Hongkong Register, September 18, 1854; Schwendinger, Ocean of Bitter Dreams, p. 67.
80.
Hongkong Register, May 18, 1852. 81. Hongkong Register, October 17, 24, 1854.
82.
Bonham to Newcastle, January 6, 1854, #4: CO 129/45.
83.
Hillier to Mercer, September 3, 1855, enclosed in John Bowring to Lord Russell, September 14, 1855: #140, CO 129/52.
84.
The Friend of China, January 20, 1855.
85.
Letters enclosed in John Bowring to Lord Russell, September 14, 1855: #140, CO 129/52. Part of the reason for the discrepancy was that the Melbourne offi cial was using the one passenger to two ton ratio to calculate the number of passengers permissible, and the different ways of calculating tonnage led to disagreement as to how many tons the vessel actually weighed. Another discrepancy was that pas-sengers were being carried in the orlop decks, which was in breach of the Act. But
there were many real oversights by the Hong Kong Emigration Offi cer leading to the remarkable overloading. The main factor was that the Hong Kong Emigration Officer had no intention of following the strictures of the Act, which he felt were unnecessarily stringent. It was he who accused the Melbourne government of being anti-Chinese.
86.
Caine to Newcastle, May 4, 1854: #11, CO 129/46; approval for the appoint-ment given by Colonial Office in Colonial Office to Bowring, August.29, 1854: CO129/45.
87.
Colonial Land and Emigration Office to Herman Merivale, Colonial Office, April.26, 1855: CO 129/53.
88.
Letter to Mercer from Dent & Co., Lindsay & Co., J. F. Edgar, Lyall, Still & Co., John Burd & Co., Y. J. Murrow, William Anthon & Co., Gibb Livingston & Co., Wm. Pustau & Co., January 11, 1855, enclosed in #3273 in CO.129/55, pp. 100�V106.
89.
Colonial Land and Emigration Office to Frederick Peel, September 15, 1854: CO 129/48.
90. The Act subjected vessels from any port in Hong Kong, and every British ship car-rying from any port in China or within 100 miles of the coast thereof, more than 20 passengers being natives of Asia on voyages of more than seven days�� duration, to the inspection of an emigration officer; no vessel would be permitted to sail without a certificate of clearance from him. From the economic point of view, one of the most important provisions was passenger-to-space ratio: the Act was modeled on the Imperial Passengers�� Act, but while this provided 15 feet for each adult pas-senger, 12 superficial and 72 cubical feet were considered suffi cient for Asiatics. It also stipulated the items and quantity of provisions, the scale of medicines and small stores, and equipment for each vessel. To eliminate kidnapping, decoying, and other forms of deceit and coercion, the emigration officer was to ascertain that all passengers understood where they were going, and understood the nature of the contract of service which they had made. The Act was accompanied by a schedule of the duration of voyages to diff erent places, and this was revised regularly. In 1856, the voyage to California by sailing ships was deemed to be 100 days from October to March and 75 days from April to September; in 1858, the durations were revised as 76 and 59 days; for steamers they were 52 and 44 days.
Ordinance 12 of 1868 made any Chinese medical practitioner who was quali-fied to the satisfaction of a Colonial Surgeon eligible for the office of Surgeon of a Chinese Passenger Ship. In 1870, Ordinance no. 4 permitted the governor to grant exemption for the operation of the Passengers�� Act, provided the passengers pro-ceeding would be free emigrants and under no contract of service whatever.
91. See letters enclosed in Bowring to Lord Russell, September 14, 1855, #140: CO 129/52, for the case of the Alfr ed.
92. The Friend of China, May 21, 1856.
93. A full account of the Duke of Portland and John Calvin cases are given in two parlia-mentary papers; see note 48.
94. Eitel, Europe in China, p. 344.
95. Ordinance no. 11 of 1857: ��An Ordinance for Licensing and Regulating Emigration Passage Brokers,�� Hong Kong Government Gazette (HKGG), November.7, 1857, pp. 3�V4.
96. Ordinance no. 6 of 1859, ��An Ordinance for Providing Hospital Accommodation on Board Chinese Passenger Ships and for the Medical Inspection of Passengers and Crews About to Proceed to Sea on Such Ships,�� HKGG, December 31, 1859, pp. 100�V101.
97. Colonial Land and Emigration Office to Herman Merivale, Colonial Office, April.26, 1855: CO 129/53, pp. 302�V308.
98. Minutes of Legislative Council meeting, The Friend of China, October 20, 1858.
99. Letter to Mercer from Dent & Co., Lindsay & Co., J. F. Edgar, Lyall, Still & Co., John Burd & Co., Y. J. Murrow, William Anthon & Co., Gibb Livingston & Co., Wm. Pustau & Co., 11 January 1855, enclosed in #3273 in CO 129/55, pp. 100�V106.
100. Ordinance no. 8 of 1871, ��Ordinance . . . to modify . . . the ��Chinese Passengers�� Act, 1855��,�� HKGG, September 16, 1871, pp. 400�V404. A clear summary of the amendments to the Chinese Passengers�� Act up to 1872 is provided in a notice dated November 16, 1872, HKGG, November 16, 1872, pp. 483�V486.
101. For an insightful analysis of the early history of the rule of law in Hong Kong, see Christopher Munn, Anglo-China: Chinese People and British Rule in Hong Kong 1841�V1880 (Richmond: Curzon, 2001).
102. Caine to Newcastle, May 4, 1854 #11: CO 129/46, pp. 16�V22.
103. For the physical development of Hong Kong��s port facilities, see T. N. Chiu, The Port of Hong Kong: A Survey of Its Development (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1973). For more popular works, see Austin Coates, Whampoa: Ships on the Shore (Hong Kong: South China Morning Post, 1980) and Robin Hutcheon, Wharf: The First Hundred Years (Hong Kong: Wharf [Holdings] Ltd., 1986).
104. Xia��er guanzhen stopped publication in 1856. For a description of the founding of this journal, see Zhuo Nansheng ���n��, Zhongguo jindai baoye fazhan shi 1815�V 1874 �����N���~�o�i�v [The development of Chinese newspapers in the modern period 1815�V1874] (Taibei: Zhengzhong shudian, 1998), pp. 78�V101.
105. Xia��er guanzhen, vol. 1, no. 1 (August 1853).
106. Xia��er guanzhen, vol. 2, no. 5 (May 1854).
107. Xia��er guanzhen, vol. 2, nos 3/4 (March/April 1854).
108. Chen Aiting was also known as Chen Yan, or Chen Xian, and by his foreign friends as Chan Ayin. See Elizabeth Sinn, ��Chan Ayin,�� Dictionary of Hong Kong Biography, edited by May Holdsworth and Christopher Munn (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2011), pp. 68�V69. See also Elizabeth Sinn, ��Emerging Media: Hong Kong and the Early Evolution of the Chinese Press,�� Modern Asian Studies, vol. 36, no. 2, pp. 421�V466, and Elizabeth Sinn, ��Beyond Tianxia: Th e Zhongwai Xinwen Qiribao (Hong Kong, 1871�V72) and the Construction of a Transnational Chinese Community,�� China Review, vol..4, no. 1 (2004), pp. 90�V122.
109. Zhongwai xinwen qiribao (hereaft er, QB), June 3, 1871.
110. Irick, Ch��ing Policy Toward the Coolie Trade, p. 63.
111. QB, March 18, 1871. In People v Hall (1854), the California Supreme Court ruled that the testimony of a Chinese man who witnessed a murder by a white man was inadmissible, largely based on the prevailing opinion that the Chinese ��were a race of people whom nature has marked as inferior, and who are incapable of progress or intellectual development beyond a certain point�� (http://www.cetel.org/1854_ hall.html, viewed May 4, 2011).
112. QB, February 10, 1872; Alta California, December 3, 1871; also see Barth, Bitter Strength, pp. 144 and 270, n. 43 and C. P. Dorland, ��The Chinese Massacre at Los Angeles (1871),�� read before the Historical Society of Southern California, January 7, 1894, reprinted in Cheng-tsu Wu, ��Chink!�� (New York: World Publishing, 1972), pp. 148�V152.
113. For instance, when Chen Lanbin was sent to investigate the conditions of Chinese in Cuba, it was closely reported in Xunhuan ribao�`����� July 15, 17, August 8, 1874.
114. ��Excellent work,�� North China Herald, August 11, 1905, p. 322. As Consul, Chen used the name Chen Shanyen and his rank was sub-prefect. See Zhuang Guotu, Zhongguo fengjian zhengfu de Huaqiao zhengce ����ʫجF�����ع��F�� [Th e policy of the feudalistic Chinese governments toward overseas Chinese] (Xiamen: Xiamen University Press, 1989), p. 178. Another useful reference to Chen is his obituary by Wu Tingfang, which originally was printed in the North China Daily Press and reprinted in the Daily Press, August 26, 1905.
115. Carl T. Smith, ��Visit to the Tung Wah Group of Hospital��s Museum, 2nd.October, 1976 (Notes and Queries),�� Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 16 (1976), pp. 262�V280; H. J. Lethbridge, ��A Chinese Association in Hong Kong: the Tung Wah,�� in H. J. Lethbridge, Hong Kong: Stability and Change, A Collection of Essays (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1978), pp. 52�V70; Elizabeth Sinn, Power and Charity: A Chinese Merchant Elite in Colonial Hong
Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2003), first published as Power and Charity: The Early History of the Tung Wah Hospital, Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1989); He Peiran (Ho Pui Yin) ��صM, Shi yu shou: cong jiji dao dingqi fuwu�I�P���G�q�٫��w���A�� [Giving and receiving : From emergency help to regular services] (Hong Kong: Joint Publishing, 2009); He Peiran, Yuan yu liu: Donghua yiyuan de chuangli yu yanjin���P�y�G�F����|���ХP�t�i [Origins and evolution: Establishment and development of Tung Wah Hospital, Hong Kong] (Hong Kong: Joint Publishing, 2009); He Peiran, Po yu li: Donghua sanyuan zhidu de yanbian�}�P�ߡG�F�ؤT�|��ת��t�� [Abolition and establishment: Evolution of the administrative system of Tung Wah Group of Hospitals, Hong Kong] (Hong Kong: Joint Publishing [HK] Ltd., 2010); Ding Xinbao (Ting Sun Pao) �B�s�\, Shan yu ren tong: yu Xianggang tongbu chengzhang de Donghua sanyuan (1890�V1997)���P�H�P�G�P����P�B�������F�ؤT�| [Tung Wah Group of Hospitals and the Chinese community in Hong Kong 1870�X1997] (Hong Kong: Joint Publishing, 2010);Ye Hanming (Yip Hon-ming ) ���~��, Donghua yizhuang yu huanqiu cishan wangluo: dangan wenxian ziliao de yinzheng yu qishi �F�ظq���P�Ȳy�O�������G�ɮפ��m��ƪ��L�һP�ҥ� [The Tung Wah Coffin Home and global charity network: Evidence and findings from archival materials] (Hong Kong: Joint Publishing, 2009).
116. Elizabeth Sinn, ��A Chinese Consul for Hong Kong: China�VHong Kong Relations in the Late Qing Period,�� paper presented at the International Conference on the History of the Ming-Qing Periods, University of Hong Kong, December 12�V15, 1985; Peter Wesley-Smith, ��Chinese Consular Representation in British Hong Kong,�� Pacifi c Aff airs, vol. 71, no. 3 (1998), pp. 359�V374.
117. Irick, Ch��ing Policy Toward the Coolie Trade, pp. 215�V218. 118. QB, May 27, 1871.
119. Daily Press, October 7, 1871.
120. Macdonnell to the Earl of Kimberley, January 8, 1872, enclosed in no. 10, Mead to Hammond, March 16, 1872: BPP, vol. 4, pp. 21�V23, 22 [287�V289, 288].
121. Sinn, Power and Charity, pp. 106�V107; generally 103�V113.
122. Sinn, Power and Charity, pp. 109�V110.
123. Th e Oriental��f����, September 18, 1875, October 23, 1875.
124. US Congress, Senate, ��Report of the Joint Special Committee to investigate Chinese Immigration, Feb 27, 1877��: US Congressional Serial Set Volume no. 1734, Session Volume no. 3, 44th Congress, 2nd Session, Senate Report 689, p. 1176.
125. See Barth, Bitter Strength, pp. 117�V118, on railroad workers.
126. George Lyall, Minutes of the Meeting of the Legislative Council, The Friend of China, October 20, 1858.
Chapter 3
1.
James P. Delgado, Gold Rush Port: The Maritime Archaeology of San Francisco��s Waterfr ont (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2009), p..5.
2.
Robert Eric Barde, Immigration at the Golden Gate: Passenger Ships, Exclusion, and Angel Island (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2008) p. 78.
3.
For example, Eugene Waldo Smith��s Trans-Pacific Passenger Shipping (Boston: G. H. Dean Co., 1953) focuses entirely on steam liners. In fact, very little has been written about passenger shipping on the Pacific at all. However, I have found literature on Atlantic passenger shipping a useful reference for my work on the Pacifi c, including Torsten Feys, ��The Battle for the Migrants: The Evolution from Port to Company Competition, 1840�V1914,�� in Maritime Transport and Migration: Th e Connections Between Maritime and Migration Networks, edited by Torsten Feys, Lewis R. Fischer, Stephane Hoste, and Stephan Vanfraechem (St. John��s, Newfoundland: International Maritime Economic History Association, 2007), pp. 27�V47, and Yrjo Kaukiainen, ��Overseas Migration and the Development of Ocean Navigation: A Europe-Outward Perspective,�� in Connecting Seas and Connected Ocean Rims: Indian, Atlantic, and Pacific Oceans and China Seas Migrations from the 1830s to the 1930s, edited by Donna R. Gabaccia and Dirk Hoerder (Leiden: Brill, 2011), pp. 371�V392.
