© Pui-yin Ho 2018
Cover image: © Mr Tim-keung KO
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted
in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical or photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the
prior permission of the publisher.
Published by
Edward Elgar Publishing Limited
The Lypiatts
15 Lansdown Road
Cheltenham
Glos GL50 2JA
UK
Edward Elgar Publishing, Inc.
William Pratt House
9 Dewey Court
Northampton
Massachusetts 01060
USA
A catalogue record for this book
is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Control Number: 2018944048
This book is available electronically in the
Social and Political Science subject collection
DOI 10.4337/9781788117951
ISBN 978 1 78811 794 4 (cased)
ISBN 978 1 78811 795 1 (eBook)
Typeset by Servis Filmsetting Ltd, Stockport, Cheshire
M4593-HO_9781788117944_t.indd 4 20/08/2018 16:47
Contents
Foreword by Yeung Yue-man vi
Foreword by Ling Kar-kan viii
Acknowledgements xi
Introduction 1
1 Duality in planning (1841–1898) 6
2 Expansion of the territory (1898–1941) 69
3 Experiencing the war (1941–1945) 118
4 High-density development planning (1945–1979) 143
5 Approaching the handover (1979–1997) 220
6 Transformation after the return to China (1997–2015) 298
7 Challenge of sustainable development (1997–2015) 373
Conclusion 444
Bibliography 452
Index 467
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ForewordFOREWDBYUNG-MA
Professor Yeung Yue-man, Emeritus Professor,
Geography Resource Management Department,
The Chinese University of Hong Kong
Hong Kong is geographically a tiny territory, yet it is strategically situated in
relation to southern China and Pacific Asia. In the past 174 years since the
British landed in Hong Kong, Hong Kong has metamorphosed from a minus-
cule fishing village to a thriving world city, ranking at present among the best
in Asia and the world. This Hong Kong story of how it has evolved to become a
sparkling city is told in this scholarly and monumental book full of historical and
official documentation, objective interpretation, and insightful analysis.
Despite the many challenges Hong Kong has faced from the outset as a colo-
nial outpost to a throbbing modern city, the literature is surprisingly sparse on
any attempt to tackle the intriguing Hong Kong chronicle from the standpoint
of town planning. It is full of life-and-death struggles, absorbing turning points
and dashing decisions. What makes this book unique is its ambitious and com-
prehensive treatment of town planning in Hong Kong in its full stretch from the
beginning to the present. It takes a scholar with history training and meticulous
care to handle source materials and data, plus Ho Pui-yin’s earlier pioneering
research on Hong Kong’s water supply, land and harbour development, and
transport to produce this impressive and breath-taking volume.
The main body of the book consists of six stages but is grouped into seven
chapters (with two chapters for the last stage) devoted to major periods of
development with vital implications on how and why Hong Kong was devel-
oped in the ways it was. Details of dates, personalities and debates surrounding
some key decisions are given in ample reference to sources, tables and figures.
The reference in Chapter 1 to the construction of water reservoirs, typhoons,
conflagrations and plagues is especially poignant to someone who is familiar
with early Hong Kong history and how these calamities caused massive loss of
lives and heartrending grief among the community at that time.
Chapter 2 traces the territorial expansion of Hong Kong, in particular the
planning of New Kowloon. Large-scale development of the Kowloon Canton
Railway and Kai Tak Airport laid the foundation for later development. The
regularisation of town planning began in this half-century before the Second
World War.
Chapter 3 details the war experience in Hong Kong under the Japanese
Occupation. Hong Kong became a resource port for the Japanese war efforts, and
development vastly departed from that of the previous period under the British.
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FOREWORD BY YEUNG YUE-MAN · vii
The remaining chapters deal with the next three stages, starting with
Hong Kong in its rapid evolution after the war, with the early influence of
Abercrombie’s plan to guide town development. The debate on building the
subway system is revealing. China’s opening had much influence on Hong Kong
development, which capitalised on new opportunities. The Ten Core Projects
in the wake of the decision to build the new airport at Chek Lap Kok in the
1990s laid the foundation for Hong Kong’s rapid development in the subse-
quent decades. It is revealing to find that Chek Lap Kok was one of 13 sites
recommended by the consultants. The return of Hong Kong to China in 1997
marked the beginning of urban governance leaning towards transparency and
sustainable development.
