There still remain one or two points worth noticing,
in order to complete the series of events which hap
pened in the year 1840. Among these, one of the most
important was the issuing of an Order in Council for the
establishment of courts of admiralty in China, for the
adjudication of prizes, &c. It was to the effect that,
“ in consideration of the late injurious proceedings of
certain officers of the Emperor of China towards certain
of our officers and subjects, and, whereas, orders had
been given that satisfaction and reparation for the same
should be demanded from the Chinese government, it
was necessary, for the purpose of enforcing those orders,
that all vessels and goods belonging to the Emperor of
China or his subjects should be detained and brought
into port ; and that, in the event of reparation and satis
faction being refused by the Chinese government, a court
of admiralty should be formed for the purpose of ad
>
judging and condemning them as prizes.”
This order in council was not acted upon, except on
a very limited scale, and for a very brief period. It
was afterwards considered more equitable that the
burden of the war should be made to fall as much as
possible upon the government of China, and as little as
possible upon the people ; and this highly judicious
and humane determination was carried out as much as
possible, and with the best results, during all the latter
part of the war, much to the credit of all concerned .
During the year 1840 very little progress was made
in our endeavours to gain over the Chinese people to
our interests, or to conciliate their forbearance, in any
of the places in which we were brought into contact
KIDNAPPING . 233
with them. At Chusan, in particular, they evinced the
most hostile spirit towards us, and lost no opportunity
of exhibiting their hatred of the foreigner. It was not
without great difficulty even that provisions could be
obtained for our men ; there was evidently some secret in
fluence which operated to prevent the people from meet
ing us amicably, and made them, for some time, resist
even the temptation of gain, so difficult for aa Chinaman
to withstand . Nor can this indeed be wondered at.
Neither party understood the character of the other ;
and the refusal on their part to supply us with pro
visions, even for fair payment, could hardly fail to bring
hardships upon many who were not in fault, since it
was evident that our troops must be supplied with
proper food in some way or other. Nothing, however,
tended to exhibit their hostile spirit so much as their
persevering attempts to carry off our men by stealth ,
whenever they could find an opportunity ; and indeed
the kidnapping system was followed up with many
circumstances of barbarity to the very close of the
war.
This embittered our men very much against the
Chinese, and we may almost wonder that their prisoners,
when they fell into our hands, received such lenient
treatment in return. The story is well known of Captain
Anstruther’s capture at Chusan, at the distance of only
two or three miles from the town, his being tied up in
a sack, and subsequently carried over in a boat to
Ningpo on the mainland, and the curious history of
his confinement in a Bamboo cage, three feet long by
two feet broad ; and other instances of a similar
234 BARBARITY TO ENGLISH PRISONERS .
kind, in which the prisoners were treated with the
utmost barbarity, have been so often recounted, that a
passing allusion to them will here be sufficient. Cap
tain Anstruther, however, would seem to have been
more leniently treated than many of the other prisoners ;
and I have heard him declare that, with respect to the
better class of mandarins at Ningpo, he had little cause
of complaint to urge against them , considering that he
was a prisoner in an enemy's hands. His talent for
drawing, however, enabled him to conciliate their good
will, and to earn for himself some indulgences which
others were not fortunate enough to procure. He sold
his drawings, and particularly his portraits, for a tole
rable price. Thus, for instance, he took care that when
a mandarin wanted to have his likeness taken, he should
give him at least three sittings, and for each sitting he
required a payment of twelve pork pies. In this way
his ingenuity enabled him to procure abundance of food ,
at all events. Many of the other prisoners, however,
were treated with frightful barbarity, and , in some in
>
stances, they were put to death .
A much more formidable enemy to us than the
Chinese was , soon discovered, in the terrible sickness
which broke out among our troops at Chusan, and car
1
ried off many a brave man prematurely to his grave.
The low, swampy rice-grounds surrounding the town,
the want of proper drainage, the exposure to the hot
sun, and the use of the deleterious spirit which the
Chinese call Samshoo, made from rice (of which a vast
quantity was manufactured on the island for export
ation )—all these causes combined sufficed to produce
THE DEMON SHIPS . 235
fever, dysentery, and various complaints, which com
mitted great havoc among the men. The island was
subsequently , however, rendered less unhealthy by
better arrangements, and by enforcing greater clean
liness.
At Amoy, after the affair of the Blonde, a strict
blockade was maintained by the Alligator and other
vessels, which interrupted the whole trade of that im
portant commercial city. But none of our ships asto
nished and alarmed the Chinese so much as the steamers ;
they were particularly alluded to in the official reports
to the emperor, and were described as “having wheels
at their sides, which, revolving, propelled them like the
wind, enabling them to pass to and fro with great
rapidity, acting as leaders : ” and it is not surprising X
that the Chinese should soon have christened them the
“ Demon Ships ."
