publishing, 1989).
353. Ibid., p. 10.
354. Ibid., p. 14.
355. ��Police as security agent��.
356. ��Hong Kong Police is the government��.
357. ��Police role and functions��.
358. ��Police recruitment��.
359. ��Police training��.
360. ��Police instructor��.
361. ��Police use of force��.
362. ��Police use of force��.
363. ��Police organization/administration��.
364. ��Police foreign officers vs. local rank and file��.
365. ��Organization of police work��.
366. ��Policing Mongkok�Xtown center��.
367. ��Mobile patrol��.
368. ��Understaffing��.
369. ��Organization of police work��.
370. Policing Aberdeen�Xsea port.
371. ��Police discretion��.
372. Complaint against police��.
373. Conflicting expectations.
374. W. Mcelroy, Defining state and society, The Freeman, 1 April 1998. http://www.fee.org/the_freeman/detail/defining-state-and-society#axzz2Z14HtqAp
375. Oppenheimer ��discovered the origin of the state in those who wished to sat-isfy the economic impulse through the political means. He posited six stages through which a conquering group typically passes in order to become a state. At first, a warlike group raids and plunders a vulnerable group. Second, the victimized group ceases to actively resist. In response, the raiders now merely plunder the surplus, leaving their victims alive and with enough food to ensure the production of future wealth to plunder. Eventually, the two groups come to acknowledge mutual interests, such as protecting the crops from a third group. Third, the victims offer tribute to the raiders, eliminating the need for violence. Fourth, the two groups merge territorially. Fifth, the warlike group assumes the right to arbitrate disputes��. Read more: http://www.fee.org/the_freeman/detail/defining-state-and-society#ixzz2Z1Dy3DGF
376. K. Lowe, Hong Kong��s missing history, History Today, 41 (12): 1991. http://www.historytoday.com/kate-lowe/hong-kongs-missing-history

Table 9.1.Nationalities of Police Officers in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries

Nationality
1867
1881
1908
1927
1946

European
89
103
131
246
377

Indian
377
194
410
753
325

Guangdong Chinese
132
351
501
600
1630

Shandong Chinese
�X
�X
�X
216
305

Source: M. S. Gaylord, D. Gittings and H. Traver, Introduction to Crime, Law and Justice in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2009), Chapter 4, pp. 57�V76.





Table 9.2.Annual Salaries of Rank and Files by Nationality, 1855�V1915

Year (Currency)
European
Indian
Chinese

1855 (pounds sterling)
47.10
20
13.15

1885 (HKD)
480
150
108

1915
100 pounds sterling
150 HKD
150 HKD

Source: See Prisons Department Annual Report of 1938.







Figure 9.1.First generation woman inspector. (Classic Kimmy looks back, PoliceBeat, Issue 699, 21 March to 3 April 2001. Kimmy Kok (left).)



Figure 9.2.Passing out parade of women police constable�V1950s..(Kimmy control: Sub-Inspector Koh leads another batch of recruits passing out in the 50s. OffBeat, Issue 699, 21 March to 3 April 2001. http://www.police.gov.hk/offbeat/699/021_e.htm)

Table 9.3.HKP�VWPC Establishment: 1949�V1963

Year
W/SSP
SP/ASP
CIP
IP/SIP
Station Sgt
Sgt
Clp
WPC

1949
�X
�X
�X
�X
�X
�X
�X

1950
�X
�X
�X
1
�X
�X
�X

1951
�X
�X
�X
1
�X
�X
10

1952
�X
�X
�X
1
�X
�X
26

1953
�X
�X
�X
2
�X
6
48

1954
�X
�X
�X
2
�X
6
48

1955
�X
�X
�X
3
�X
6
48

1956
�X
�X
�X
3
�X
6
48

1957
�X
�X
�X
4
�X
10
63

1958
�X
1
�X
4
�X
12
90

1959
�X
1
�X
4
�X
16
123

1960
�X
1
�X
8
�X
18
138

1961
�X
1
�X
8
�X
22
160

1962
�X
1
�X
11.+.(1)
�X
31
242

1963
�X
1
�X
13.+.(1)
�X
34
284

1964
�X
1
�X
13.+.(1)
�X
#13
#34
285

1965
�X
1
�X
17.+.(1)
�X
16
39
354

1966
�X
1
�X
18.+.(3)
�X
16
39
353

1967
�X
1
�X
18.+.(3)
�X
16
39
353

1968
�X
2
�X
18.+.(2)
�X
16
39
353.+.20*

1969
�X
2
�X
18.+.(2)
�X
17
39
357

1970
�X
2
�X
18.+.5*.+.(2)
�X
17
39
360.+.110*

1971
�X
2
�X
20.+.5*
�X
56
�X
380.+.160*

1972
1
2
4
23
�X
92
�X
569

1973
�X
2
4
26
�X
83
�X
573

1974
�X
3
3
45
�X
52
�X
637

Note: As of 1 April each year:
�E
Excluding 45 Sgts and 11 Cpls telephone posts which from 1964 onwards were shown separate though technologically, they maintained contact with WPC.

�E
Supplemental posts.







Table 9.4..Women Police Leaders�XFirst in Rank: 1949�V1995

The first Woman Sub-Inspector of Police
Kimmy Koh 1 December 1949

The first Woman Senior Inspector of Police
J Panter 21 June 1963

The first Chinese Woman Senior Inspector of Police
Lui Che Ying, Lee O��lin 1 April 1967

The first Woman Assistant SOP
Margaret Mary Patrick 1 April 1958

The first Woman SOP
Marjorie Elsie Lovell 8 December 1963

The first Chinese Woman SOP
Lui Che Ying 1 August 1971

The first Woman Senior SOP
Marjorie Elsie Lovell 23 June 1971

The first Chinese Woman Senior SOP
Wong Leung Kam Shan Felicia 1 October 1981

The first Woman Chief SOP
A H Calderwood 14 May 1977

The first Chinese Woman Chief SOP
Wong Leung Kam Shan Felicia 10 June 1987

The first Chinese Woman Assistant Commissioner of Police
Wong Leung Kam Shan Felicia 21 January 1995

Source: Police then and now: Woman officers in important jobs. OffBeat, Issue 770 (March 3, 2004 to March 16, 2004). http://www.police.gov.hk/offbeat/770/eng/index.htm