As is clear from reading this volume, Hong Kong has successfully thrived
against all odds to develop into a world city of fame and substance. Town plan-
ning certainly has its role, and major political turning points have been capi-
talised on to the city’s benefit. The main lesson from reading the Hong Kong
story is that it has thrived on new thinking to develop its urban identity and
future. The evolving identity echoes well with the world around Hong Kong and
beyond. This book will equip scholars and planners alike with a solid foundation
to take Hong Kong to its next stage of urban development and modernisation.
M4593-HO_9781788117944_t.indd 7 20/08/2018 16:47
ForewordFOREWDBYLINGKAR-
Ling Kar-kan, Director of Planning (2012–2016), Hong Kong
One should first survey the harmonious aspects of the yin and yang of the site,
taste its waters, examine the suitability of the soil, and observe the exuberance of
its vegetation. After this, one may build the city and erect its walls, conduct zoning
and designate residential sites; then followed by building access to the fields and
demarcating their boundaries. Only after all the above work is done may one start
building houses.
The above is a vivid and succinct enunciation by Chao Cuo, a Chinese political
adviser and official of the Han Dynasty (202 BC–AD 220), as recorded in the
ancient history book of Han Shu. The quotation describes the process involved
in building a city, planning a community and constructing one’s home. As a
town planner, I can feel the continuation of a city’s history and the consolidation
of its culture every time I read these writings.
For the past 170 years or so since its inception, which is neither long nor
short, Hong Kong has gone through a lot of challenges and difficulties in the
history of urban development. Western theories and practices of town planning
have been introduced to the territory, and have gradually evolved into plan-
ning concepts, strategies and systems in line with the local conditions. This is a
subject worthy of our in-depth exploration.
Compared with the relatively abundant land resources in the West, the
limited land available for development in Hong Kong means it always has to face
the challenge of coping with a growing population. Therefore, high-density and
high-rise development is a pattern and a form suitable for Hong Kong consistent
with the local situation to meet the city’s economic and livelihood development
needs. In the 1960s and 1970s, some Western town planners were so sceptical
about the model of high-density urban development that they even went to the
extreme of blowing up entire communities of high-rise and high-density housing.
However, after the planning and practices of different periods, the high-density
and compact model of urban development in present-day Hong Kong not only
fully takes the environment and conservation into account, but also enables rea-
sonable layouts and appropriate public facilities and open spaces. A convenient
and vibrant urban environment is successfully provided for its citizens, thanks to
the highly efficient municipal services and urban management. Hong Kong has
set a good example for modern urban development.
In the 1990s, town planners in foreign countries started to reflect on the
automobile-led model of city expansion promoting ‘suburbanisation’. Instead,
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FOREWORD BY LING KAR-KAN · ix
Hong Kong planners advocated the model of ‘transit-oriented development’
(TOD). As early as the 1980s, the formulation of the Territorial Development
Strategy stipulated a focus on public transport with railways as the backbone,
for the benefit of coordinating land use and spatial distribution. Currently,
about 90 per cent of Hong Kong’s daily traffic volume relies on public transport,
including 40 per cent by railway. About 75 per cent of the commercial and office
premises and 40 per cent of residences (by floor area) in the territory are within
a 500-metre walking distance of railway stations.
TOD, characterised by compactness and high density, has become the most
sustainable model of urban development widely recognised by the town plan-
ning industry around the world. Hong Kong is a pioneer and, more importantly,
a firm practitioner in this field.
From the handover to the early twenty-first century, the evolution of town
planning in Hong Kong may be summarised as transformation in three aspects:
a more open and transparent system; a more diverse and inclusive paradigm;
and the formation and strengthening of a multi-centre, multi-axis spatial devel-
opment model.