The effect of our operations to the northward had
already been to excite great alarm in the mind of the
emperor and of his ministers ; indeed, the panic created
by the first approach of a hostile force was so great,
that a very small body of men might have marched
almost from one end of China to the other, so little
were the Chinese prepared for resistance. But gra
dually they recovered their energy, improved their means
of defence, adopted better weapons, and cast heavier
guns. As far as personal bravery could aid them, they
were by no means an enemy to be despised. The spear
and the bayonet frequently crossed each other ; perhaps
more frequently than the bayonets of Europeans do ;
and, in not a few instances, the long spear was more
236 LIN'S WARNING .
than a match for the shorter bayonet. Hand-to-hand
encounters with the Tartar troops were not uncommon
towards the close of the war ; and, indeed, many of our
men learnt, to their cost, that they had held the
Chinese far too cheap. Instances occurred in which
the powerful Tartar soldier rushed within the bayonet
guard of his opponent, and grappled with him for life
or death.
We may now revert to the period of the arrival of
the new Imperial Commissioner Keshen at Canton, with
a view to treat with the plenipotentiaries , according to
the terms agreed upon at the Peiho, as before men
tioned. His predecessor, Lin, whose fall had now com
menced, could not resist giving a parting warning to
the people, against the continuance of their pernicious
habits ; and he even ventured to assure them that, if
66
they still persisted, " they would assuredly, one and all
>
of them, be strangled ; ” and he further told them,
quaintly enough, that, " while the allotted period of their
probation was not yet finished, they were still living
victims ; but that when it had expired they would be
come dead victims, for that they would certainly be put
to death, if they had not learnt to amend their ways .'
So far then Lin was consistent to the last.
In the beginning of December, the greater part of our
naval forces had again assembled below the Bogue,
although a squadron was still left to the northward .
Notwithstanding that Keshen had arrived for the osten
sible purpose of inquiring into and settling all matters
in dispute, it was evident that the Chinese were making
hostile preparations, with a view to a very different mode
A NEW CRISIS. 237
of settlement of the question. A feeling of uncertainty
and apprehension prevailed, such as generally precedes
some great movement. The Chinese, on their side, were
collecting troops, and raising new works ; while, on
our side, every precaution was taken , in case a re
sumption of hostilities should be called for.
On the 13th, the Nemesis, which had been for some
days at anchor with the fleet, a few miles below
Chuenpee, conveyed Captain Elliot down to Macoa,
while the rest of the fleet moved nearer up towards the
Bogue, as if with the object of supporting the “ nego
ciations ” by a firm display of power. Captain Elliot's
stay at Macoa was very short ; and, from the increased
activity of our preparations at the Bogue, it became
evident that the “ negociations” were not going on
satisfactorily. Scaling ladders were now being made
on board the ships, and a landing - stage for dis
embarking the troops was constructed on board the
Nemesis, which, from her light draught.of water, was
likely to be employed for that particular purpose.
Numerous communications were passing between
Macao and our fleet at the Bogue; Captain Elliot him
self went backwards and forwards several times in the
Nemesis ; and the moment seemed fast approaching
when some very decided blow was to be struck.
The following description of the scene of operations
will therefore be found interesting. About twenty-two
to twenty -five miles above the island of Lintin, before
described , and consequently about the same distance
above Tongkoo Bay, on the same side of the river, is
a projecting headland, about a mile and a quarter wide,
238 CHUENPEE .
distinguished at a considerable distance by the high
peak in which its summit terminates. On either side
of it there is a fine sandy beach, off which there is a
good anchorage. This is Chuenpee.
The hill, which is its principal feature, stands rather
towards the northern side of the promontory, and is
divided into two conical eminences, upon one of which
there was a high building, resembling a watch-tower,
which was now fortified , and formed a conspicuous
object as you ascend the river. At the bottom of
the hill there were a considerable stone battery and
other works. The whole of these had been very re
cently strengthened and extended. A line of entrench
ment, with mud batteries, had also been carried round
the rear . Behind the hill also, in an opening looking
towards the north, or into Anson's Bay, another small
battery had been erected, with an enclosed space or
square for barracks, surrounded by a parapet wall.
The extent of these works was not properly known
until the attack upon the place had commenced . It
was generally believed that the promontory and hill of
Chuenpee were connected with the mainland ; and it was
not until some time after the place was taken that the
discovery was made, as will presently be described , that
Chuenpee was, in reality, an island .
On the opposite or western side of the river, which
is here about three miles wide, is another smaller pro
montory, called Tycocktow , with a line of strong
batteries close along the shore, faced with granite. This
See map
ANSON'S BAY. 239
was also subsequently found to be an island. The
whole of the country which borders the river is moun
tainous and picturesque.