4.
Th e Palmetto arrived from Shanghai on June 2, 1852 with 46 passengers (Alta California, June 3, 1852). A number of ships going from Hong Kong did not carry passengers.
5.
��Commercial Statistics,�� Alta California, January 3, 1857, p. 1. The exception was the Barreda Bros, which sailed from Whampoa.
6.
��Freight Table,�� Alta California, January 2, 1860, p. 1.
7.
Gunther Barth, Bitter Strength: A History of the Chinese in the United States, 1850�V 1870 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1964), p. 65; Austin Coates, Whampoa: Ships on the Shore (Hong Kong: South China Morning Post, 1980) gives an account of the rise and fall of Whampoa as a ship-repair center.
8.
Hongkong Register, June 15, 1852.
9.
Th e Land o�� Cakes was a small barque of 150 feet and 560 tons, built at Grangemouth in Scotland in 1847 and registered in Liverpool. I am grateful to Dr Stephen Davies for information on ships�� registration. Despite its smallness, it managed to carry a total of 591 passengers on the two voyages to San Francisco in 1852. It must have been very crowded!
10.
Table 3.8 Itinerary of the North Carolina
Departure at San Arrival at Departure at Arrival at San Francisco Hong Kong Hong Kong Francisco
September 20, November January 29, 1852 March 29, 1852 1851 13, 1851 April 16, 1852 June 1, 1852 July 26, 1852 September 25, 1852
October 24, November January 30, 1853 April 10, 1853 1852 13, 1852
Source: Hongkong Register, The Friend of China, Alta California.
Table 3.9 Itinerary of the Aurora
Departure at San Arrival at Hong Departure at Arrival at San Francisco Kong Hong Kong Francisco
April 20, 1852 June 15, 1852
July 10, 1852 September 14, October 13, January 1, 1853 1852 1852 March 26, 1853 �X August 23, 1853 October 19, 1853
Source: Hongkong Register, The Friend of China, Alta California.
11.
The Friend of China, June 23, 1852.
12.
E. J. Eitel, Europe in China (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1983 [1895]), p. 259.
13.
Hong Kong Blue Book 1852, p. xx [28].
14.
The Friend of China, January 10, 1852; Alta California, March 13, 1852; later records show Kam Ty Lee (Chinese), captained by Atay, sailing from Manila to Hong Kong, so it is likely that it stayed closer to home rather than trying to cross the Pacifi c again.
15.
Sandy Lydon, Chinese Gold: The Chinese in the Monterey Bay Region (Los Angeles, CA: Capitol Books, 1985), pp. 26�V30. In Chinese Junks on the Pacific: Views fr om a Diff erent Deck (Gainesville, FL: University of Florida, 2007), Hans Konrad Van Tilburg discusses the junks that sailed across the Pacific in the twentieth century, arguing for the sophistication of Chinese shipbuilding and Chinese seamanship.
16.
Schwendinger, Ocean of Bitter Dreams: Maritime Relations Between China and the United States, 1850�V1915 (Tucson, AZ: Westernlore Press, 1988); also Pacifi c Mail Steamship Company crew lists at the Huntington Library.
17.
Little has been written about the Chinese crewing system in Hong Kong. I.dis-cussed it in relation to native-place affi liations briefly in my ��The History of Regional Associations in Pre-war Hong Kong,�� in Between East and West: Aspects of Social and Political Development of Hong Kong, edited by Elizabeth Sinn (Hong Kong: Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, 1990), pp. 159�V186.
18.
Solomon Bard, Traders of Hong Kong: Some Foreign Merchant Houses, 1841�V1899 (Hong Kong: Urban Council, 1993), pp. 53�V54; Hong Kong Blue Book, 1847, p. 138.
19.
James R. Gibson, Otter Skins, Boston Ships, and China Goods: The Maritime Fur Trade of the Northwest Coast 1785�V1841 (Montreal: McGill-Queen��s University Press, 1991), p. 95. The amateurish and ill-schooled nature of the US diplomatic service is discussed by Michael Hunt in The Making of a Special Relationship: Th e United States and China in 1914 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983), pp. 15�V16 and p. 389, n. 11. It was only in 1854 that a full-time consular service was created in China, but the only effect was partially displacing part-time mer-chant consuls (in Guangzhou and Shanghai; these were usually partners of Russell & Co. because they alone could afford the time and money to fulfill the social and official duties of the office) with underpaid and short-tenured political appointees. Funding for the consular establishment in Hong Kong after 1854 continued to depend largely on fees collected.
20.
Th e fi rst company Bush established in Hong Kong was Bush and Miller, commis-sion agents. He set up Bush & Co. around 1846. See Solomon Bard, Traders of Hong Kong, pp. 53�V54; aft er his death, the interest and responsibility of his fi rm were terminated and the business of the house was conducted as before by Frederick
H. Block (Hongkong Register, April 3, 1855). See also Eldon Griffi n, Clippers and Consuls: American Consular and Commercial Relations with Eastern Asia, 1845�V 1860 (Taibei: Ch��eng Wen Publication Co., 1972 [1938]).
21.
There are many consignees�� notices in the Alta California.
22.
Ryberg to Augustine Heard & Co., April 19, 1864 (Heard II, Case LV-1 ��Correspondence, Unbound,�� f.52 ��1863�V1865, Hong Kong from C..G..Ryberg, San Francisco, Reel 303). Ryberg was referring to caulking, but it is possible that other jobs were cheaper as well.
23.
Ryberg to A..H..C., January 13, 1864: ��Do not exceed the limits allowed as I think the officials will be rather strict this summer�� (Heard II, Case LV-1, f.52).
24.
Hongkong Register, May 11, 1852.
25.
For example, ��Consignee Notice,�� Alta California, November 1, 1867.
26.
Hongkong Register, May 11, 1852.
27.
Advertisement for Cornwall, agent, Bush & Co. in The Friend of China, January.19, 1850.
28.
Murrow to JMC, February 7, 1856; Murrow to JMC, February 13, 1856: JMA B7 (Business Letters: Local 1813�V1905)/15 (Business Letters Hong Kong 1833�V 1905); East Point to Y. J. Murrow, February 12, 1856: JMA C14 (Letters to Local Correspondents, 1842�V1884)/7 (October 1855�VJuly 1858), p..80. Th e Cornwall departed Hong Kong on March 26, 1856 and arrived in Adelaide on May 28 with 316 Chinese in steerage. See Th e Argus (Melbourne), June 4, 1856.
29.
The Friend of China, June 20, 1849 to January 22, 1850.
30.
Hongkong Register, January 13, 1851. ��The Undersigned have this day associated themselves in copartnership [and] will conduct their business under the style and firm of Murrow, Stephenson & Co, Y J Murrow, James Stephenson. Kwang-lee Hong, 1 Jan 1851.��
31.
Advertisement, Hongkong Register, November 29, 1853, p. 189.
32.
I am grateful to Stephen Davies for the idea and information. Indeed, the great moment for steam in the Pacific was the 1870s, with the increasing use of the compound steam engine with its higher boiler operating pressures and greater fuel effi ciency.
33.
Hongkong Register, November 29, 1853.
34.
The business was dissolved on January 2, 1854 (Hongkong Register, February 7, 1854).
35.
Hongkong Register, January 5, 1858.
36.
G. B. Endacott, A Biographical Sketch-book of Early Hong Kong (Singapore: Donald Moore, 1962), pp. 148�V151; Prescott Clarke, ��The Development of the English Language Press on the China Coast 1827�V1881,�� MA thesis, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 1961, pp. 240�V241. In London, he either owned or edited the London and Hong Kong Herald (China Mail, March 9, 1868).
37.
Stephenson continued exporting to San Francisco�Xfor example, $5,419 sugar to
W. T. Coleman ex Atmosphere, May 1858; and sugar to S. P. Goodale or Samuel Price for A, A. Mello, $3,791 (Atmosphere 1858: Box 32, CA 169 Part 1). He also sent $3,800 worth of sundries to San Francisco in October 1860 (Insurance Policy #3819, JMA A7 (Miscellaneous Bound Account and Papers 1802�V1941)/443 (Miscellaneous Insurance Records 1816�V1869, Triton Insurance Co)).
38.
Hongkong Register, October 5 and 12, November 30, December 17, 1852.
39.
Tam was consignee of the Hamilton (438 tons) for the voyage that terminated in Hong Kong in March and in December 1853; it was registered under Tam��s name on November 14, 1854 (��Notification on Registration of Vessels,�� in HKGG, January 26, 1856).
40.
Alta California, June 25, 1853; Sacramento Daily Union, June 3, 1853.
41.
Alta California, June 3 and 25, 1853. For information that the ship was consigned to A. Hing, see Sacramento Daily Union, June 2, 1853.
42. Jinshan ri xinlu���s��s�� (Golden Hills News), undated, but based on inter-nal evidence it was the April 1854 issue. The original copy is in the American Antiquarian Society Library, Worcester, Massachusetts. The newspaper itself was first published in April 1854. Wang Shigu ���h��, ��Zui zao de Zhongwen baozhi de chansheng�Xcong Jinshan ri xinlu 140 zhounian tanqi�� �̦���������Ȫ����͡X�q�m���s��s���n140 �P�~�Ͱ_ [The birth of the earliest Chinese news-paper�Xthe 140th anniversary of the Jishan ri xinlu]. Xinwen yu chuanbo yanjiu�s�D�P�Ǽ���s, 1994. 4��. http://www.cnki.com.cn/Article/CJFDTotal-YANJ404.020.htm, viewed May 4, 2011.
43. ��For Hong Kong �K the fine, fast Chinese ship Potomac refitted purposely for the Chinese trade �K Apply to AHING at Wo Kee,�� Advertisement, Alta California, October 4, 1853.
44. Alta California, September 18, 1853.
45. Alta California, October 12, 1853.
46. Alta California, June 28, 1854. According to the Sacramento Daily Union, June 30, 1854, it carried 425 passengers, each paying $75, totaling $31,870.
47. Alta California, June 23, 1854, reprinted in The Friend of China, August 23, 1854.
48. For Chinese engagement in the shipping trade in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, see Jennifer W. Cushman, Fields from the Sea: Chinese Junk Trade with Siam During the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries (Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms International, 1982); Ng Chin-keong, Trade and Society: Th e Amoy Network on the China Coast, 1683�V1735 (Singapore: Singapore University Press, 1983).
49. The head of the Wo Kee was in Hong Kong (Alta California, September 16, 1884). In 1870, when the company was reorganized, one of the partners was Tam Choie, which could have been a mangled form of Tam Achoy. But this claim would need further research to substantiate (Alta California, March 3, 1870).
50. China Mail, March 30, 1854.
51. For the Libertad case, also see Hongkong Register, April 4, May 2, 1854.
52. The Friend of China, December 1, 1858.
53. The Friend of China, December 1, 1858. See also Hongkong Register, December 7, 1858 which points out the connection between Cheong and William Tarrant. Cheong was Tarrant��s former comprador and the Hongkong Register claims that Tarrant had urged Cheong to press the case.
54. Jacques M. Downs, The Golden Ghetto: The American Commercial Community at Canton and the Shaping of American China Policy, 1788�V1844 (Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses, 1997), pp. 86�V89.
55. Fernandez & Peyton (San Francisco) to JMC, May 17, 1854: JMA B6/2 (Letter from the United States).
56. See Li Laong��s will, Probate no 414/1864, March 11, 1864: PRO, HKRS 144�V4�V139.
57. Testimony by D. R. Caldwell, himself a long-term resident of Hong Kong, Daily Press, May 24, 1869.
58. Carl T. Smith, Chinese Christians: Elites, Middlemen, and the Church in Hong Kong, with a new introduction by Christopher Munn (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2005 [1985]), pp. 117�V119.
59. See ��Labour Recruitment Contract Between Dr Wilhelm Hillebrand for the Royal Hawaiian Agricultural Society and Wohang [Wo Hang] Company of Hong Kong for the Recruitment of Labourers in Hong Kong,�� Appendix C in Tin-Yuke Char,
The Sandalwood Mountains: Readings and Stories of the Early Chinese in Hawaii
(Honolulu: Hawai��i University Press, 1975), pp..275�V277.
60. Li Chit��s will shows the family��s extensive involvement in the rice business. Li Chit��s will, Probate no. 7/1898: PRO, HKRS 144�V4�V1152.
61. See Li Sing��s will, probate no. 150/1900, May 8, 1900: PRO, HKRS 144�V4�V1347. Li Sing held three-quarters of the Lai Hing shares and Li Chit held one quarter.
62. Lianhao�p�� were companies connected through overlapping ownership and/or cross-shareholding, and connections frequently were underpinned further by per-sonal, family, and native-place ties.
63. Wo Hang also became a pioneer among Chinese in a number of modern enter-prises. It was a founder of the On Tai Insurance (Marine) Co. and the Sheung On Fire Insurance Co. in 1881, and in 1882 formed the Wa Hop Telegraph Co. to build a line from Kowloon to Guangzhou. His wealth and social prominence made Li Sing a leader in the Chinese community, and he was instrumental in establish-ing the Tung Wah Hospital in 1869. Li Chit died in 1896 and, like Li Leong, he entrusted his business to Li Sing, making him the sole patriarch of the Li clan until his own death in 1900. However, another partner of Wo Hang, Li Tak Cheung�X who seems to have been a distant relative�Xplayed an increasingly prominent role from the 1880s.