The implementation of the Town Planning (Amendment) Ordinance 2004
has enabled more open and transparent arrangements of the town planning
system, in terms of the provision of planning information, channels for public
input, deliberation by the Town Planning Board (TPB) of planning applica-
tions, formulation of statutory plans, consideration of public representations,
and so on. These institutional reforms have provided a more open and inclusive
platform that facilitates more active interactions amongst stakeholders on town
planning issues, enabling public attention and monitoring of planning proposals
in a broader and closer manner.
The ‘development-led’ planning paradigm, which has effectively helped Hong
Kong to cope with many challenges in the post-war era, remains the mainstream
of planning efforts. However, this paradigm must become more diverse and
inclusive in order to cope with today’s complicated challenges and aspirations
involving various stakeholders. A number of factors are playing a more and more
important role in the mentality and practice of planning, such as town planning,
local construction, smart city, environmental protection, ecological and cultural
conservation, sustainable development, biodiversity, climate change and an
ageing population.
With a number of strategic planning exercises and new town developments
in the post-war era, we have managed to construct nine new towns in addi-
tion to traditional development areas on both sides of Victoria Harbour. And a
multi-centre spatial pattern has been formed in terms of population distribution.
However, we have not yet formed a spatial distribution well aligned with eco-
nomic activities and employment. This results in high volume and long-distance
one-way commuter flows, with serious congestion on trunk roads during rush
hour. The large amount of commuting time by the working population also
means additional carbon emissions by motor vehicles. In the ongoing study
of ‘Hong Kong 2030+: Towards a Planning Vision and Strategy Transcending
2030’, one of the core topics is advocating the construction of a more balanced
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x · MAKING HONG KONG
pattern of spatial distribution of population and jobs by leveraging the geo-
graphical advantages and supporting transport infrastructure of the various dis-
tricts in the New Territories. It is intended to establish and reinforce a long-term
strategic planning concept featuring multiple centres and axes, so that Hong
Kong can move towards a spatial development model which is sustainable and
more balanced.
Urban development should provide our citizens with a better life, working
space and environment. Under the high-density and compact model of urban
development, it remains the biggest challenge and even an endless responsibility
for Hong Kong town planners to constantly improve the liveability of the city.
We are very pleased that Professor Ho Pui-yin of the Chinese University of
Hong Kong has conducted an extensive and in-depth study of town planning in
Hong Kong, commenting on town planning efforts from a historical perspective
and providing a summary. This is a professional publication long anticipated
by town planners, builders of cities and all those who care about Hong Kong’s
development. I am convinced that this book will help us review the history of
Hong Kong’s urban development and town planning and summarise the expe-
rience, so that we can optimise town planning to create a better life for our
citizens.
M4593-HO_9781788117944_t.indd 10 20/08/2018 16:47
Acknowledgements
Started in 2011, it took me six years to conduct research on this immense topic
which I am grappling with due to the vast variety and quantity of materials.
Without the support of different organisations and experts, I would not have
been able to make use of my initial research results and publish a preliminary
research report. My special thanks must first go to the Planning Department
of the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, for their
trust in me and their generous support in providing valuable raw materials that
include town planning reports, maps and original statistics. Their verification of
my data and professional opinions have significantly enhanced the standard and
accuracy of this book. Planners and senior colleagues including Mr Raymond
LEE Kai Wing, Mr LING Kar Kan, Dr POON Kwok Sing, Mrs Ava NG Suk
Ying, Mr Jimmy LEUNG Cheuk Fai, Mr FUNG Chi Keung, Ms Phyllis LI Chi
Miu, Mr LO Chai Wan, Mr CHAN Pun Chung and Ms Ophelia WONG Yuen
Shang. Despite their heavy workload, they have offered valuable assistance
by explaining to me, with great patience, the complicated details of the town
planning process. I also had to draw on the professional expertise of Mr LING
Chi Tak, Mr CHAN Wai Shun, Mr Edward LO Wai Ming, Ms CHAN Yuet
Mei, Ms KWAN Wai Ling, Ms TANG Yeuk Mei, Ms LAU Sau Yee, Ms Vivian
TSANG Wai Man, and Ms Gina WONG W.M. to verify the accuracy of data.