Returning again to the east side, about four to five
miles above Chuenpee, we come to the high hill and
fortifications of Anunghoy, the most important of the
works at the Bogue. Between Chuenpee and Anung
hoy lies the beautiful bay called Anson's Bay, about
two miles deep ; on one side of which it was at one time
proposed to found an English town . Anunghoy, like
Chuenpee, was discovered to be also an island ; and
that circumstance, as will be afterwards seen, was a
source of great anxiety to Keshen, who saw the con
sequent weakness of the position of Anunghoy, and
reported it to the emperor. In fact, our light squadron
might have probably gone up the river by the passage
at the back of Anunghoy, without passing through the
Bogue at all. But these facts were not then known .
The works at Anunghoy consisted of two very strong,
heavy batteries, built of excellent granite, and partly
of the composition called chunam . The masses of stone
were afterwards found to be of immense size, so much
so, that it was no easy task to blow the works to pieces,
even after they were taken. The two principal bat
teries were connected together by temporary works of
recent construction ; and, according to the usual Chinese
practice, a semicircular wall was carried round the rear
of each fort along the side of the hill.
The breadth of the river from Anunghoy to the oppo
site side is from two to three miles, being somewhat
less than it is lower down between Chuenpee and Ty
240 THE BOGUE FORTS.
cocktow. But in the very middle of the river in this
part, are two rocky islands, called North and South
Wantung, of moderate elevation, and also aa smaller rock,
scarcely visible at high water. Hence there are two
channels up the river, one on either side of these islands ;
but that on the east side towards Anunghoy is the one
which had always been frequented by foreign ships, and
was considered to be the Bocca Tigris, or Bogue.
The passage on the western side of Wantung was not
only not frequented by Europeans, but not even known
to be navigable, until our preparations were made for
the capture of the Bogue forts, when some of our ships
passed up on that side to the attack of North Wantung.
The true Bogue, or eastern passage, is only about three
quarters of a mile wide ; the current, or rather the tide,
is very rapid, on which account ships generally prefer
keeping rather near to the Anunghoy side. Of the two
islands called Wantung, the northern is the highest and
largest, lying quite opposite Anunghoy, and was very
strongly fortified. South Wantung, the smaller island,
was not fortified by the Chinese, being not considered
by them of sufficient importance to require it. It lies
some distance lower down the river, and, looking at
their relative positions, you would hardly suppose they
were within effectual gun-shot distance from each other.
Such, however, was the case ; and the Chinese forts on
North Wantung were shelled from South Wantung by aa
small battery, constructed by a detachment of our troops
in a single night, being covered during their work
principally by the Nemesis, which ran close in shore for
that purpose, being herself sheltered by the island.
THE BOCCA TIGRIS. 241
Further to obstruct the passage up the Bogue, the
Chinese had carried an immense chain, or rather a double
chain, across it, supported by large rafts from one side
to the other, one end of it being secured at Anunghoy,
and the other end being fastened into a rock near South
Wantung, which was nearly covered at high water. To
complete the account of these famous defences, it only
remains to mention another fort on the western side of
the river, nearly opposite Wantung, which was called .
Little Tycocktow, and was not of recent construction.
By the Chinese themselves these extensive works were
considered impregnable, for they had not yet experi
enced the tremendous effect of the concentrated fire of
line - of- battle ships.
Tiger Island can scarcely be said to form part of the
Bocca Tigris ; it lies nearly two miles above Wantung ;
and, although there was a considerable stone battery on
its eastern side, it was not likely to be of any service,
and the Chinese wisely abandoned it, and removed the
guns. This island, however, is a remarkable feature in
the general aspect of the river, being in reality a high
rocky mountain, cleft in two at the top, and presenting
to view several deep chasms on both sides, yet clothed
with verdure in some parts, while it is rudely broken up
in others. It is altogether a very peculiar object, al
though it cannot be said to bear much resemblance to a
tiger's head, from which it takes its name.
VOL . I. R
242 POLICY OF KESHEN .
CHAPTER XIII.
Keshen’s negociations — Gains courage as he gains time — General remarks
-Influence and character of the Empress — Emperor's eulogy of her
- Agitation in China — Heu Naetze's memorial — Reference to Tang
and his colleagues — Predictions of aa former Emperor — Memorials on
the opposite side - Choo Tsun and Heu Kew - Reformation of morals
-Death and funeral of the Empress — Character of the present Em
peror
-
- Ascended the throne in 1820— Observations — Further re
-
marks on the character of Lin - English books translated for him
His letters to the Queen of England Character of his successor ,
Keshen An astute and polished courtier Severity of his punish
ment - Commencement of 1841 Hostilities - Attack on Chuenpee
and Tycocktow , on the 7th of January -- Details of forces engaged
Remarks on the action - Services of the Nemesis — Sufferings of the
wounded Chinese — Burnt by ignition of their own clothes.
The Imperial Commissioner Keshen now wisely re
solved to gain as much time as he could by negociation ;
and seemed in the first instance to have almost equalled
his predecessor Lin, in his desire “ to control the fo
reigners, and to reduce them to submission . ” His con
ferences with that functionary, who now remained at
Canton as viceroy, were numerous and confidential; but,
instead of precipitating the crisis by mad violence, he
professed to trust rather to the “ employment of truth
and the utmost reason 7” to attain his ends. But these
are mere figures of speech among the Chinese, and have
KESHEN AND ELLIOT . 243
little of the nature of those principles which they are
supposed to indicate.