64. Jardine, Matheson & Co. to Russell & Co., Hong Kong, August 25, 1858 (JMA C14 (Letters to Local Correspondent)/7 (Oct 1855�VJuly 1858)); Jardine, Matheson & Co. to Russell & Co., Hong Kong, August 27, 1858 (JMA C14/8 (August 1858�VApril 1861)); Jardine, Matheson & Co. to Russell & Co., Hong Kong, November 8, 1858 (JMA C14/8).
65. Folder Black Warrior 1859: Box 32, CA 169.
66. See charter parties for Erato, Lee Yik, Viscata, W. A. Farnsworth, Oracle, Fray Bentos, Waterloo, Cecilia, Nonpareil, Malvina Schutz, Goethe, Notos, Albrecht Oswald, Marmion, Cheetah, Ceres: Heard II, Case-22A ��Insurance, Unbound,�� f. 1 (1853�V 1861) to f.8 (1865)�X��Charter parties.��
67. It is unclear exactly who was the head of the firm. Sometimes it is even harder to distinguish whether Cum Cheong Tai referred to the person or the firm, which was one of the most frustrating practices in Chinese business. According to evidence given by Tam Yuk Shan in 1880, the firm had three partners; he was one of the part-ners with a one-third share (Daily Press, December 6, 1880). In some of the bills of lading of goods for California, Cum Cheong Tai��s chop was used while Lee Ping was named as shipper. Lee Chik, in his will dated 1876, indicated he had a share in Cum Cheong Tai. See Lee Chik��s will, Probate File no. 1061 of 1877: PRO, HKRS 144�V4�V344.
68. Ryberg to Augustine Heard & Co., April 19, 1864, July 15, 1865: Heard II, Case LV-1 ��Correspondence, Unbound,�� f.52 ��1863�V1865, Hong Kong from C..G. Ryberg, San Francisco�� (Reel 303).
69. Ryberg to Augustine Heard & Co., January 13, 1864: Heard II, Case LV-1 ��Correspondence, Unbound,�� f.52 ��1863�V1865, Hong Kong from C..G..Ryberg, San Francisco�� (Reel 303).
70. In the China Directory, Cum Cheong Tai was listed as ��charterer.�� In the Rates Book, however, from 1860 to 1881 the occupier of 41 and 43 Bonham Strand was listed as ��Kum Cheong Tai, gold,�� and from 1882 to 1885 as ��Kum Cheong Tai, charterer.�� Moreover, Lee Chik, one of the three partners, had his own gold shop, Lai Loong, on 39 Bonham Strand.
71. In 1880, Tam Yuk Shan testified that Cum Cheong Tai had ten shares in Man Wo Fung (Daily Press, December 6, 1880), but it is likely that even before then that the firm had had an interest in opium.
72. Th e Graf von Hoogendorp arrived on August 5 from Hong Kong and the Rose of Sharon arrived on August 22 (San Francisco Herald, August 6 and 23, 1853). He was also the consignee for 42 bags of rice carried by the Rose of Sharon for sale on ship��s account (owner��s invoices, Rose of Sharon, 1853: Box 25, CA 169).
73. ��Jury List,�� HKGG, February 26, 1859, p. 167; and March 1, 1862, p. 58; Barth, Bitter Strength, p. 191.
74. One of Bosman��s claims to fame in Hong Kong history might have been siring Robert Ho Tung and some his siblings, who subsequently founded one of the richest dynasties there. See Zheng Hongtai �G����and Huang Shaolun ���Э�, Xianggang Dalao He Dong����j�ѡG��F (Hong Kong Elder: Robert Ho Tung) (Hong Kong: Joint Publishing, 2007), pp. 23�V43; Eric Peter Ho, Tracing My Children��s Lineage (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Institute for the Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Hong Kong, 2010), pp. 26�V38.
75. It is not always possible to tell who was the charterer of a vessel, but the newspa-pers usually reported the name of the consignee. Judging from the general prac-tice of Koopmanschap & Bosman Co., it is safe to assume that when the fi rm
was appointed consignee, it would also be permitted to charter the vessel on the return voyage.
76.
Charter party between William Bellamy, Master of the ��good ship�� Arab of Boston, 400 tons, in Hong Kong and Koopmanschap & Bosman, merchants of Hong Kong, to go to Bangkok, October 30, 1861: Heard II, Case 22 ��Insurance, Unbound,�� f.7, ��1861, Charter parties.��
77.
Circular enclosed in Koopmanschap & Co. to Jardine, Matheson & Co., August 1, 1862: JMA B6 (Business Letters: Non-local)/2 (Business Letters: America).
78.
Charter party of the Aurora, June 10, 1862: Heard II, Case 24, f.16�X��1855�V1865 Charter parties.��
79.
Jardine, Matheson & Co. to Bosman & Co., Hong Kong, December 24, 1862: JMA C14 (Letters to Local Correspondents)/9 (May 1861�VJanuary 1864).
80.
Jardine, Matheson & Co. to Bosman & Co., Hong Kong, December 29, 1862: JMA C14 (Letters to Local Correspondents)/9 (May 1861�VJanuary 1864). In an earlier letter dated December 27, Jardine asked Bosman & Co. whether it had any particular form of charter party that it would prefer to have adopted, and if it did, to send a draft of it to Jardine so that a document could be drawn up ( JMA C14/9).
81.
Jardine, Matheson & Co. to Bosman & Co., Hong Kong, December 3, 1864: JMA C14 (Letters to Local Correspondents)/10 ( Jan. 1864�VOct. 1867).
82.
See advertisements in Alta California throughout 1862, beginning on January.8.
83.
T. G. Cary, San Francisco to Augustine Heard & Co., Hong Kong, April.4, 1863: Heard II, Volume LV-3, ��Correspondence, Unbound,�� f. 65�X��1863, Hong Kong from T. G. Cary, San Francisco.�� The vessel was advertised in the Alta California, April 6, 1863, p. 4, as an A1 Clipper Ship.
84.
There was rumor of a fallout between the two men in 1864, and Koopmanschap��s visit to Hong Kong in September 1865 might have helped to sort things out between them. In Hong Kong, Bosman & Co. shifted its attention to importing and export-ing�Xfor example, sending flour to Calcutta�Xbut the company was obviously strug-gling. In 1869, it was sued for $18,563, which Bosman had drawn on a shipment of flour, nominally as Koopmanschap��s agent. It was revealed in the course of the hearing that, at least by then, Bosman��s formal position as Koopmanschap��s agent had actually terminated; more importantly, we see an irreparable breakdown in the close relationship between the two (China Mail, June 30, 1869; Daily Press, July 1, 1869). Shortly after the court ruled against Bosman & Co., its premises came up for lease and its furniture for auction. Bosman assigned his estate to Edward Delbanco, Manager of the French bank Comptoir d��Escompte de Paris as trustee to dispose of it to pay his creditors under ��The Bankruptcy Ordinance, 1864.�� Memorandum of Entry of a Deed registered pursuant to ��The Bankruptcy Ordinance, 1864,�� October 1869: HKGG, October 16, 1869, p. 500.
85.
Bosman died in England on November 10, 1892, aged 53. Daily Press, December 21, 1892, citing London and China Express, November 18, 1892.
86.
Alta California, September 21, 1882.
87.
T. Greaves Cary, ��An Essay on Chinese in California and Clippers Ships and the China Trade.�� Manuscript at Houghton Library, Harvard: MS Am 2181. Captain
F. W. Macondray had operated in Chinese waters for some time before taking charge of Russell and Co.��s opium store ship Lintin from 1836 to 1838.
88.
See the company��s advertisement, Alta California, April 23, 1851.
89.
Vessels it dispatched to Hong Kong in 1851�V52 included Surprise (Alta California, May 7, 1851), Margaretta (Alta California, July 18, 1851), NB Palmer (Alta California, September 12, 1851), Comet (Alta California, February 14, 1852), Oseola (Alta California, April 30, 1852), Courser (Alta California, May 28, 1852), Witchcraft (Alta California, May 29, 1852), Rajasthan (Alta California, June 6, 1852); vessels it received as agent included Margaretta (Alta California, May 21, 1851), George Pollock (Alta California, June 7, 1852), Witchcraft (Alta California, May 17, 1852), and Western (Alta California, July 20, 1852). Macondray & Co. also handled ships from and to other ports such as Macao, Shanghai, Calcutta, Singapore, and Penang.
90.
Macondray, San Francisco to Mr Dana, Hong Kong, July 15, 1864, pp. 23�V26, Letter Copybook, 1864�V1874, Macondray Box, Folder 5 (California Historical Society [CHS], MS 3140); Macondray, San Francisco to Otis, via Panama, July 24, 1864, pp. 3�V10, Letter Copybook, 1864�V1874; Macondray, San Francisco to Otis, via Panama, July 12, 1864, pp. 16�V22, Letter Copybook, 1864�V1874.
91.
F. W. Macondray, Shanghai, April 29, 1865 (Macondray Copybook, CHS, MS 2230A).
92.
F. W. Macondray to Macondray & Co., San Francisco, April 17, 1865 (Macondray Copybook, CHS, MS 2230A).
93.
��The passenger business is pretty fair just now and in connecting with Wo Hang Lung & Co (Ahem) [sic], we have today taken up the American Bark ��A One�� 900 tons, capacity 1,900 tons, eight and half feet ��tween decks, to carry passengers and cargo to Hong Kong. We have 20 lay days here and seven in Hong Kong and pay for the vessel $2,000 and loading expenses. Ahem thinks to obtain 200 pass @ 14 and has now some 110�Xso there cannot be much if any loss.�� F. W. Macondray to Otis, September 25, 1864, pp. 94�V99, Letter Copybook, 1864�V1874, Macondray Box, Folder 5 (CHS, MS 3140).
94.
F. W. Macondray to Otis, September 25, 1864, pp..94�V99, Letter Copybook, 1864�V1874, Macondray Box, Folder 5 (CHS, MS 3140).
95.
F. W. Macondray to Otis, Boston, September 12, 1864, pp. 107�V118, Letter Copybook, 1864�V1874, Macondray Box, Folder 5 (CHS, MS 3140). Later, he was
to discover that Russell & Co. had been charging them 12 percent per annum inter-est instead of 9 percent as before. (F. W. Macondray, Shanghai to James Otis, April 29, 1865 [Macondray Copybook, CHS, MS 2230A].)
96.
F. W. Macondray to Macondray & Co., San Francisco, April 5, 1865, and F..W. Macondray, Shanghai, to Macondrary & Co., San Francisco, April 29, 1865 (Macondray Copybook, CHS, Ms 2230A).
97.
F. W. Macondray to Macondray & Co., San Francisco, April 17, 1865 (Macondray Copybook, CHS, MS 2230A).
98.
F. W. Macondray, Hong Kong to Macondray & Co., San Francisco, April 20, 1865 (Macondray Copybook, CHS, MS 2230A).
99.
F. W. Macondray to Macondray & Co., San Francisco, April 17, 1865 (Macondray Copybook, CHS, MS 2230A).
100.
After an action-packed trip, F. W. Macondray returned to San Francisco sometime in June 1865, and one of the most amazing things he did soon afterward was to conclude an agreement with Heard & Co. in September ��for the carrying on of a line of vessels between the two ports [Hong Kong and San Francisco] and for busi-ness with China in general.�� They agreed that all vessels dispatched by Macondray & Co. under this agreement would be consigned to Heard & Co., and vice versa�X that no vessel was to be laid on, or chartered, by either party, except to the con-signment of the other. In effect, this agreement established a close and exclusive relationship between the two fi rms. Specifically, it obliged Macondray & Co. to terminate the existing shipping arrangement with Russell & Co., an arrange-ment that F..W..Macondray had hankered after for so long, and worked so hard to achieve. (Agreement, dated September 1, 1865: Heard II, Case 9, ��Agreements, Contracts, Powers of Attorney,�� f 17�X��1865, Agreement between A. Heard & Co and employees: Macondray & Co��.)
101.
See advertisements in Alta California from April 1869.
102.
Jardine, Matheson & Co., Hong Kong to Parrott & Co., San Francisco, October 3, 1859: JMA C11 (Letters to Europe)/26 (May 1859�VDecember 1859).
103.
John Parrott, San Francisco to Jardine, Matheson & Co., Hong Kong, May 29, 1852: JMA B6 (Business Letters: Non-local)/2 (Business Letters: America).
104.
Hongkong Register, January 3, 1854.
105.
Hongkong Register, May 22, 1855.
106.
E. Mowbray Tate, TransPacific Steam: The Story of Steam Navigation from the Pacific Coast of North America to the Far East and the Antipodes 1867�V1941 (New York: Cornwall Books, 1986), p. 23.
107.
Hong Kong Blue Book 1867, p. [331].
108.
Other Chinese ports simply could not compete until much later in the nineteenth century, when the Chinese Engineering and Mining Co.��s Kaiping mines could provide quality coal.
109. Pacific Mail Steamship Company, Report of the President to the Stockholders, February 1868 (Huntington Rare Book 473305), p. 21.
110. Tate, TransPacifi c Steam, p. 26.
111. Up to 1873, all the PMSSC��s ships were paddle driven and wooden built; by this time, the British had stopped building steam ships in wood for a decade. Th e PMSSC continued building wooden ships until a government requirement in 1872 that the company qualifi ed for its increased subsidies by having its fi rst 4,000-ton iron ship in service by October 1873 changed the game. The trouble is that large wooden ships were hard to hold together, and with paddles and the extra strains, even more so. So extra strengthening was needed to support the massive paddles and paddle boxes, and the hull.