Their support has enabled this research to acquire a firm understanding of town
planning development in Hong Kong.
I particularly wish to thank the late Miss LEUNG Hung Kee for her gener-
ous support in establishing the Leung Po Chuen Research Centre for Hong
Kong History and Humanities, which empowers historical research on Hong
Kong. My sincere gratitude goes to my research assistants: Miss LEUNG Yin
ling, Miss CHEUNG Sau Chun, Miss LAU Man Ting and Mr WONG Chun
Yu, for their efforts in gathering and collating data, as well as typing and proof-
reading the manuscript. Special thanks are also due to the following bodies and
persons: Public Records Office, Highways Department, Civil Engineering and
Development Department and Lands Department of the Government of the
Hong Kong Special Administrative Region for their provision of maps, plans
and photos; and Dr TONG Cheuk Man and Mr KO Tim Keung for gener-
ously making available to us their precious collections of photos to give readers
views from other angles. Last but not least, I am grateful to the many research
institutions that have rendered generous assistance to this project. They include
the libraries of the Chinese University of Hong Kong and of the University of
Hong Kong, and the editorial team of Edward Elgar Publishing, in particular Ms
Barbara Pretty, Ms Katy Crossan and Ms Karen Jones. The publication of this
research would not have been possible without their support.
M4593-HO_9781788117944_t.indd 11 20/08/2018 16:47
xii · MAKING HONG KONG
With very limited knowledge and strength, my analyses are immature and
inevitably contain numerous errors and omissions, for which I take full
responsibility.
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Introduction
Cities are a crucial attribute of the rise of human civilisation. An ideal city of the
twenty-first century should not only serve as a manifestation of its political, eco-
nomic and modern technological achievements, but also strive actively for the
harmonious coexistence of humanity and its natural environment. Systematic
town planning and regular review are therefore the only way to improve the
livelihood of modern city-dwellers. To build an ideal city, planning has to be
comprehensive and cover multiple areas: from planning layout, urban design,
development and infrastructure, to the enactment and implementation of
town planning legislation, as well as daily operation and management. As the
number of people paying close attention to or joining the field of town planning
as professionals continues to rise, different stakeholders in society have taken
up the responsibility of monitoring the city’s town planning. During its plan-
ning process, the government is frequently faced with political, economic and
social challenges. To achieve established goals, the government has to deal with
increasingly complex internal and external problems.
When the British landed at Possession Point in Sheung Wan in 1841, they
found Hong Kong Island, a barren rock, located at the southern edge of
China, lacking land resources for development. With typhoons striking in the
summer, the island did not possess the conditions for agricultural develop-
ment. Nor could it be considered an ideal place for living. The first popula-
tion census of Hong Kong Island conducted by the British in 1841 revealed
that only around 5,450 Chinese lived on the island at the time, most of
whom were fishermen from Stanley and Shau Kei Wan. The Qing govern-
ment never considered Hong Kong a city prior to that. By contrast, in 2015
the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR)
estimated that Hong Kong had a population of 7.32 million.1 Today’s Hong
Kong is a modern city with excellent facilities, rivalling other international
metropolises. It can be seen that the growth and development of Hong Kong
is inextricably linked to the conscious allocation of resources to make good
use of modern technology to overcome the city’s shortcomings. Hong Kong’s
urban development experience is not only a development model for Chinese
cities after the implementation of the open-door policy in China in 1978, but
also an example for a better understanding of other Asian cities.
Town planning was developed as a profession even before the Second World
War, only it was named differently then. According to historical data, profes-
sional terminology such as ‘town-building plans’ and ‘town-extension plans’ did
not appear until the early twentieth century, but the term ‘street planning’ had
1
http://www.censtad.gov.hk/hkstat/sub/so20_tc.jsp.