Keshen's cautiousness was at once shown by the in
structions which he issued respecting the nature of the
white flag, and by his enjoining that for the future the
troops were “ not rashly to open their artillery, without
first ascertaining what was the purpose of the approach
of any boat bearing such a flag .” And, moreover, that
“ they were not to provoke hostilities, by being the first
to fire on the foreign ships, nor in their desire for ho
nours to endeavour to create trouble.” Nevertheless,
he added, “ negociations are not yet settled, and the
troops must not be idly off their guard . ” On his side,
likewise, Captain Elliot was quite as anxious to avoid a
collision as Keshen himself ; and thus affairs went on
until the close of the year, without any approach what
ever to a solution of the difficulties. Keshen exhibited
a vast deal of tact and
CG
cunning', which in fools supplies,
And amply, too, the place of being wise.”
Great as our force already was even at that period,
it does not at all seem to have intimidated Keshen, who
appeared to gain courage as he gained time. Indeed, it
could hardly be expected that the ancient barrier of
Chinese pride and self-sufficiency would crumble down
before a single blow, however strong ; and even the chief
actor in the scene himself hesitated long to strike,
when he knew that it would make an empire tremble.
But the great, the haughty, the mysterious China,
was at length destined to bend, and gradually to open
R 2
244 THE LATE EMPRESS .
wide her portals to the proud barbarian's resistless in
tercourse. Among the important personages who con
tributed indirectly to bring about this wonderful re
sult, perhaps not the least remarkable was the Empress
herself, to whom some allusion has already been made.
Very little was heard concerning her at the time, in re
mote parts of the world , and therefore aa few additional
notices must be interesting. She must, indeed, have
been aa person of no ordinary character, who could have
raised herself, by her talents and her fascinations, to a
seat upon the throne of the Emperor of China. Her
early history is little recorded , but her influence was
secretly known and felt in almost every part of the em
pire, even before she obtained the short-lived honours of
an empress .
It is difficult to imagine how any woman , brought up
in the subordinate position which is alone allotted to
the sex in China, with the imperfect education which is
there attainable, and with all the prejudices of her early
life, and the proud assumption of superiority of the
other sex to contend against, could have had imparted
to her the peculiar tone of character which she pos
sessed. In her attempts to reform and to improve,
she never ceased to be Chinese ; indeed, she seems to
have thought that to restore what was fallen to decay
was the best kind of reform . She sought the removal
of abuse, the purification of public offices, and the im
provement of the details of administration throughout
the country. Her influence became paramount ; and
those who could not be gained by her arguments are
said to have been led by her fascinations.
THE LATE EMPRESS . 245
The words of the Emperor's public eulogy of the em
press, after her death, will in a measure point out this
feature in her character. He declared that “ she was
overflowing with kindness to all, lovely and winning."
She held control over the hearts of those about her,
not by dint of authority, but by gentleness and forbear
ance. “ Her intercourse," he added, “ lightened for me
the burden of government, and the charm she spread
around conciliated all hearts. And now I am alone
and sad .”
It may surely be pardoned to such a person that she
had her favourites; but amongst them she reckoned
many that were talented ; and in her choice of persons
for high employment, she possessed the most valuable
of all talents to those who are called upon to exercise
their power of selection—that of distinguishing not
merely abstract merit, but of discerning those less con
spicuous qualities of the mind which constitute fitness
for office and aptitude for public distinction.
The greatest influence of the Empress seems to have
been exercised about the years 1835 and 1836, and it
was just at that period that the question was so keenly
debated, at court and elsewhere, whether opium should
be permitted, under certain modified regulations, or
whether it were possible to put an end to the traffic hy
force, and to drive the nation from its use by fear.
This was evidently the commencement of a new era in
that country, for whatever might be the result of the
debate upon this important question in the Chinese cabi
net, the effect of it was to occasion the agitation of the
subject throughout the empire . Agitation in China !
246 THE OPIUM-TRADE .
But a spirit of change had now begun to tincture
even the minds of true Chinamen , and the amiable Em
press herself became affected by, and even in a measure
encouraged, that movement. The vice-president of the
sacrificial board, by name Heu Naetze, and others,
amongst whom was reckoned also Keshen, belonged
to the immediate favourites of the Empress, and but
for that high protection it is probable that Heu Naetze
would hardly have ventured to present his famous me
morial in favour of the legalization of the opium -trade.