112. Kemble, ��Side Wheelers Across the Pacifi c,�� The American Neptune, no. 2 (1942), pp. 6, 12.
113. Kemble, ��Side Wheelers Across the Pacific,�� pp. 28, 31.
114. Kemble, ��Side Wheelers Across the Pacific,�� pp. 31�V32.
115. A Sketch of the New Route to China and Japan by the Pacific Mail Steamship Co��s Through Line of Steamships Between New York, Yokohama and Hong Kong via the Isthmus of Panama and San Francisco (San Francisco: Turnbull & Smith, 1867),
p. [106]; advertisement in Daily Press, June 30, 1869. The agency seems to have changed fairly frequency: in 1877, the agent was G..B..Emory, and in 1884, F. E. Forster (The Chronicle and Directory for China, Japan and the Philippines. Hong Kong: Hongkong Daily Press Offi ce, 1877, 1884).
116. Tate, TransPacifi c Steam, p. 41; Pacific Mail Steamship Company, Report of the President to the Stockholders, February 1868, pp. 28�V31.
117. Data from Hong Kong Blue Book 1870, Daily Press (Hong Kong), and Alta California (San Francisco).
118. Kemble, ��Side Wheelers Across the Pacific,�� p. 31.
119. Kemble, ��Side Wheelers Across the Pacific,�� p. 31. He explains that lower Hong Kong rate may be accounted for by the bulk of passengers from there, and also by the fact that passengers tended to be whites, requiring more expensive food than Chinese. In 1863, the fares for four members of the Chong How Tong totaled $110 (Chong How Tong of California, Jinshan Changhoutang yunjiu lu ���s�����B�^�� [A record of the coffin repatriation of the Chong How Tong of California] (1865), accounts p. 6b; they might have received a good discount. See Chapter 7 for the work of this important association and its records.
120. It was alleged that Chinese shipping merchants, who were reluctant to see Chinese prostitutes arriving in the United States, were able to control the traffi c of women so long as shipping was in their hands. However, once the PMSSC, an American company, started operations, the Chinese merchants were no longer able to control
the boarding of women. China, Zongli Yamen, ��Taiping yanghang youguai funu chuyang an�� �ӥ��v�滤����k�X�v�� [File on the kidnapping of women by the Pacific Mail Steamship Company for emigration] in Qing ji huagong dang��an�M�u�ؤu�ɮ� [Archive on emigration of Chinese labor in the late Qing period] (Beijing: Quanguo tushuguan wenxian shuwei fuzhi zhongxin, 2008), 7 volumes, vol. 7, p. 3391). The Zongli Yamen must have been misinformed, as this was obvi-ously untrue. Though there were never large numbers of Chinese females migrat-ing to California, they did make their way in sailing ships before the steam liners started sailing on this route in 1867. Nor is there reason to believe that Chinese merchants were less unscrupulous than American ones. See Chapter 6 on the migration of women.
121. Pacific Mail Steamship Company, Report of the President to the Stockholders, February 1868, pp. 24�V25.
122. F. W. Macondray to Otis, New York, June 5, 1872, pp. 855�V856, Letter Copybook, 1864�V1874, Macondray Box, Folder 5 (CHS, MS 3140).
123. F. W. Macondray to Fung Tang, Esq., Hong Kong, August 1, 1871, Letter Copybook, 1864�V1874, p. 723, Macondray Box, Folder 5 (CHS, MS 3140).
124. F. W. Macondray to Fung Tang, Esq., Hong Kong, August 1, 1871, Letter Copybook, 1864�V1874, p. 723, Macondray Box, Folder 5 (CHS, MS 3140). Since Macondray sent its last vessel to Hong Kong in April 1872 (the Alta California ceased to carry Macondray��s advertisements for ships for Hong Kong aft er that date) its agreement with PMSSC probably started around that time.
125. Pacific Mail: A Review of the Report of the President (Pamphlet, n.p., n.d. [1868?]), deposited at the Huntington Library, Call #473305 pp. 13�V14.
126. Soon after the inauguration of the China line, white seamen and negro stewards were replaced by Chinese crews. The change was made at the time of President McLane��s tour of inspection to the Orient in 1867. Th e Costa Rica��s crew was changed at the time she reached Hong Kong in July of that year and the other steamers followed. McLane reported that the resultant saving in wages and in the cost of food for the crews was ��very great.�� The innovation had been advocated in the East in the spring of 1867 when a Shanghai correspondent wrote that people long resident in East Asia ��can ill brook the half independent and I-am-as good-as you-are air that white and even negro waiters of the present day assume.�� On the whole, passengers approved of the Chinese crews, praising their courtesy, cleanli-ness, efficiency, and quiet. The Chinese were good seamen, carrying out their duties in connection with the operation of the ships commendably, and were widely con-sidered more satisfactory than the white sailors generally available in Pacifi c ports. Kemble, ��Side Wheelers Across the Pacific,�� p. 27.
127. Pacific Mail: A Review of the Report of the President (Pamphlet, n.p., n.d. [1868?]).
128.
Pacific Mail: A Review of the Report of the President (Pamphlet, n.p., n.d. [1868?]).
129.
Macondray to Otis, New York, June 5, 1872, pp. 855�V856, Letter Copybook, 1865�V1874, Macondray Box, Folder 5 (CHS, MS.3140).
130.
Macondray to Otis, June 2, 1872, pp. 850�V851; Macondray to Otis, New York June 5, 1872, pp. 855�V856, Letter Copybook, 1864�V1874, Macondray Box, Folder 5 (CHS, MS 3140). Macondray mentions that in September last [1874] the two steamers of the China Trans-Pacific Steamship Co., were chartered to the Pacifi c Mail Steamship company as it was found impossible to run them profi tably sepa-rately owing to the very low rates of freight and passage which they were forced to accept on account of the keen competition. There would also be competition from the British iron screw steamships which were much faster. Report (too blurred to read), pp. 72�V77, Letter Copybook, 1874�V80, Macondray Box, Folder 6 (CHS, MS 3140).
131.
Macondray to Otis, New York, June 19, 1872 (p. 864) and June 28, 1872 (p. 867), Letter Copybook, 1864�V1874, Macondray Box, Folder 5 (CHS, MS 3140).
132.
Macondray to Otis, New York, July 18, 1872, p. 887, Letter Copybook, 1864�V 1874, Macondray Box, Folder 5 (CHS, MS 3140).
133.
Alta California, June 25, 1873.
134.
Tate, TransPacifi c Steam, p. 29.
135.
Alta California, September 12, 1874, cited in Daily Press, October 27, 1874, p. 3, col. 2.
136.
The Ships List, http://www.theshipslist.com/ships/lines/china.htm; Macondray to Otis, New York, July 18, 1872, p. 887, Letter Copybook, 1864�V1874, Macondray Box, Folder 5 (CHS, MS 3140). The fact that Russell & Co. was agent is shown in advertisements in Alta California�Xfor example, September 18, 1875, December 10, 1875.
137.
Tate, TransPacifi c Steam, p. 27.
138.
Ryberg to Heard & Co., letter, April 27, 1865: Heard II, Case LV-1 ��Correspondence, Unbound,�� f.52 ��1863�V1865, Hong Kong from C..G..Ryberg, San Francisco (Reel 303).�� Among other things, Amuk (Amook) was secretary to a powerful Chinese committee in San Francisco composed mainly of the leading merchants to propose the formation of a Chinese hospital. Alta California, August 30, 1854.
139.
Macondray to Fung Tang, Esq., July 16, 1875, pp. 99�V100, Letter Copybook, 1874�V80, Macondray Box, Folder 6 (CHS, MS 3140).
140.
See Macondray��s advertisement in Alta California, May 18, 1873. ��Hong Kong via Yokohama, Lord of the Isles, 2477 tons, Blow cmd . . . This fast and powerful steam-ship was built on the Clyde in 1870. Has two compound engines of 240 horse-power. She sailed from HK for this port on the 20 April and on her arrival here will have imm. dispatch on her return voyage. She has fine accomm. for fi rst, second
and steerage passengers. For freight on merchandise and treasure or passage, M & C (Agents at Hongkong, Messrs Russell & Co. . . .).�� According to the Hong Kong Harbor Master��s report, however, it was described as 1,815 tons.
141.
Rufus Hatch, Offi ce of Pacific Mail Steamship Co, New York, July 14, 1874 to W.
C. Ralston; Letter 7070, Ralston Collection in Bancroft. I have not seen the actual letter but this is abstracted and available on the Bancroft/Berkeley Catalog. Barde deals with smuggling and stowaways, but focuses on the early twentieth century. In ��The Scandalous Ship Mongolia,�� Steamboat Bill (Spring 2004), http://staff .haas. berkeley.edu/barde/_public/immigration/Th e%20Scandalous%20Mongolia.PDF, viewed May 17, 2011, Barde describes one of the most outrageous smuggling cases.
142.
Tate, TransPacifi c Steam, p. 32.
143.
Tate, TransPacifi c Steam, p. 105.
144.
Figures from Mary E. B. R. S. Coolidge, Chinese Immigration (Taibei: Ch��eng-wen Publishing Company, 1968 [1909]), pp. 499�V500. There are several columns of figures that reflect the confusion in documentation by different US agencies. Still, these are very useful statistics.
145.
Barde, Immigration at the Golden Gate, p. 12.
146.
After 1906, a number of arrivals came as ��paper sons.�� When the Great Earthquake and Fire of 1906 in San Francisco destroyed the federal building housing all the immigration records, many Chinese people began to claim that their birth records had been destroyed, and that they were in fact citizens. Once their citizenship was ��established,�� some of them began to bring in their sons from China; others created fake ��papers�� for their ��sons�� and sold them to Chinese who wished to migrate to America, thus giving rise to the term ��paper sons.�� See ��Paper Sons,�� http://www. usfca.edu/classes/AuthEd/immigration/papersoninfo.htm, viewed June 2, 2009. An analytical work on the subject is Estelle Lau, Paper Families: Identity, Immigration Administration, and Chinese Exclusion (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2006). It shows how, in response to the United States�� creation of a category of ��illegal immigrations,�� the Chinese created their own means to thwart these regu-lations and entered the United States by subverting and manipulating the regula-tory system and organization structure (p. 4). For a personal account, see Chin Tung Pok, Paper Son: One Man��s Story (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 2000), a description of Chin Tung Pok��s own life as a paper son.
147.
For American fi gures, see Barde, Immigration at the Golden Gate, p. 11; for Hong Kong figures, see Harbor Master��s Reports for 1884 (HKGG, April 25, 1885), p. 379 and 1885 (HKGG, June 6, 1886), p. 508.
148.
Kenneth S. Y. Chew and John M. Liu, ��Hidden in Plain Sight: Global Labor Force Exchange in the Chinese American Population, 1880�V1940,�� Population and Development Review, vol. 30, no. 1 (2004), pp. 57�V58, cited by Barde, Immigration at the Golden Gate, p. 12.
149.
Barde, Immigration at the Golden Gate, pp. 143�V179.
150.
See Thomas R. Cox, Mills and Markets: A History of the Pacific Coast Lumber
Industry to 1900 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1974). A rich source on the chartering and other shipping activities between Portland, Oregon and Hong Kong is the Ainsworth Papers, Box 18, Folders 3�V4, deposited at the University of Oregon Library, Portland, Oregon. Ainsworth had three ships, which were char-tered regularly to sail between Portland and Hong Kong.
Chapter 4
1.
Thomas Berry Senior , Early California: Gold, Prices, Trade (Los Angeles: Bostwick Press, 1984), p. 20.
2.
James P. Delgado, Gold Rush Port: The Maritime Archaeology of San Francisco��s Waterfr ont (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2009), p. 7.
3.
Th e Economist, March 8, 1851, reprinted in China Mail, May 29, 1851.
4.
Alta California, May 16, 1851.
5.
California Star, vol. 2, no. 5 (February 5, 1848).
6.
Harlan Hague and David J. Langum, Thomas O. Larkin: A Life of Patriotism and Profit in Old California (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1990), pp. 167�V168.
7.
The Friend of China, January 13 and June 20, 1849; January 23, 1850.
8.
The Friend of China, December 13, 1848.
9.
Hong Kong newspapers were received regularly, and their arrival was announced; the Alta California office kept a file of the Hongkong Register and the China Mail. Th ough the Alta California constantly sneered at the uninteresting content of the Hong Kong papers, it conceded that the commercial news they contained was important (Alta California, August 4, 1851).
10.
Macondray to AHC, Canton, July 31, 1850: Heard II, Case LV-18, ��Correspondence, Unbound,�� f.20, ��Canton, from Macondray & Co., 1850�V1854.�� Th e firm Edwards & Balley also sent a long series of letters with market informa-tion to Jardine, Matheson & Co., which it must also have sent to other fi rms. See Edwards & Balley to JMC, July 26, 1853: January 15, 17 and 19, 1858; March 2, 1859: JMA B6 (Business Letters: Non Local 1844�V1881)/2 (Business Letters: America 1821�V1898).
11.
Berry, Early California, pp. 17�V19.
12.
Macondray to AHC, Canton, January 17, February 7 and 25, April 4, 1852; January 21, 1854: Heard II, Case LV-18 ��Correspondence, Unbound,�� f.20, ��Canton, from Macondray & Co., 1850�V1854��; Macondray to AHC, Canton, August 11, 1855: Case LV-5 ��Correspondence, Unbound,�� f.42, ��Canton from Macondray & Co,
S.F., 1855�V1858�� (R.324). Macondray to AHC, Canton, May 28, 1852 (Heard II, Case LV-18, f.20) reported on the tax imposed on Chinese passengers, and Macondray to AHC, Canton, July 9, 1852 (Heard II, Case LV-18, f.20) reported on passenger laws.