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2 · MAKING HONG KONG
been used since 1851.2 The historical remains (such as city walls, roads, squares,
temples and water supply systems) of famous cities around the world offer
ample proof of town planning’s fundamental influence on a city’s development
as a whole.3 A number of geographers who studied Hong Kong’s urban develop-
ment were of the view that, prior to the war, Hong Kong’s urban development
was fragmented and lacked a comprehensive plan.4 However, this view may be
due to their neglect of the city’s early development. How could one explain the
City of Victoria on Hong Kong Island having the functions of European cities in
the mid-nineteenth century but for the fact that the city’s town planning started
as early as the 1840s?
The process by which a city is built from scratch depends on its geographical
environment, the inhabitants, its economic resources, the development status of
its neighbouring regions, and objective economic and political circumstances.
At the initial stage, there is much freedom in terms of planning. As the city’s
population grows continuously and its population structure changes, its eco-
nomic and political terrain shifts, while new technologies are introduced and the
external environment alters, requiring the city’s planning to be updated accord-
ingly. This is because very complicated issues would arise should early planning
lack comprehensiveness. Hong Kong’s early city development suffered from its
poor geographical conditions and lack of natural resources. The development of
the entrepôt mainly relied on technology. With a continuously growing popula-
tion, issues such as whether old buildings should be retained or torn down and
rebuilt, and the coexistence of new and old constructions and their cultural rela-
tionship may well make urban renewal even more daunting than planning from
scratch. If Hong Kong’s urban development started from scratch, did the city’s
early construction and planning reflect the cultural conflicts of Western and
Chinese civilisations? What were the factors that led to town planning adapt-
ing and changing with the times? What opportunities did the colonial govern-
ment grasp to introduce European city models into Hong Kong? How major a
role did factors such as Chinese external political and economic circumstances,
Hong Kong’s population growth, internal structural changes, allocation of avail-
able economic resources, introduction and modernisation of technologies, and
enactment of town planning legislation each play? How did changing Sino-
British relations and China’s external political and economic environment affect
Hong Kong’s urban planning policies? What were the difficulties encountered
2
John Weale, London Exhibited in 1851, London, 1851, p.770.
3
Lewis Mumford, City Development, London, Secker & Warburg, 1947, p.79; John Summerson, Georgian
London, Baltimore, Penguin Books, 1962; Steen Eiler Rasmussen, London: The Unique City, London, Cape,
1948; William Ashworth, The Genesis of Modern British Town Planning, London, Routledge & Kegan Paul,
1954; H.J. Dyos, Victorian Suburb, Leicester, Leicester University Press, 1961; George Laurence Gomme,
London in the Reign of Victoria, Chicago, 1898.
4
Roger Bristow, Land Use Planning in Hong Kong: History, Policies and Procedures, Hong Kong, Oxford
University Press, 1984, p.27; D. Henry Talbot, ‘An Outline of the Urban Development of Hong Kong Island
during the Nineteenth Century’, in D.J. Dwyer, ed., The Changing Face of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Hong Kong
Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Ye Olde Printerie, 1971, p.50; T.R. Tregear and L. Berry, The Development
of Hong Kong and Kowloon as Told in Maps, Hong Kong, South China Morning Post, 1959, p.8.
M4593-HO_9781788117944_t.indd 2 20/08/2018 16:47
Introduction · 3
in repeated redevelopment? Were there conflicts between urban renewal and
new planning? How did the authorities balance the interests of different parties
through town planning and achieve established goals? These are all questions
worth exploring in depth, for they were not only Hong Kong’s internal issues.
They also involved Sino-British foreign relations, as well as China–Hong Kong
political and economic problems.