His chief and most important argument was, not that
it would be a good thing in itself, but that it would be
perfectly impossible to prevent it by any means the
government could adopt ; and also that foreign trade
generally was of importance to China, from the revenue
which it produced, and the employment which it gave to
the people. He showed how totally ineffectual every
increase of punishment, even to death itself, had proved,
for the prevention of the practice, which, on the con
trary , had increased tenfold ; and he then went on to
make it evident that “ when opium was purchased
secretly, it could only be exchanged with silver ; but
that, if it were permitted to be bought openly, it would
be paid for in the productions of the country.” And he
cleverly adds : “ the dread of the laws is not so great
among the people as the love of gain, which unites
them to all manner of crafty devices, so that sometimes
the law is rendered wholly ineffective. ” But he would
still prohibit all public officers, scholars, and soldiers,
from using it, under pain of instant dismissal from the
public service .
THE OPIUM - TRADE . 247
It is known that the Empress received this recommen
dation with particular favour, but the Emperor referred
it for the consideration of the crafty old Tang, the go
vernor of Canton, who was at the very time deriving a
large revenue from winking at the clandestine sale of
the drug. The answer of Tang and his colleagues was
decidedly favourable to the project. They declared
that “ the circumstances of the times rendered aa change
in the regulations necessary .” They openly admitted
that the payment of distinct duties would be far less
onerous than the payment of bribes ; that the laws
could then be administered, and would be respected ;
and that the precious metals, which were now oozing
out of the empire, would then be retained in it. They
even went so far as to say that the dignity of the go
vernment would by no means be lowered by it ; and
they further declared that the prohibition of the luxury
made it more eagerly sought for.
Here then was clearly another triumph on the Em
press's side ; and those who were opposed to her prin
ciples feared it as such, and redoubled their efforts to
produce her fall. But the recommendation did not
even stop at that point ; for it went so far as even to
encourage the cultivation and preparation of the poppy
within the empire, in order to exclude a portion of the
foreign article from the market.
One might have supposed that the influences which
were now at work to produce a better state of foreign
trade, backed by the countenance of the Empress, and
supported by the apparent neutrality of the Emperor,
would have sufficed to occasion some modification in
the existing laws.
248 CHINESE PREDICTION .
Keshen himself, who had what is called a long head ,
though in good favour with the Empress, and influential
in the country, seems to have remained at that time
neutral upon the question in agitation. Others, how
ever, showed a bitter hostility to every change, but bit
terest of all to the whole race of foreigners. When
they could no longer argue with success against the
principles of what might be called the free -trade party,
they raked up all the smouldering ashes of deadly hos
tility to foreigners, because they were not Chinese (how
ever estimable they might otherwise be), and they ap
pealed to an old saying of the Emperor Kanghe, the
grandfather of his present Majesty, namely, “ that there
is cause for apprehension lest, in centuries to come,
China may be endangered by collision with the various
nations of the West, who come hither from beyond the
seas. Indeed it is well known that there prevailed in
China a tradition to that effect; and also another, " that
China would be conquered by a woman , in time to
come. And so generally were these two predictions
or traditions remembered during the war, that the im
pression came to prevail among many of the people,
that it would be useless to resist us, because we were
a people from the far west, and were ruled by a queen.
The two principal memorials on the opposite side of
the question have been pretty generally circulated ; one
being by Choo Tsun, a member of council and of the
>
Board of Rites, the other by Heu Kew, a censor of the
military department. They argued for the dignity of
the empire, and the danger “ of instability in maintain
ing the laws.” They called for increased severity of
MEMORIALS AGAINST OPIUM. 249
the law itself, not only to prevent the exportation of
silver, but to arrest the enervation and destruction of
the people, and they openly declared their belief that
the purpose of the English was to weaken the people
and to ruin the central land ; and they further appealed
to all the “ luminous admonitions ” of the emperors and
others of olden days against the influence of foreigners.
Memorials also came in from many of the provinces,
particularly those along the coast, showing that even
the army had become contaminated by opium, and that
soldiers sent against the rebels in recent seditions were
found to have very little strength left, though their
numbers were large. In short, the whole of the me
morialists on the anti-importation side argued to the
effect that increased severity could stop the use of
opium, and therefore that it ought to be stopped, be
cause it tended to enervate the people, and make them
an easy prey to the foreigner, while the quantity of
silver exported enriched the latter in proportion as it
impoverished the former. Thus the hatred of opium
and detestation of the foreigner became very nearly sy
nonymous.
At length , when the Emperor's beloved son died from
the effects of opium in the imperial palace, then the grief
of the emperor, and the conviction of the misery pro
duced by the drug, worked upon his feelings fully as
much as upon his judgment. An attempt was made to
place the question upon moral grounds; and the Empe
ror affected on a sudden to weep for the misfortunes of
the nation , and to lament the depravity of his “ dear
children :” and his paternal heart, in the exuberance of
250 DEATH OF THE EMPRESS .
its benignity, determined to cut off all their heads, if
they would not mend their ways. Thus, by degrees, the
reformation of morals became the subject of agitation
quite as much as the principles of trade had been
before .