13.
Macondray to AHC, Canton, September 20, 1850; February 25, 1852: Heard II, Case LV-18, f.20.
14.
Macondray to AHC, Canton, February 25, 1852: Heard II, Case LV-18, f.20.
15.
Berry, Early California, p. 14; Delgado, Gold Rush Port, p. 94.
16.
Macondray to AHC, Canton, July 31 and August 31, 1850; May 31, 1851; September 22, November 23 and 30, 1852; January 21, 1854: Heard II, Case LV-18 f.20.
17.
This is especially clear in William Robinet��s letters�Xfor example, W..M..Robinet, Canton, to N. Larco & Co., San Francisco, February 2, 1852 (on sugar) and W. M.
R. to Messrs. Alsop & Co., San Francisco Canton January [blank], 1853: Heard II, Volume 541�XW. M. Robinet Letters.
18.
See JMC, Hong Kong, to R. C. Wyllie, Honolulu, February 20, 1847, concerning cargo of plate and furniture: C11/11; JMC HK to Theodore Shillaber, Oahu, S.I. February 20, 1847 on bills: C11/11.
19.
JMC to R. C. Wyllie, February 17, 1849: JMA C11/13 January�VDecember 1849, accepting commission for consul and putting forward the name of Joseph Jardine.
20.
JMC to Augustus Howell, San Francisco, May 12, 1849: JMA C11 (Letters to Europe)/13 ( January 1849�VDecember 1849).
21.
JMC to C. S. Compton, November 18, 1851: JMA C11 (Letters to Europe)/15 ( January 1851�VDecember 1851). From San Francisco, Compton was asked to help JMC claim against Mott Talbot & Co. in Mazatlan and then send the money either to Hong Kong or Matheson in London.
22.
Gold dust is ��raw�� or unprocessed gold as it came out of the earth. The term ��gold dust�� is really a misnomer because dust is normally pulverized or powdery, and gold dust is generally not powdery at all. It is more like grains or kernels. There are a fairly large number of different varieties, and experts can identify the location where it was found by the color, size, and shape of the granules (Berry, Early California, p. 65). For non-experts, it would have seemed quite unsafe to handle it. In fact, in the early days when a lot of gold dust was produced, it was sold at comparatively low prices because there were far more sellers than buyers (Berry, Early California, pp. 70, 96). As a medium of exchange, gold dust is therefore quite impractical.
23.
JMC to Theodore Shillaber, February 14, 1849: JMA C11 (Letters to Europe)/13 ( January 1849�VDecember 1849).
24.
JMC to Theodore Shillaber, January 7, 1850: JMA C11 (Letters to Europe)/14 ( January 1850�VDecember 1850).
25.
JMC to C. S. Compton, October 22, 1852: JMA C11 (Letters to Europe)/16 ( January 1852�VNovember 1852).
26.
JMC to C. S. Compton, October 31, 1853: JMA C11 (Letters to Europe)/18 (August 1853�VMay 1854); certifi ed invoice, Lanrick 1853: Box 20, CA 169.
27.
JMC to A. W. Macpherson, March 5, 1855: JMA C11 (Letters to Europe)/19 (May 1854�VFebruary 1855).
28.
JMC to A. W. Macpherson, March 5, 1855: JMA C 11 (Letters to Europe)/19 (May 1854�VFebruary 1855).
29.
JMC to A. W. Macpherson, August 31, 1854: JMA C 11 (Letters to Europe)/19 (May 1854�VFebruary 1855).
30.
JMC to A. W. Macpherson, December 7, 1854, JMC to Macpherson, November 8, 1854: JMA C 11 (Letters to Europe)/19 (May 1854�VFebruary 1855).
31.
Carl T. Smith, ��The Formative Years of the Tong Brothers, Pioneers in the Modernization of China��s Commerce and Industry,�� in Carl T. Smith, Chinese Christians: Elites, Middlemen, and the Church in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2005 [1985]), p. 50.
32.
Sucheta Mazumdar, Sugar and Society in China: Peasant, Technology, and the World Market (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 1998), p..353, citing the Imperial Maritime Customs Services report. Th e refi nery��s directors recognized the problems in connection with the American market: ��Another source of disap-pointment has been the Company��s sales in America. These, usually a source of profit, were attended during 1893 by difficulties arising from the arbitrary nature of the US Tariff and an attempt on the part of the American Sugar Trust to drive the Hong Kong refineries out of the fi eld. The importance of retaining our hold upon a market which constitutes one of our regular outlets and to supply which we are pro-vided with specially adapted machinery must be apparent to you all. I am pleased to say an improvement in the situation in this year reported by our San Francisco agents.�� (China Sugar Refinery annual meeting, reported in Hongkong Telegraph, March 27, 1896.)
33.
Jardine shipped 7,480 bags of rice amounting to $10,126 and 19 boxes of opium amounting to $5,068 to Macpherson. JMC to Macpherson, May 23, 1856: JMA C 11 (Letters to Europe)/19 (May 1854�VFebruary 1855).
34.
��Death of John Parrott,�� Alta California, March 30, 1884.
35.
JMC to John Parrott, February 20, 1852: JMC to Parrott, March 15, 1852; JMA C11 (Letters to Europe)/16 ( January 1852�VNovember 1852).
36.
JMC to John Parrott, June 11, 1852: JMA C11 (Letters to Europe)/16 (January 1852�VNovember 1852); http://files.usgwarchives.org/ca/sanmateo/ bios/hayne973nbs.txt, viewed November 15, 2009.
37.
http://files.usgwarchives.org/ca/sanmateo/bios/hayne973nbs.txt, viewed November
15, 2009. It is also claimed that on June 8, 1852, the fi rst known labor strike in San Francisco occurred when Chinese laborers working on the Parrott granite building demanded a wage increase. See http://www.sfmuseum.org/hist/chron3.html, viewed November 15, 2009.
38.
June 17, 1852 issue of the Friend of India, reprinted in China Mail, July 22, 1852, cited in Thomas R. Cox, ��The Passage to India Revisited: Asian Trade and the Development of the Far West 1850�V1900,�� in Reflections of Western Historians: Papers of the 7th Annual Conference of the Western History Association on the History of Western America, San Francisco, California, October 12�V14, 1967, edited by John Alexander Carroll, pp. 85�V103 (Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press, [1969]), p. 85.
39.
JMC to John Parrott, August 20, 1854: JMA C11 (Letters to Europe)/19 (May 1854�VFebruary 1855).
40.
JMC to John Parrott, November 7, 1854: JMA C11 (Letters to Europe)/19 (May 1854�VFebruary 1855).
41.
See advertisements of the Lai Hing Lung & Co. in the Alta California, September 3, 1876 and December 12, 1878 for Chinese granite sent from Hong Kong.
42.
Edwards & Balley to JMC [n.d.] July 1853, July 26, 1853: JMA B6 (Business Letters: Non Local 1844�V1881)/2 (Business Letters: America 1821�V1898).
43.
Edwards & Balley to JMC, January 10, 1860, January 27, 1860: JMA B6 (Business Letters: Non Local 1844�V1881)/2 (Business Letters: America 1821�V1898).
44.
Edwards & Balley to JMC, September 26, 1865 refers to the 1859 shipment: JMA B6 (Business Letters: Non Local 1844�V1881)/2 (Business Letters: America 1821�V1898).
45.
Edwards & Balley to JMC, June 2, 1860, September 16, 1854: JMA B6 (Business Letters: Non Local 1844�V1881)/2 (Business Letters: America 1821�V1898). C. S. Compton discovered insufficient packing of the prepared opium from the cargo of Alster and sent a note to Jardine for the latter to claim money from that party who had prepared the drug ( JMC to Macpherson, May 23, 1856: JMC C11 [Letters to Europe]/21 [ January 1856�VSeptember 1856]). Jardine explained that the opium was boiled by Sun Lee and that it ( Jardine) would like to see it sold at 85 or 90 cents per tael.
46.
He was listed in the Hong Kong Blue Book as consul for Ecuador in Hong Kong in 1857 but not 1858.
47.
Robinet, Canton to B. Davidson, San Francisco, April 20, 1851, May 21, 1851; Robinet, Hong Kong to William Norris, esq., SF, April 1, 1851, April 25, 1851: Heard II, Volume 541.
48. Robinet to Mr Aguirre [Manila], November 1, 1851: Heard II, Volume 541. See Benito J. Legarda, After the Galleons: Foreign Trade, Economic Change and Entrepreneurship in the Nineteenth-Century Philippines (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Center for Southeast Asian Studies, 1999), pp. 317�V318, for refer-ence to Aguirre & Co.
49. Robinet, Canton to Messrs. Alsop & Co. San Francisco, June 28, 1852: Heard II, Volume 541.
50. Robinet to Norris, SF, April 1, 1851, April 25, 1851; Robinet to B. Davidson, San Francisco, May 21, 1851: Heard II, Volume 541.
51. Fine China rice was known as Tangshan shang baimi (��s�W�զ�, or China superior white rice) and American rice was known as Huaqi mi��X�� (literally fl owery flag rice, the Flower flag being a reference to the Stars and Stripes). See Th e Oriental or Tung-Ngai San-Luk�F�P�s��, April 26, 1855.
52. Alta California, January 15, 1853. The paper predicted that more rice would con-tinue to come forward and cited 100,000 pounds ex Dragon and 450,000 pounds ex Ocean Queen. S. Wells Williams writes that it was illegal to export rice from China, with the shipment of it from one port to another requiring a special application and permit; one reason for this was the responsibility laid upon the local magistrates to keep their own districts supplied with food. See S. Wells Williams, Th e Chinese Commercial Guide, 5th ed. (Hong Kong: A. Shortrede & Co., 1863), p. 134. Two articles published at the end of the nineteenth century in the Shen Pao give a very clear idea of how expensive rice was exported to California from Guangdong while cheap rice was imported from Southeast Asia, and explain the economic rationale for such strategy. (Shen Pao [Putonghua, Shen Bao] �ӳ�, December 22, 1899 and May 19, 1900.) These trade activities are also analyzed in Lin Tongjing �L�q�g, ��Yangmigu shuru Guangdong zhi shi de fenxi�� �v�̨���J�s�F���v�����R [A historical analysis of the importation of foreign rice into Guangdong], Guangdong Yinhang Jikan�s�F�Ȧ�u�Z vol.1, no. 2 (1941), pp. 297�V320, and A. J. H. Latham, ��Rice is a Luxury, Not a Necessity: The Source of Asian Growth,�� in Pacifi c Centuries: Pacific and Pacific Rim History Since the Sixteenth Century (London: Routledge, 1999), edited by Dennis O. Flynn, Lionel Frost, and A. J. H. Latham, pp. 110�V124.
53. Robinet, Hong Kong to Tait & Co, Amoy, June 8, 1852.
54. Robinet to Mr Williams [Nye Parkin & Co.?], Canton? Macao, September 29, 1851.
55. Robinet to Mr Williams [Nye, Parkin & Co., Canton], September 29, 1851; Robinet to L. A. Smith, Hong Kong, November 23, 1852, November 30, 1852: Heard II, Volume 541.
56.
Robinet to Nye, Parkin & Co., Canton, September 27, 1852: Heard II, Volume 541.
57.
Delgado, Gold Rush Port, p. 41.
58.
Robinet to Todd Naylor & Co., Liverpool, September 24, 1851: Heard II, Volume
541. Even for a relatively small operation, his business network spanned South America, North America, Britain and Europe, and Southeast Asia. He regularly dealt with insurance agents in Britain rather than those in Hong Kong�Xone was Murietta & Co. in London, from which Robinet bought insurance for cargo to San Francisco; the other was Todd Naylor & Co. in Liverpool, for ship��s insurance. Since Todd Naylor & Co. had a branch in Lima, and since Robinet had a lot of business there, Robinet was able to pay premiums due to Todd Naylor & Co. to the Lima branch. Most likely he could do the same with Murietta & Co., clearly a Spanish or South American company. Besides the California trade, he busied himself with shipping Chinese laborers to Peru, a trade that was generally considered nefarious.
59.
Robinet to D. Carlos Polhemus, San Francisco, June 30, 1852 on some advance arrangement with R & Co.: Heard II, Volume 541. See also N. M. Beckwith to Walsh, May 5, 1858, confi dential: Russell & Company Letterbook, 1858�V59, Ms N-49.46, Massachusetts Historical Society.
60.
Robinet to Russell & Co., Canton, April 5, 1852: Heard II, Volume 541.
61.
Williams, Chinese Commercial Guide, p. 97.
62.
Robinet to Alsop & Co., San Francisco, [n.d.] July 1852: Heard II, Volume 541.
63.
N. M. Beckwith to Forbes, July 21, 1858: Russell & Company Letterbook, 1858�V 59, pp. 108�V111, Massachusetts Historical Society, Ms N-49.46.
64.
Bosman to JMC, October 20, October 25, November 4, 1862: JMA B7 (Business Letters: Local)/15 (Business Letters: Hong Kong).
65.
The story was reported in the China Mail; it was told by Anstey to Albert Smith, who was visiting Hong Kong and who recorded it in his book To China and Back: Being a Diary Kept Out and Home (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1974 [1859]), p. 35.
66.