Unfortunately, discussions on the history of Hong Kong’s town planning
development have been few and far between until now, with limited analysis on
Hong Kong’s impacts on China following the implementation of the open-door
policy. Most of these discussions focused on the pros and cons of town planning
in Hong Kong in recent years, with an emphasis on the contents and benefits of
land use and town planning legislation.5 They seldom touched on town planning
history, or Sino-British and China–Hong Kong relations. A number of years ago,
I conducted comprehensive research on subjects including Hong Kong’s water
supply systems, land and harbour development and transport systems. This was
the first attempt at studying the development process of urbanisation based on
planning policy. The research focused on town planning and sought to analyse
the formation, focal points and changing trends of town planning through stud-
ying the evolution of town planning. It also attempted to compare the inter-
relationship between town planning and changes in social structure at different
stages of development, in order to understand how Chinese immigrants affected
Hong Kong’s town planning and how town planning acted as a medium of
mediation in the various disputes between Britain and China at different stages,
which in turn drove social transformation. In addition, my research showcased
the ways in which China’s social, economic and political environments in differ-
ent eras have influenced the pace of Hong Kong town planning since 1841, and
how such planning would in turn provide the forward-looking ideas that would
lead the city in the foreseeable future. Hopefully, we would rethink the cultural
shocks of Western culture to the city, as well as the changing political situation
of China through which the city’s distinctive local style was developed, so as to
bring new thinking to the urban research and direction of Hong Kong’s future
development as a city.
Looking back on the past, town planning in Hong Kong can be roughly
divided into six major stages of development.
The first stage began in the second half of the nineteenth century, with the
duality of planning. On the one hand, technology was used to resolve the short-
age of resources and the attack of typhoons, while water supply systems were
built, land was reclaimed from the sea, typhoon shelters were constructed,
and the roads and basic facilities of a commercial port were built to establish
the city’s commercial foundations. Western culture was introduced, Western
5
Lawrence Wai-chung Lai, Town Planning in Hong Kong: A Critical Review, Hong Kong, City University of
Hong Kong Press, 1997; Lawrence Wai-chung Lai with Ki Fong, Town Planning Practice: Context, Procedures
and Statistics for Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Hong Kong University Press, 2000; Lawrence Wai-chung Lai, Town
Planning in Hong Kong: A Review of Planning Appeal Decisions, 1997–2001, Hong Kong, Hong Kong University
Press, 2003.
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4 · MAKING HONG KONG
lifestyles were promoted through European architecture, and planning was
mainly focused on Central on Hong Kong Island. On the other hand, the colo-
nial government mostly ignored the Chinese population who took refuge in
Hong Kong, employing a laissez-faire policy towards the Chinese communities
and thus exacerbating the city’s public hygiene and law and order crises. In the
atmosphere of anti-imperialism which pervaded the Chinese communities in
Hong Kong, it was difficult for the colonial government to plan for public health
districts in those communities. Out of this turbulent political landscape, Hong
Kong emerged as an entrepôt.
The second stage lasted from 1898 to the Pacific War, and encompassed the
expansion of the territory. The Convention for the Extension of Hong Kong Territory
was signed in 1898, under which the land north of Boundary Street and south
of the Shenzhen River was leased. As the shifting political landscape in China
brought about a continuous influx of population, the city had to expand in size,
and the Convention promptly addressed this by providing new land resources.
Determining the district of New Kowloon, enacting legislation on land use plan-
ning, expanding transport networks and developing the countryside had all
contributed to making the northern coast of Hong Kong Island, Kowloon and
New Kowloon regions of focused development, thus allowing for the territorial
expansion of Hong Kong. In the 1930s, the colonial government contemplated
purchasing the New Territories from China to solve Hong Kong’s land short-
age problem, but it had to carefully consider British relations with the Chinese
nationalists and the Chinese Communist Party, as well as British–Japanese rela-
tions. The idea was aborted following the outbreak of the Pacific War.
The third stage lasted from 1941 to 1945, when Hong Kong was a resource
port for the Japanese military. Under the rule of a Japanese military government,
Hong Kong became a resource port for the Greater East Asia Co-prosperity
Sphere. As it was a Japanese military port, planning in terms of population, dis-
trict functions and the promotion of economic activities differed greatly from
that of the British colonial government. The views put forth by the Japanese on
the city’s layout and development of agriculture and other resources are rarely
discussed, and they warrant fresh deliberation.