By this time, the influence of the poor Empress had
quite declined . She forgot that, in making many friends,
she had made many influential enemies. Neither her
beauty nor her talents could save her, and she fell ra
pidly from her pinnacle of power. She only lived to
share the Emperor's throne for about five or six years ;
a very short, but remarkable, reign. She could not
survive the loss of her power ; and , when her opponents
so completely recovered theirs, her proud spirit sunk
under the weight which pressed upon her..
Nothing could be more touching than the expressions
of the Emperor, published in the Pekin Gazette. He
calls her a perfect pattern of " filial piety ;" and there
fore bestows upon her the posthumous title of the “ per
fectibility of filial obedience . ” It should be here re
marked that what they call “ filial piety ” is the highest
moral attribute in the Chinese system of ethics .
The Empress died in the beginning of 1840, and was
buried with great pomp ; the whole nation was ordered
to go into mourning for a month, and the public officers
were not to shave their heads for one hundred days, as
a mark of their sorrow. Her death left the Emperor
Taoukwang surrounded by troubles and dangers in his
old age, with few about him whom he could trust,, and
none to comfort him in his difficulties. She left two or
three young children . But he had six children by his
THE PRESENT EMPEROR. 251
former wife, of whom nearly all, or, it is believed, more
than half, have died .
The Emperor was born on the 20th September, 1782 ,
and is therefore upwards of sixty-one years old . He
ascended the throne in 1820. The troubles and conti
nual disturbances which have marked his reign, the fre
quent rebellions and disorders which have long been the
constant theme of his animadversions in the Pekin Ga
zette, may perhaps be considered less as the result of
his own measures than as the marking features of the
present era in Chinese history. He ascended the throne
when disorders were almost at their height, and when a
conspiracy had already broken out in his father's palace.
Indeed, he was expressly selected by his father to be his
successor (although not the eldest, but the second son),
because he had on a former occasion distinguished him
self by his energy and success in crushing a traitorous
attempt within the palace.
The Emperor appears to be an amiable but weak
man, well intentioned towards his people, sensible of
the difficulties of his country, but, at the same time,
blinded and misinformed by the favourites about him,
and retaining too many early prejudices to be able tho
roughly to cope with all the difficulties which have
from time to time beset him.
The next most important character who figured at
the period which has been already alluded to was Com
missioner Lin, of whom so much has been said. The
principal features of his character have been already
delineated. He is described as having been stout in
person, with a vivacious but not unpleasant manner,
252 COMMISSIONER LIN.
unless highly excited ; with a keen, dark, penetrat
ing eye, which seemed to indicate that he could as
sume two opposite characters, according as it might
suit his interest or his ambition. He had aa clear, dis
tinct voice, and is said to have rarely smiled. His
countenance indicated a mind habituated to care. In
the course of his proceedings at Canton, he seems never
to have permitted himself to adopt the character of a
“ negociator," but invariably to have assumed that of a
>
“ dictator," which was more natural to him. His word
was law . He was not dismayed by sudden difficulties,
and appears to have been quite sincere in all his wishes
to arrest the progress of the evils he complained of, and
to reform the morals of the people. With this object,
he closed all the gaming-houses at Canton, which were
as numerous as the opium-shops, or more so, and were
generally maintained in conjunction with the latter ; so
much do vices court each other's company .
In reality, Lin feared the foreigners as much as he
hated them. But the intercourse he now had with them
led him to value their knowledge more highly, and pro
bably he knew full well that knowledge is power. He
had portions of English works translated for his own
use, such as Thelwall's pamphlet against opium, Mur
ray’s geography (parts), &c.; and he had in his employ
three or four young Chinamen, who knew something of
English, and of English habits, having visited the straits'
settlements, and one of them the United States. His
scheme of writing to the Queen of England was certainly
remarkable, and his two letters were curious documents
in themselves ; perfect models of the bombastic style,
COMMISSIONER LIN. 253
yet, withal, not altogether destitute of specious sayings.
The following specimens of the former will here suffice.
He says, “The powerful instrumentality whereby the
celestial court holds in subjection all nations is truly
divine and awe-inspiring ! ” He then takes care to add
that “ the English had on various occasions sent tribute
(alluding probably to the presents of Lord Macartney
and Lord Amherst ), and that it was entirely owing to
the emperor's benevolence that England had become so
great and flourishing as it is said to be !"
Lin was by no means wanting in energy to meet the
great crisis which he had contributed so much to pro
duce. In addition to the enlisting of troops, the prepa
ration of defences, the casting of guns, building of fire
vessels and gun -boats, &c., he directed that many pas
sages of the river should be blocked up with stones, and
others staked across with piles.. When, at length, he
received the reproof of the Emperor, written with the
vermilion pencil, he stated in reply, “ that prostrate he
had beat his head upon the ground, oppressed with
shame and grief.” A year has passed, he adds, and yet
the opium is not excluded ; he confesses his inability,
and begs that his master will visit him with the heaviest
punishment, that his incapacity may be a warning to
others. It is .a remarkable circumstance that he dis
tinctly declares that Captain Elliot had petitioned him
to receive the opium, and adds, in proof of it, that he
possesses the original petition, written in English and
Chinese. But, whether true or not, he omits to tell his
master that he already had Captain Elliot, and all the
254 KESHEN .
foreign community, secure within his grasp , and had re
fused them not only food , but even water.