Th e San Francisco Chronicle related that in 1847 a merchant named Chum Ming from Canton arrived in San Francisco. When gold was discovered in 1848, he went with the first wave of prospectors into the hills. Afterward he wrote to his friend Cheong Yum in China of his good fortune, and Cheong in turn told his friends and relatives, thus starting the flood of Chinese immigration to the ��Gold Hills�� of California. This interesting article was reportedly based on interviews with leading Chinese and other ��reliable�� sources: San Francisco Chronicle, July 21, 1878, cited in A History of the Chinese in California: A Syllabus, edited by Thomas W. Chinn (San Francisco: Chinese Historical Society of America, 1969), p. 9. The book queries the accuracy of some of the information in the article�Xfor example, the date and order
in which the district companies were organized; however, other information seems to corroborate with information from diff erent sources.
67. Certified invoice, November 21, 1850, Freja: Box 5, CA 169.
68. Hubert Howe Bancroft , History of California (San Francisco: Th e History Company, 1890), 7 volumes, vol. 6, 1848�V1859, pp. 185, 190.
69. Chan Lock��s obituary appears in Alta California, September 1, 1868. See Yuk Ow, Him Mark Lai, and P. Choy, A History of the Sam Yup Benevolent Association in the United States 1850�V1974���T���`�|�]²�v (San Francisco: Sam Yup Benevolent Association, 1975), pp. 179�V180.
70. See, for instance, ��The Colony of Hong Kong�� from a lecture by the Reverend James Legge, D.D., L.L.D., on reminiscences of a long residence in the East, deliv-ered in the City Hall, November 1872, printed in The China Review, vol..III, pp. 163�V176, and reprinted in the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 11 (1971), p. 184.
71. Certifi ed invoice, Ann Welsh: Box 14, San Francisco Custom House, CA 169. Jinshan ri xinlu ���s��s�� (Golden Hills News), April 1854. The consignee was Yuyuan dian Ya Ru �η����Ȧ� (or Ahnee of Yu Yuen firm); Yuyuan was the agent of the Hamilton which was owned by Chang Kee.
72. Kwong Yuen to Hoong Yun, Boston Light, 1859; Kwong Yuen Tim Kee, consigned to order; Tam Sek Ki takes delivery; Lord Warriston, 1853, voyage 2: Box 21, CA 169.
73. Lord Warriston, 1853: Box 21, CA 169.
74. Zhao Yutian xiansheng rongshou lu�۫B�Х��ͺa�ؿ� [Volume commemorating Mr Chiu Yu Tin��s 90th birthday], 1922, pp. 2a, 32a. Also, Zhao Chenglin xiansheng aisi lu�ۦ��L���ͫs��� [Volume commemorating the Death of Mr Chiu Shing Lam (Chiu Yu Tin), 1923]. I am grateful to Dr Patricia Chiu for sharing her fam-ily��s papers with me. He died in July 1923. See ��Obituary,�� Huazi ribao�ئr��� (Chinese Mail), July 30, 1923.
75. Bill of lading, Margaretta, 1851: Box 7, CA, 169.
76. On the Aurora in 1853, it sent two shipments by order to Young Wie Cheong in San Francisco, one consisting of a very mixed cargo of China stores, shawls, lamp glass, China pipes (probably opium pipes), fl atfish, and dices, the other consisting of crape shawls, card boxes, and bed covers, at a total value of $1,157.
77. Certifi ed invoice, Black Warrior, 1859: Box 23, CA 169.
78. Chen Jiaxuan ���[�a, Zengding shangye cidian�W�q�ӷ~���� [Revised and expanded dictionary of commercial terms] (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1935),
p. 1107; Geoffrey Jones and Jonathan Zeitlin (eds.), Oxford Handbook of Business History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), p. 249.
79. Alta California, April 12, 1877: ��Dissolution of copartnership�Xnotice is hereby given that the partnership heretofore existing between Chong Wo, Tip Hin [sic] Chun Yong, Ow Shing and Sam Chung, under the name of Wing Wo Sang & Co., has been dissolved by mutual consent; Mr Sam Chung retiring from the fi rm. Th e business will still continue under the name of Wing Wo Sang & Co.
Chong Wo Yin Hin [sic] Chun Yong Ow Shing Wing Wo Sang & Co. The above firm will be responsible for purchases in the name of Ow Shing. All bills will be collected by Mr Chun Yong or Mr Ow Shing, and signed orders and checks by Ow Shing only.��
80. Sacramento Daily Union, March 27, 1865; Alta California, August 26, 1867; Chy Lung $2,000; Tung Yu $3,908; Wing Wo Sang $1,918.
81. Alta California, April 3, 1865, Starlight Gold and Silver Mining Co��s notice on delinquent shareholders: Wing Wo Sang held 30 shares.
82. ��Zhao Yutian gong xingzhuang�� �۫B�Ф��檬 (The deeds of Mr Chiu Yu Tin), in Zhao Chenglin xiansheng aisi lu �ۦ��L���ͫs���, pp. 1a�V2a, 1a.
83. These companies contributed an essay/poem to him on his 90th birthday: the linking element is reflected in certain common characters in the firms�� names: Tung �F (Putonghua, dong), Wing �� (Putonghua, yong), and Mou �Z (Putonghua, mao); they extended all along the China coast, but were particularly concentrated in Northeast China, in Dalian, Changchun, and Yingkou (Zhao Yutian xiansheng rongshou lu), pp. 4b, 26a, 57a.
84. Certifi ed invoice, Aurora 1853: Box 15, CA 169.
85. Th e Oriental, April 26, 1855. Though I have not come across any record showing Hoon Shing (Hong Kong) and Hoon Shing (San Francisco) sending goods directly to each other, presumably they must have done so. Records, however, do show Hoon Shing (S. F.) being consigned cargoes by other Hong Kong fi rms. Aurora, 1853; Lorenz, 1853, Chinam to Hong Sing: Lord Warriston, Hoon Shing (voyage 2) taking delivery of Tun Wo and Tung Cheong��s consignments. In 1867,
The Chronicle and Directory for China, Japan and the Philippines for the Year 1867
(Hong Kong: Hongkong Daily Press, 1867), p. A34, listed �x�@ Hung Shing as a ��Fancy Goods�� store at 104.Queen��s Road.
86. Hoon Shing [the merchant] declared at the US consulate as being a partner of Yung Chan (Certifi ed invoice, Aurora 1853, Box 15: CA 169). At the same time, it should be noted that Yun Chang ���� ��Chinese merchant�� also signed invoices for goods he sent to Yun Chang in San Francisco on the Lebanon, 1853: Box 20, CA 169. Chan Hung of Hung Sing firm in Central �����x�@ obtained an opium license in March 1884. (Opium Bond signed by Kwan Fui [and Chan Hung]: PRO, HKRS 178�V2-3759.)
87. Certifi ed invoice, Black Warrior, 1859: Box 23, CA 169; certifi ed invoice, Boston Light, 1859, Box 23, CA 169.
88. Th e Oriental��f����, October 30, 1875. I cannot find him in the Li genealogy.
89. Alta California, April 1, 1887, April 16, 1888.
90. Alta California, March 29, 1886, April 11, 1887, April 12, 1888.
91. ��Xiangtai gaobai�� �����i�� (Advertisement by Chong Tai), Hua Yang xinbao�جv�s�� (The Oriental Chinese Newspaper), July 27, 1894. See also Chong Tai advertisement in Alta California, October 24, 1890 on Loy Chong being the only authorized signatory for Chong Tai & Co.
92. The remittance transfer service of Hong Kong firms was frequently adver-tised in California��s Chinese language newspapers, indicating the specifi c vil-lages they served. For later examples, see Chung Sai Yat Po (San Francisco), May 31, 1901. Online Archive of California, http://content.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ hb2z09p000/?order=2&brand=oac, viewed February 23, 1904; Tai Tung Yat Po (San Francisco), January 31, 1906.
93. Alta California, March 31, 1852. Besides newspapers, we can also trace Chylung��s �ٶ� (Chan Lock��s) whereabouts from the San Francisco Customs records. In 1853, for example, he was back in Hong Kong where he signed certifi ed invoices at the US consulate for shipments on the Aurora (Box 15), London (Box 21), Lord Warriston (Box 21), and North Carolina (Box 22), CA 169.
94. Letter to Governor Bigler, Sacramento Daily Union, May 8, 1852.
95. Freight lists of Marmion, Bacchante, Elvira, Midnight, Parsee and Fairlight: Heard II, Case 17-A ��Freight Lists,�� f.10, ��1865�� (Reel 120).
96. Alta California, August 8, 1866.
97. Teas bought by ��Fung Yun�� of the house of Chy Lung, advertised for sale by Chy Lung, Tuck Chong, and Fook On (Alta California, October 14, 1868).
98. See Cha Ming Lai��s will, PRO, HKRS 144�V4�V429.
99. When Sing Man��s cargo on the Aurora arrived in San Francisco, it was picked up by Chy Lung, Aurora, 1853: Box 15, CA 169.
100. Hong Kong Memorial 19543, dated July 5, 1892, refers to Inland Lot no. 195A granted by Crown Lease August 20, 1885 and Section C of Inland Lot no. 6 assigned by Tse Kit Man (for $24,000).
101. He said himself that he had been in the United States for ten years (Sacramento Daily Union, January 3, 1867). The 1870 census of San Francisco shows Fung Tang, 30, merchant, personal property $6,000; staying with Fung Pak 24, Fung Ing 30, Fung Quck ? 14, attending school (Carl Smith��s notes on 1870 census).
102. Alta California, November 19, 1868.
103. Alta California, June 26, 1869, and favorable comments by the Sacramento Daily Union, June 28, 1869.
104. Insurance policy no. 3822, October 20, 1860: JMA A7 (Miscellaneous Bound Account and Papers 1802�V1941)/443 (Miscellaneous Insurance Records 1816�V 1869, Triton Insurance Co.).
105. Sam Yup Association, pp. 182�V183. He was delinquent for two lots of shares (6 and 155) in the Starlight Gold and Silver Mining Co. (Alta California, April 9, 1865). These notices of delinquency are good indicators of Chinese investment in gold mining. For the partnership of Wo Own Yu Kee, see Sacramento Daily Union, March 8, 1865; 1870 San Francisco census (Carl Smith notes on the 1870 census).
106. Macondray to Fung Tang Esq., Hong Kong, August 1, 1871, p. 723, Letter Copybook, 1864�V1874, Macondray Box, Folder 5 (CHS MS 3140).
107. Carl Smith��s notes on Fung Tang.
108. See Jury List/ Jurors�� List of different years in Hong Kong Government Gazette. His wife gave birth to a child in Hong Kong on July 9, 1877 (Alta California, August 12, 1877).
109. Later he went to Yunnan to extract tin and cassia, and set up branch offices in Yunnan and Guizhou where his business prospered for many years (Sam Yup Association, p.182).
110. Probate 36 of 1900: PRO, HKRS 144�V4�V1292.
111. Alta California, September 13, 1877.
112. Alta California, February 9, 1886.
113. Alta California, November 27, 1889, p. 4, col. 2. In his will, he referred to Nam Pak���f as his baodi (full brother) (Will of Fung Pak, Probate No..116/1907, Will No..68/1907, dated March 6, 1907: PRO, HKRS 144�V4�V1987 and HKRS144�V4�V2094).
114. The most famous returned migrants to operate in Hong Kong were perhaps Ma Ying-piu and the Kwok brothers, Kwok Lock and Kwok Chuen, who returned from Australia and founded the first department stores in China, Sincere Company and Wing On Company respectively, in the early twentieth century.
115. Edwards & Balley to JMC, April 4, 1859: JMA B6 (Business Letters: Non-local)/2 (Business Letters: America 1821�V1898).
116. Freight List of Derby: Heard II, Case 17-A, f.10 (Reel 120).
117. Freight List of Notos: Heard II, Case 17-A, f.10 (Reel 120).
118. Freight List of W. A. Farnsworth: Heard II, Case 17-A f.10 (Reel 120).
119. Edwards & Balley to JMC, March 21, July 28, 1859: JMA B6 (Business Letters: Non-local)/2 (Business Letters: America 1821�V1898).
120.
Ryberg to AHC, July 6, 1863: Heard II, Case LV-1 ��Correspondence, Unbound,�� f.52, ��Hong Kong from C. G. Ryberg�� (Reel 303); In Charter party dated May 2, 1865 between Charles H. Allen Jr. and Charles G. Ryberg from San Francisco to Hong Kong and back, five Chinese firms in San Francisco signed to guarantee the fulfillment of the agreement: Heard II, Case S-3 ��Shipping, Unbound Materials in Alphabetical Order by Ship Name,�� f.87, ��1856�V1865, ship ��Derby��.��
121.
Ryberg to AHC, April 19, 1864: Heard II, Case LV-1, f. 52 (Reel 303).
122.
Ryberg to AHC, July 28, 1865: Heard II, Case LV-1, f. 52 (Reel 303).
123.
Ryberg to AHC, January 13, 1864: Heard II, Case LV-1, f. 52 (Reel 303).
124.
Ryberg to AHC, April 27, 1865 and September 27, 1865: Heard II, Case LV-1,
f. 52 (Reel 303). Also see Macondray to Fung Tang, Esq., July 16, 1875, Letter Copybook, 1874�V80, Macondray Box, Folder 6 (CHS, MS 3140).
125.
Rybert to AHC, January 13, 1864 and April 19, 1864, July 15, 1865: Heard II, Case LV-1, f. 52.
126.
See payment instruction to comprador to pay Powloong advance on cargo Black Prince, January 7, 1858: Heard II, Case S-2 ��Shipping, Unbound Materials in Alphabetical Order by Ship Name,�� f.56, ��1857�V1874, ��Black Prince���� (Reel 339).
127.
See payment instructions to comprador: Heard II, Case S-2 ��Shipping, Unbound Materials in Alphabetical Order by Ship Name,�� f.56, ��1857�V1874, ��Black Prince���� (Reel 339). It is interesting to note that advances made to Chinese fi rms in Hong Kong were usually made in cash�XMexican dollars�Xwhile advances made to Western firms were made in bills on London. It would seem that Chinese merchants insisted on cash. One possible explanation is that they did not have the global con-nections necessary to settle in London; it was also more expensive to draw on London. In any case, the effect of these cash transactions would have driven up the price of Mexican dollars in Hong Kong and San Francisco, while at the same time reducing the potential that a greater use of bills of exchange might have in stimulating trade. It may be interpreted as a constraint on unlocking the potentials of limited capital, but Chinese merchants probably preferred trading in Mexican dollars directly for the lower running costs and the familiarity of the system.
128.
Bills of lading and memo: Heard II, Case S-2 ��Shipping, Unbound Materials in Alphabetical Order by Ship Name,�� f.68, ��1868, Ship ��Bosworth���� (Reel 339).
129.
Sam P. Goodale, San Francisco to AHC Hong Kong, June 5, 1858: Heard II, Case LV-3 ��Correspondence, Unbound,�� f.45, ��1858, Hong Kong from Samuel P. Goodale�� (Reel 314).
130.
JMC to A. W. Macpherson, July 13, 1855: JMA C11/20, p. 201; JMC to A..W..Macpherson, June 26, 185.6: JMA C11/21, p. 340.
131.
Julius A. Palmer Jr., ��Ah Ying and His Contemporaries,�� in Old and New, edited by Edward Everett Hale, vol. 2, no. 1 (1870), pp. 692�V697.
132. ��Chinese Savings Bank,�� Alta California, May 21, 1869.
133. A detailed account of the channels of remittances is given by Tomoko Shiroyama in ��Structure and Dynamics of Overseas Chinese Remittances in the Mid-Twentieth Century,�� paper presented at the XIV International Economic History Congress Helsinki 2006, http://www.helsinki.fi /iehc2006/papers2/Shiroy.pdf, viewed November 20, 2011. She also describes in detail the remittance transactions of a Hong Kong merchant, Ma Tsui Chew. I am grateful to the author for permis-sion to cite her work. See also George L. Hicks, Overseas Chinese Remittances fr om Southeast Asia, 1910�V1940 (Singapore: Select Books, c. 1993), pp. 90, 100�V101.
C. F. Remer, Foreign Investments in China (New York: Macmillan, 1933) is the classic work on the twentieth century, while Wu Chun-his, Dollars, Dependents and Dogma: Overseas Chinese Remittance to Communist China (Stanford, CA: Hoover Institute of War, Revolution and Peace, 1967) covers the post-1949 period.
The importance of qiaohui to the financial development of Hong Kong is demonstrated by Takeshi Hamashita �ؤU�Z��, Xianggang da shiye: Yazhou wangluo zhongxin����j�����D�Ȭw�������� [A wider perspective on Hong Kong: The center of Asia��s networks] (Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 1997), pp. 45�V69. He also discusses the issue in more global terms in ��Overseas Chinese Remittance and Asian Banking History,�� in Pacific Banking, 1859�V1959, edited by Olive Checkland, Shizuya Nishimura, and Norio Tamaki (London: St Martin��s Press, 1994), pp. 52�V60.
134. See Adam McKeown, ��Transnational Chinese Families and Chinese Exclusion, 1875�V1943,�� Journal of American Ethnic History, vol. 18, no. 2 (1999), pp. 73�V110; Sucheta Mazumdar, ��What Happened to the Women? Chinese and Indian Male Migration to the United States in Global Perspective,�� in Asian Pacific Islander American Women: A Historical Anthology, edited by Shirley Hune and Gail Nomura, pp. 58�V74 (New York: New York University Press, 2003); Chan Sucheng, ��The Exclusion of Women, 1870�V1943,�� in Entry Denied: Exclusion and the Chinese Community in America, 1882�V1943, edited by Chan Sucheng, pp. 94�V46 (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press 1991); Kerry Abrams, ��Polygamy, Prostitution, and Federalization of Immigration Law,�� Columbia Law Review, vol. 105, no..3 (2005), pp. 641�V716.
This practice was quite different, for example, from that of many British male migrants in the nineteenth century, who customarily first went overseas and later sent for their families, as described in Gary B. Magee and Andrew S. Th ompson, ��The Global and Local: Explaining Migrant Remittance Flows in the English-speaking World 1880�V1914,�� The Journal of Economic History, vol. 66, no. 1 (2006), pp. 177�V202.
135.
Philip Kuhn, Chinese Among Others: Emigration in Modern Times (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2008), p. 4.
136.
See http://www.kaipingdiaolou.com, viewed November 20, 2011.
137.
Leo Douw, in Encyclopaedia of Chinese Overseas, edited by Lynn Pan, pp..109�V110 (Richmond: Curzon Press, 1999).
138.
Hong Kong Blue Book (1863), p. 331; (1864), p. 314. Since many vessels were not reported for the treasures they carried, what the Harbor Master reported might be only a fraction of the total.
139.
In the 1860s, S. Wells Williams writes in The Chinese Commercial Guide, pp..104�V
105: ��The silver currency imported into China now consists chiefly of Mexican and Peruvian dollars, the Spanish having altogether ceased, and the coins of England, the US, and India coming in small amounts. Gold is received in the south from California and Australia, partly as a remittance, or as the savings of Chinese emi-grants returning home; the annual importation of this metal has never much exceeded $1,000,000. Sovereigns, doubloons, double eagles and eagles, appear in small amounts; their market value is about 7.percent discount. Silver bullion in bars of 700 or 800 taels are imported from England, and silver ingots have also been received from San Francisco. Treasure in many forms is continually sent away, too, and if the opium trade extends, is likely to find its way out of the country as it did in 1840�V48.�� Williams has obviously underestimated the amount of gold sent or taken home by returned emigrants.
140.
Porter Garnett, ��The History of the Trade Dollar,�� The American Economic Review, vol. 7, no. 1 (1917), p. 92. See also David J. St. Clair, ��American Trade Dollars in Nineteenth-Century China,�� in Flynn, Frost and Latham, Pacifi c Centuries, pp. 152�V170.
141.
Garnett, ��The History of the Trade Dollar,�� p. 93.
142.
JMC to C. S. Compton, October 31, 1853: JMC C11 (Letters to Europe)/18 (August 1853�VMay 1854); JMC to A. W. Macpherson, May 23, 1856: JMA C11 (Letters of Europe)/21 ( January 1856�VSeptember 1856).
143.
��Annual Review on Trade of San Francisco,�� Alta California, January 9, 1861.
144.
Macondray, Hong Kong, April 6, 1865 to Mr Gideon Nye Jr., Macao: Macondray Copybook (CHS, MS 2230A).
145.
Macondray, Hong Kong, April 6, 1865 to Mr Gideon Nye Jr., Macao: Macondray Copybook (CHS, MS 2230A).
146.
Frederick J. Macondray, Shanghai, May 5, 1865 to Messrs Russell & Co. Shanghai: Macondray Copybook (CHS, MS 2230A).
147.
Garnett, ��The History of the Trade Dollar,�� p. 93; ��The New Trade Dollar to be Issued Today,�� Alta California, July 29, 1873.
148.
The US Congress passed a Bill compelling the government to redeem them at par to standard dollars and repealed the authority for their further coinage. Speculators who had been buying the coins at discount in anticipation of such redemption made huge profits, for by this time silver had declined below 98.cents per fi ne ounce or 25 percent discount. Garnett, ��The History of the Trade Dollar,�� p. 96.
149.
Macondray, Hong Kong to Mr Gideon Nye Jr., Macao, April 6, 1865: Macondray Copybook (CHS, MS 2230A).
150.
In September 1864, Macondray reported happily to Otis that he had Mex.$180,000 engaged for a vessel to Hong Kong and he hoped that when it sailed in the follow-ing week, he would get over $200,000�Xincluding Mex.$30,000 for the Central Bank of Western India. This was a ��handsome freight,�� which would more or less cover the entire freight charges and any other goods he sent on the ship would be practically free of charge. (Macondray to Otis, Boston, September 12, 1864, pp. 107�V118, Letters Copybook 1864�V1874, Macondray Box, Folder 5 [CHS, MS 3140].)
151.
Andrew Pope, ��The P&O and the Asian Specie Network, 1850�V1920,�� Modern Asian Studies, vol. 30, no. 1 (1996), p. 139.
152.
Massimo Beber, ��Italian Banking in California, 1904�V1931,�� in Pacifi c Banking, pp. 114�V138, p. 134. The new trend of treasure coming from across the Pacifi c was watched with consternation by British shipping and banking interests, and different strategies�Xsuch as the readjustment of freight rates for specie�Xwere adopted for damage control. See Pope, ��The P&O and the Asian Specie Network,�� pp. 154�V155.
153.
David J. St. Clair, ��California Quicksilver in the Pacific Rim Economy 1850�V90,�� in Studies in the Economic History of the Pacific Rim, edited by Sally M. Miller, A. J. H. Latham, and Dennis O. Flynn (London: Routledge, 1998), pp. 210�V233, p. 214.
154.
Quicksilver prices fl uctuated. In 1790, it was priced at 35 to 40 taels per picul; in 1848 at $130; and in 1855 at $60. China also produced quicksilver, and when the foreign article exceeded $100 per pecul, it could then be exported. Demand in China did not exceed 12,000 flasks annually, each about 75.pounds, at a total value of $400,000 (i.e. $33.3/flask). See Williams, The Chinese Commercial Guide, p. 97.
155.
JMC to Compton, June 10, 1852, p. 226: JMA C11/16; JMC to Compton, dated April 1, 1853, p. 259: JMA C11/17 (Letters to Europe, November 1852�VJuly 1853).
156.
Alta California, November 17, 1875, April 20, 1879, December 6, 1879.
157.
Daily Press, December 14, 1877. In fact, Lee Yu Chow had by this time declared bankruptcy and left the colony, and the case was brought against Li Sing and Li Chit as surety for the purchase. The court ruled in favor of the Li brothers on the
grounds that there never was meant to be a purchase and the broker had misled Wai.
158.
For instance, on the Henrietta in 1851 (Box 5) and the Aurora in 1853: Box 15, CA 169.
159.
Hongkong Telegraph, November 9, 1883, p. 2.
160.
H. B. Morse, The Trade and Administration of the Chinese Empire (New York: Longman Green and Co., 1908), p. 289 reports that: ��The taste for foreign luxu-ries has been introduced by returned emigrants, and flour, unknown in 1867, was imported in 1905 to the extent of 2,635,000 bags of 50 lbs.�� In 1903, the British Consul-General at Guangzhou stated in his report on trade in that district that the demand for flour among Chinese emigrants returned from California and other parts of America continued, so much so that the quantity imported in 1902 exceeded that of 1901, by 854,744 cwts, and was also some 700,000 cwts in excess of the average for the past five years. See ��China,�� The Board of Trade Journal (England), vol. 41 ( June 11, 1903), p. 488. However, it was reported a year later that foreign flour, ��a luxury for the well-to-do in China,�� was less by a fourth, with its place being filled by the product of recently established fl our-ing mills grinding Chinese wheat. The Board of Trade Journal (England), vol. 45 ( June 2, 1904), p. 407: ��Foreign Trade and Shipping of China 1903.��
161.
Alta California, June 26, 1869.
162.
Palmer, ��Ah Ying and His Contemporaries,�� p. 694.
163.
Middlings are the coarser particles of ground wheat mingled with bran.
164.
Palmer, ��Ah Ying and His Contemporaries,�� p. 695.
165.
As we saw, while in Hong Kong in 1865, Chan Lock also imported flour: 5,350 sacks on the Midnight, 30 bbls in addition to 1,049 sacks of extra-fine on the Parsee; 380 sacks on the Oracle. Chong Wo, too, was a major importer of fl our and wheat�Xof the former, 2,359 sacks on the Midnight, 2,700 bbls on the Parsee, 1,000 (from Charles Ryberg) on the Golden Fleece and 2,200 sacks on the Galatea, 1,163 on the Louisa Kohn; of the latter, 1,281 sacks on the Galatea, 1,470 sacks on the Oracle. See freight lists of Midnight, Parsee, Golden Fleece, Galatea, Louisa Kohn and Oracle: Heard II, Case 17-A ��Freight Lists,�� f.10, ��1865�� (Reel 120).
166.
Daniel Meissner, ��Bridging the Pacific: California and the China Flour Trade,�� California History, vol. 76, no. 4 (1997�V98), p. 92.
167.
Hongkong Telegraph, August 4, 1909.
168.
WNWM, July 4, 1900, cited by Meissner, ��Bridging the Pacific,�� p. 149, n..63.
169.
Flour continued to be a major import from California until the mid-1900s, when wheat growing there declined even as China developed its milling technology. In 1909, American flour exports to Hong Kong and China fell below 850,000 bbl,
more than a 40 percent decline since the turn of the century. But while it lasted, the flour trade was a vital element in the transpacific network. See Meissner, ��Bridging the Pacific,�� and his ��Theodore B. Wilcox. Captain of Industry and Magnate of the China Flour Trade,�� Oregon Historical Quarterly, vol. 104, no. 4 (2003), pp. 1�V43.