In short, Lin was a bold, uncompromising, and spe
cious man . He tried to console the Emperor, by assur
ing him that he was quite certain that, along the northern
coast, sickness and cold would carry off all the barbarian
forces, even if the want of food, and the exhaustion of
their powder and shot, did not reduce them to extremi
ties. He never once alluded to any probability of being
able to beat off the barbarians in fair fight.
With regard to his successor, Keshen , who next came
upon the stage of public life, his character will be bet
ter developed as we proceed. But it is worth while here
to remark , that Keshen appears to have been one of the
few about the court who began to apprehend serious
consequences from Lin's measures. He had always been
cautious in committing himself, and though no friend of
the foreigners, he had feared their power, and felt the
weakness of his own country, as well as the necessity of
trying some other measures than those means hitherto
employed, to put a stop to the perpetual disturbances
which took place in several parts of the empire, and
threatened rebellion even within the capital.
Keshen was an astute courtier, a polished and well
mannered man, and all those who were present at either
of his two interviews with Captain Elliot were struck
with his courteous and gentlemanlike manner. Although
he made every preparation for resistance, he seems to
have thought he could gain more by diplomacy, and he
resolved to take advantage of the disposition for nego
ciation rather than dictation on Captain Elliot's part,
ENORMOUS REVENUE . 255
to play his cards with tact and cunning, in the hope of
gaining time. But he saw his weakness, and the
impossibility of contending with success against our
forces, and, having distinctly reported thereon to the
Emperor, he was, of course, set down as a coward, and ,
consequently, as a traitor. He had the boldness to tell
the Emperor the actual weakness of his strongest points
of defence ; whereas, Lin only stated how much stronger
they would have been , had the government made it a
rule to have devoted ten per cent. of the whole customs'
revenue of Canton to the improvement of their means
of defence, the building of ships, and the casting of
cannon .
In one thing, however, Lin and Keshen were both of
a mind—namely, as to the importance of the foreign
trade of Canton to the imperial revenue. They ven
tured to correct the Emperor's notion that the customs'
66
duties of Canton were unimportant, and not worth a
thought, ” by telling him that they “ already ”” produced
upwards of thirty millions of taels, or ten millions
sterling, and that, as the revenue of Canton far exceeded
that of any other province, a portion of this conside
rable sum, which was obtained from foreigners, should
have been applied to defending themselves against fo
reigners.
Much has at various times been said about Keshen's
? If Lin was correct in saying that the revenues derived from foreign
trade for the Emperor's chest amounted to ten millions sterling, how
enormous must have been the whole revenues paid by that trade, when
we know that the imperial revenues scarcely formed a third of what was
actually paid in various ways !
256 KESHEN AND LIN .
treachery and bad faith . But it will be seen as we proceed
that he was driven into these acts by the distinct orders
of the Emperor, and that keeping faith with us was to be
viewed as treachery to his master. Indeed, the severity
of Keshen's punishment at the Emperor's hands proves
not so much how ill be served his master, as how unfor
tunate he was in having a much more profound head
than Lin, in being able to see further into futurity, and
to catch the shadows of coming events ; in short, how
much too far in advance of his countrymen he was, in
being able to appreciate their position in the face of the
foreigner, and how unfortunate in presuming to attempt
to ward off the dreaded blow by timely concession.
Without venturing to anticipate further the remarkable
points in Keshen's career, which will be better developed
as we proceed , we may now turn our attention to the
interesting events of the year 1841 .
We have already seen that there was little probabi
lity, at the close of 1840, of any satisfactory arrange
ment being made between Keshen and Captain Elliot
without a resort to arms. Accordingly, all prepara
tions were completed ; and, the first week in January
having passed without any nearer prospect of a settle
ment, although repeated opportunities had been given
to Keshen to arrange matters amicably, as had been
proposed at the conference at Trentsin , orders were at
length issued for the immediate resumption of hostili
ties. The morning of the 7th of January, 1841 , was
the period fixed on for the attack upon the forts at
Chuenpee and Tycocktow, being the lowest, or, in other
words, the first, you approach in ascending the river.
RESUMPTION OF HOSTILITIES . 257
The object was to reduce the whole of the famous de
fences of the Bogue one after the other, and, if neces
sary, to destroy them. It will be seen, however, that a
>
considerable pause occurred before they were all at last
captured.