170. Shiroyama, ��Structure and Dynamics of Overseas Chinese Remittances,�� p..23.
171. Gongshang ribao�u�Ӥ�� (Kung Sheung Daily News), July 14, 1928.
172. Madeline Hsu, Dreaming of Gold, Dreaming of Home: Transnationalism and Migration Between the United States and South China, 1882�V1943 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2000), pp. 33�V40. After the Exclusion Act, the fi rms might have assumed other functions. Some of the firms were actively involved in the thriving market for forged papers that enabled ��paper sons�� to enter the United States during the Exclusion period, but this would require a separate study. See Chin Tung Pok, Paper Son: One Man��s Story (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press 2000).
173. ��No ��Merchants��,�� Alta California, October 21, 1888; ��Chinese Tricks,�� Alta California, January 19, 1891 describes how Chinese used companies to get re-entry permits from the Custom House; ��Exclusion Law Neatly Evaded,�� San Francisco Call, September 17, 1897 includes letters showing how Chinese merchants col-luded to trick the US government.
174. For many years, Chinese Americans who had entered the United States using false papers (and their descendants) kept the fact secret for fear of legal consequences. Recently, a small group of Asian American scholars have adopted a new perspec-tive on ��paper sons,�� arguing that, faced with an unjust immigration law, they were justified in using trickery to enter the United States. Estelle T. Lau launches a frontal attack on the injustice of the Exclusion Act, emphasizing the need not to be ��embarrassed by means�� when examining the necessity for methods to gain entry. See Estelle T. Lau, Paper Families: Identity, Immigration Administration, and Chinese Exclusion (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2006), pp. 2�V5.
175. Zhang Zhidong �i���}, ��Yu Mei Hua shang bingken xiangyi xinyue yi wei shengji ju qing shang chen zhe�� �J���ذ�.����ij�s���H���ͭp�ڱ��W���P [Memorial on the petition submitted by Chinese merchants in the United States regarding the New Act and (their) livelihood], August 21, 1888 (Zhang Wenxiang Gong quanji�i���������� [The complete works of Zhang Zhidong] (Taibei: Wenhai chubanshe, 1963), 228 juan, 6 volumes, vol. 3, Memorials: juan 24, pp. 25b�V28b.
176. Henry Yu, ��The Intermittent Rhythms of the Cantonese Pacifi c,�� in Connecting Seas and Connected Oceans: Indian, Atlantic and Pacific Oceans and China Seas: Migrations from the 1830s to the 1930s, edited by Donna R. Garbaccia and Dirk Hoerder (Leiden: Brill, 2011), pp. 393�V414.
Chapter 5
1.
Christopher Munn, ��The Hong Kong Opium Revenue, 1845�V1885,�� in Opium Regimes: China, Britain, and Japan, 1839�V1952, edited by Timothy Brook and Bob Tadashi Wakabayashi, pp. 105�V126 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2000), p. 107.
2.
Munn goes on to claim that: ��Early Chinese traders came to the colony to deal in opium; the drug became standard currency for remittances from Chinese living in Hong Kong to their native places on the mainland land; pirated or disputed con-signments of opium dominated many judicial proceedings; and opium balls clut-tered the colony��s numerous pawnbrokers�� shops.�� See Munn, ��The Hong Kong Opium Revenue,�� p. 107.
3.
For the growth of opium in China, see David Bello, ��The Venomous Course of Southwestern Opium: Qing Prohibitions in Yunnan, Szechuan, and Guizhou in the Early Nineteenth Century,�� Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 62, no. 4 (2003), pp. 1109�V1142.
4.
Russell��s memo, enclosed in Marsh to Derby, March 19, 1883, confi dential: CO 129/207. For the process of opium boiling, see ��Opium: Its Nature, Composition, Preparations, and Methods of Consumption, paper by Mr Frank Browne, FIC., FCS., Government Analyst Hong Kong,�� Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1910, pp. 517�V533; reprinted from Hongkong Telegraph, February 24 and 25, 1910.
5.
Edwards & Balley to JMC, August 9, 1859: JMA B6 (Business Letters: Non-local)/2 (Business Letters: America, 1821�V1898). See Nathan Allen, An Essay on the Opium Trade, Including a Sketch of Its History, Extent, Effects, etc. as Carried on in India and China (Boston: John P. Jewett & Co., 1850), p. 17, which describes the boiling process and the importance of the purity of the stuff. See also ��Opium: Its Nature, Composition, Preparations, and Methods of Consumption,�� and Samuel Merwin, Drugging a Nation: The Story of China and the Opium Curse (New York: F. H. Revill, 1908), pp. 172�V173.
6.
The prevalence of opium smoking among Chinese in the mid-nineteenth century is indisputable. What is in dispute is the degree of damage it did to the person and the society. While opium smoking was frequently demonized by missionaries and other contemporary moralistic agencies, there were others who held a more tol-erant attitude toward it. There are many scholars who have since questioned why narcotics drug users were labeled as criminals and challenged the punitive laws adopted to repress what was a relatively minor social problem. See Shirley J. Cook, ��Canadian Narcotics Legislation, 1908�V1923: A Conflict Model Interpretation,�� Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, vol. 6 (1969), pp. 36�V46. David Courtwright, Dark Paradise: A History of Opiate Addiction in America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001[1982]), pp. 68�V69.
7. Frank Dikotter, Lars Laamann, and Zhou Xun, Narcotic Culture: A History of Drugs in China (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2004), pp. 7, 49�V65.
8. Barbara Hodgson, Opium: A Portrait of the Heavenly Demon (San Francisco: Chronicle Books, 1999), p. 53.
9. Zhongwai xinbao ���~�s�� (The Weekly Occidental) (San Francisco), April 20, 1898. Another advertisement in the same paper, for the Fuxing Gongsi, reads: ��Our company has been established for many years. We choose the best quality raw opium, employ top ranking boiling masters and let the opium mellow so that it becomes full-bodied in taste before selling it.�� It then names its agent in San Francisco and points out that customers can send their orders to that address.
10. Bowen to Derby, August 28, 1883: in Great Britain, Colonial Office, series 882, Confidential Prints Eastern no. 5, File 63 (Correspondence on the Subject of the Consumption of Opium in Hong Kong and the Straits Settlements [1896]) (here-after CO 882/5/63).
11. Tai Tung Yat Po �j�P���, January 14, 1906; Chung Sai Yat Po ������, February 23, 1904.
12. David K. Tse and Gerald J. Gorn, ��An Experiment on the Salience of Country-of-Origin in the Era of Global Brands,�� Journal of International Marketing, vol. 1, no. 1 (1993), pp. 57�V76; John S. Hulland, ��Th e Effect of Country-of-Brand and Brand Name on Product Evaluation and Consideration: A Cross Country Comparison,�� Journal of International Consumer Marketing, vol. 11, no. 1 (1999), pp. 23�V40.
13. ��Opium: Its Nature, Composition, Preparations, and Methods of Consumption.��
14. Hodgson, Opium, pp. 2�V3.
15. Jonathan Spence, ��Opium Smoking in Ch��ing China,�� in Conflict and Control in Late Imperial China, edited by Frederic Wakeman, Jr. and Carolyn Grant (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1975), pp. 143�V173.
16. Frederick J. Masters, ��The Opium Trade in California,�� Th e Chautauquan, vol..XXIV, no. 1 (1896), p. 55.
17. Lord Warriston, January 1853: Box 21, CA 169.
18. For a description of emigrants�� behavior when they landed in San Francisco�X ��concealing opium in one part of their clothing, and silk handkerchiefs in another�� in an effort to elude the Customs Inspectors�� examination�Xsee Ronald Takaki, Strangers from a Different Shore: A History of Asian Americans (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1989), p. 71. For accounts of opium smoking on board from Hong Kong to California, see Russell Conway, Why and How: Why the Chinese Emigrate and the Means they Adopt for the Purpose of Reaching America with Sketches of Travel, Amusing Incidents and Social Customs, etc. (Boston: Lee and Shepherd, 1871), pp. 217�V218; Masters, ��The Opium Trade in California,�� p. 59.
19.
For instance, ��Notice to Claimants,�� Alta California, January 23, 1870; on that occasion, the goods were seized on the China; apart from a total of some 251 taels of prepared opium, there also seems to have been a large amount of raw opium.
20.
For a case of a woman customs officer arrested for colluding in smuggling, see Zhongwai xinbao (The Weekly Occidental), July 3, 1886, p. 2.
21.
Th etis, 1851: Box 10, CA 169.
22.
For example, Ah Foong shipped one basket of 16 tins containing a total of 120 taels, and Akow sent one box of opium containing 1,585 taels on the Jamestown in 1853 (Jamestown, 1853: Box 19, CA 169). Another 1,008 taels were sent by Tung Lee on London in 1853 (London, 1853: Box 21, CA 169).
23.
Hongkong Recorder, March 31, 1859.
24.
Mohammed Shah, 1851: Box 6, CA 169.
25.
Edwards & Balley to JMC, July 1853: JMA B6/2. For example, J. J. dos Remedios sent two boxes of opium worth $630, consigned to Macondray & Co. on the Ella Frances (see Ella Frances, 1853: Box 18, CA 169).
26.
Edwards & Balley to JMC, July 12, 1859, January 10, 1860: JMA B6/2. Jardine also sent three chests of raw opium to California but it did not seem to have found much of a market there (see Lanrick, 1853: Box 20, CA 169).
27.
Edwards & Balley to JMC, April 4, 1859: JMA B6/2. In 1882, H..H..Kane also observed that the opium trade was entirely carried out by Chinese merchants. See H..H. Kane, Opium Smoking in America and China: A Study of its Prevalence, and Effects Immediate and Remote, on the Individual and the Nation (New York: G.P. Putnam��s Sons, 1882), p. 15.
28.
Insurance policy no. 3822, October 20, 1860: JMA A7 (Miscellaneous Bound Account and Papers 1802�V1941)/443 (Miscellaneous Insurance Records 1816�V 1869, Triton Insurance Co).
29.
Freight Lists: Heard II, Case 17-A, ��Freight Lists, Unbound,�� f.10, ��1865 Freight Lists.��
30.
Freight Lists: Heard II, Case 17-A, ��Freight Lists, Unbound,�� f.10, ��1865 Freight Lists.��
31.
Bills of Lading of Vertigern: Heard II, Case S-15, ��Ships,�� f.62, ��1866, Vertigern.��
32.
Edwards & Balley to JMC, March 21, 1859: JMA B6/2, emphasis in original.
33.
Masters, ��The Opium Trade in California,�� p. 56.
34.
Edwards & Balley to JMC, April 4, 1859: JMA B6/2.
35.
Edwards & Balley to JMC, June 2, 1860: JMA B6/2.
36.
Edwards & Balley to JMC, August 9, 1859: JMA B6/2.
37.
Masters, ��The Opium Trade in California,�� p. 55. Located in most of the dens were earthenware pots containing different grades of opium, which was sold and smoked in the same room.
38.
Edwards & Balley to JMC, March 21, 1859: JMA B6/2. According to Masters, opium was retailed in little buffalo-horn boxes about the size of a pill box holding enough for a day��s supply for an average smoker. (Masters, ��The Opium Trade in California,�� p. 55.)
39.
Edwards & Balley to JMC, July 26, 1853: JMA B6/2.
40.
Edwards & Balley to JMC, November 26, 1859: JMA B6/2.
41.
Edwards & Balley to JMC, March 21, 1859: JMA B6/2.
42.
Edwards & Balley to JMC, January 15, 1858: JMA B6/2.
43.
Koopmanschap & Co. to JMC, January 24, 1863, May 19, 1863, April 4, 1865, June 14, 1865: JMA B6/2.
44.
Edwards & Balley to JMC, [n.d.] July 1853: JMA B6/2.
45.
The declared value of opium is shown in shipping documents at the San Francisco Custom House. Some examples are found in Th etis, 1851: Box 10; Aurora, 1853: Box 25; Ellen Francis, 1853, Box 18; and Jamestown, 1853: Box 19, CA 169.
46.
Later, white Americans also smoked opium�Xbut interestingly, when the import of prepared opium was banned in 1909, white Americans were the first to switch to the syringe; see Courtwright, Dark Paradise, p. 82.
47.
Edwards & Balley to JMC, July 12, 1859, January 10, 1860, July 5, 1860: JMA B6/2.
48.
Citing a 1869/70 report by Cecil Smith, Russell��s ��Confidential Memorandum on the Hong Kong Opium Revenue 1883,�� enclosed in March to Derby, March 19, 1883, confidential: CO 129/207. In 1869, the Hong Kong government estimated that the exports of Australia and California had reached an aggregate of 2,562,000 taels, at a total value of $1,950,000. About 640,000 taels of opium were consumed locally. This means that the exported volume was 80 percent of total volume of opium prepared in Hong Kong.
49.
Bowen to Derby, September 23, 1884, #9: in Great Britain, Colonial Office (CO 882/5/63); Marsh to Granville, May 17, 1886, confi dential: CO129/226.
50.
See Carl A. Trocki, Opium and Empire: Chinese Society in Colonial Singapore, 1800�V1910 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990); John Butcher and Howard Dick (eds.), The Rise and Fall of Revenue Farming: Business Elites and the Emergence of the Modern State in Southeast Asia (New York: St Martin��s Press, 1993); Timothy Brook and Bob Tadashi Wakabayashi (eds.), Opium Regimes: China, Britain, and Japan, 1839�V1952 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2000); Lucy Cheung Tsui Ping, ��The Opium Monopoly in Hong Kong,�� M.Phil. dissertation, University of Hong Kong, 1986; Norman Miners, Hong Kong Under Imperial Rule 1914�V1941 (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1987).
51.
Munn, ��The Hong Kong Opium Revenue,�� p. 112.
No comments yet.
Private notes are available after approval.