The plan of attack upon Chuenpee, and the forts on
the opposite side of the river at Tycocktow , was as fol
lows, under the direction of Commodore Sir Gordon
Bremer, who, it will be remembered , had become com
mander-in-chief upon the retirement of Rear- Admiral
the Honourable George Elliot, in consequence of severe
illness. The troops, comprising detachments of the
26th and 49th regiments, (the greater part of which
were with their head-quarters at Chusan) under Major
Johnstone of the 26th , together with the whole of the
37th Madras Native Infantry, under Captain Duff of
that regiment, and a detachment of the Bengal Volun
teers, under Captain Bolton, were to embark on board
the Enterprise and Madagascar steamers by eight o'clock
in the morning, to be conveyed to the point of debarka
tion, which was selected about two miles and a half
below Chuenpee, to the southward, where they were to
be landed in boats. The Nemesis took on board a large
portion of the 37th . A battalion of royal marines,
upwards of five hundred strong, under Captain Ellis,
were to be landed in the boats of their respective ships ;
while a body of seamen under Lieutenant Wilson, of the
Blenheim, were also to join the landing force. A small
detachment of the royal artillery was to be under the
command of Captain Knowles, R. A. , having under
him the Honourable C. Spencer ; and one twenty -four
VOL . I. S
258 THE ENGLISH FORCE .
pounder howitzer, with two six-pounder guns, one
from the Wellesley, and one from the Melville, were to
be landed , together with thirty seamen, to be attached
to them for the purpose of placing them in position ;
also fifteen men from the Blenheim were to be em
ployed in the rocket and ammunition service.
In front of the Chinese entrenchments there was a
ridge, by which in a manner they were commanded, and
upon the crest of this the guns were to be placed.
While this was being done, strong covering parties were
to be pushed in advance, and to act according to cir
cumstances, waiting for the effect of the fire from the
guns, as well as from the ships, which were to be placed
in the best positions for silencing the batteries.
The whole of the force on shore was under the com
mand of Major Pratt, of the Cameronians, and com
prised altogether about one thousand five hundred men .
As regards the naval force engaged, it was ordered
that the Queen and Nemesis steamers should proceed to
take up a position within good shelling distance, ac
FORCE EMPLOYED ON SHORE IN THE CAPTURE OF CHUENPEE .
Non-com, officers
and privates.
Royal artillery, under command of Captain Knowles, Royal
Artillery ......... 33
Seamen, under Lieutenant Wilson, of H. M. S. Blenheim ... 137
Detachments of the 26th and 49th regiments, under Major
Johnstone, of the 26th regiment 104
Royal marine battalion, under Captain Ellis, ofthe Wellesley 504
37th Madras Native Infantry, under Captain Duff, 37th N. I. 607
Detachment of Bengal Volunteers, under Captain Bolton ... 76
1461
together with thirty seamen attached to the guns.
PLAN OF ATTACK . 259
cording as the depth of water would permit ; and at
once to commence firing into the fort upon the summit
of the hill. Having rendered this post untenable, and
having watched the advance of the troops, which might
be selected to take possession of it, they were then im
mediately to attack the lower fort, along the shore near
the northern point, if it should not have been already
abandoned or carried. Meanwhile, the fire from the fort
above, by this time expected to be in possession of a
portion of our troops, was also to be turned in the same
direction ; and , when the enemy should be driven out,
they were to be “ dealt with ” by the remaining part of
the troops .
The Madagascar and Enterprise steamers, as soon as
they had landed their troops, were to join the division
under Captain (now Sir Thomas) Herbert, in the Cal
liope, having with him the Larne, Captain Blake, and
the Hyacinth, Captain Warren. They were directed to
proceed to attack the batteries, towards the northern
extremity, as well as in front, and to be prepared to
proceed to capture some of the numerous war -junks,
which were seen at anchor at the bottom of Anson's
Bay. The two steamers above mentioned were also to
hold themselves in readiness to go alongside any ship
that might chance to require their services.
Captain Belcher, of the Sulphur surveying vessel,
was to take upon himself the general charge of the
steamers in the first instance, so far as concerned “ the
placing them in a position already ascertained by him ; "
which , probably, referred to the position to be taken up
s 2
260 ATTACK ON CHUENPEE .
for shelling the upper fort, as well as to the point of
debarkation for the troops.
Such , then , was the plan of attack upon Chuenpee ;
that of Tycocktow will follow better when the account
of the Chuenpee action is completed.
The landing and re - embarkation of the forces was
under the direction of Lieutenant Symons, of the Wel
lesley, and the whole of it was conducted with great
regularity. The landing of any considerable body of
troops is always an exciting scene ; but now for the first
time in the history of China, if we except the trifling
affair at the barrier at Macao, European troops were
>
about to meet in battle the sons of the “ flowery nation,”
upon the very soil of the “ Celestial Empire.” Nor
did the Chinese shrink from the contest in the first in
stance, for they had yet to learn the irresistible power
of European warfare, and the destructive efficacy of
European weapons.
The leading troops were the royal marines and the
royal artillery, the guns being dragged along by the
blue jackets. The road lay through a winding valley for
nearly the distance of a couple of miles, until it led to
a transverse ridge, from which the whole of the Chinese
works could be viewed, consisting of a strong entrenched
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