The fourth stage lasted from 1945 to 1978, with high-density development
planning. Faced with severe population pressures after the war, the govern-
ment introduced high-density residential planning in order to solve housing
problems for new immigrants. On the other hand, this also provided a large,
cheap workforce for processing industries, transforming Hong Kong into a city
of processing industry. The first generation of new towns were built to alleviate
population pressure, and planning was made for integrated communities that
would provide employment and daily living facilities. The city’s development
was guided by technology, management and a bureaucratic system. The ways
and patterns of living at the time were also led by technology. The high-density
development planning model laid the foundation for absorbing large numbers
of Chinese immigrants. It was also a model for Chinese cities after the open-
door policy was implemented in 1978.
The fifth stage lasted from 1979 to 1997, with the westward extension of the
M4593-HO_9781788117944_t.indd 4 20/08/2018 16:47
Introduction · 5
city’s centre. A free-trade economic system propelled Hong Kong to become an
international financial centre and one of the ‘Four Asian Tigers’, gaining other
regions’ recognition of Hong Kong’s economic stature. At the same time, with
China implementing its reform and open-door policy, the northward migration
of industries, the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration Agreement, the transfor-
mation of the economy and concerns over political issues related to the return
to China in 1997 meant that Hong Kong’s economic development was hardly
plain sailing as disputes occurred between China and Britain. To downplay the
political disputes between China and Britain, the government undertook the
‘Rose Garden Project’, a project with the Hong Kong International Airport on
Lantau Island as its core. The project saw a further expansion of the city to East
Lantau and the westward extension of the city’s core districts, boosting Hong
Kong’s ranking among other international metropolises.
The sixth stage of development started with the return of Hong Kong to
China in 1997 and continues until now, with the challenges of sustainable devel-
opment. With changes in the political system, the impacts on the global natural
environment brought on by climate change and rising civil awareness among
its citizens, the government has introduced sustainable planning policies and
amended public consultation procedures to give the Town Planning Board a
greater role. As part of the Greater Pearl River Delta, Hong Kong has to coor-
dinate with the overall development of South China and face opposition from
Hong Kong citizens regarding deeper integration between Hong Kong and
Mainland China. This means town planning policies in Hong Kong have to
undergo another transformation and guide the city to find a new path.
Hong Kong’s town planning faced intricate challenges in different periods.
This not only resulted in adjustments corresponding to each period’s needs, but
also created many styles with local characteristics. Let us now delve in depth
into such intricacies.
M4593-HO_9781788117944_t.indd 5 20/08/2018 16:47
1
Duality in planning
(1841–1898)
1841 Captain Charles Elliot, R.N., administered from 26.1.1841 to 10.8.1841.
H.K. is taken over (26/1) and Govt. administered by Capt. ELLIOT as Chief
Superintendent of Trade of British subjects in China in accordance with
proclamation issued by him (29/1) which also declared that Chinese should be
governed according to laws of China and others according to laws of Gr Britain.
2nd proclamation (1/2) promised free exercise of religious rites, social customs
and private rights. (Historical and Statistical Abstract of the Colony of Hong Kong
1841–1930, Hong Kong, Noronha & Co., 1932)
In 1843, using European cities as a model, the colonial government designated
the northern coast of Hong Kong Island as the city’s boundary, establishing
government departments and building commercial facilities for the entrepôt,
expending human and other resources in constructing the City of Victoria.
In the second half of the nineteenth century, the development of the City of
Victoria was restricted by natural resource shortages and a poor natural envi-
ronment. In response, the government had to make use of new construction
techniques and infrastructure to solve daily life problems resulting from the
population growth, which included housing, transport facilities, water and elec-
tricity supply, law and order and public hygiene, in order to make Hong Kong a
place of residence for Europeans coming to the East for business. How did town
planning reflect government policies and choices? How did changes in the social
background influence planning? The analysis below seeks to study the charac-
teristics of nineteenth-century town planning via two important entry points:
the government’s use of engineering techniques in formulating the layout of the
City of Victoria; and how the government solved the law and order and public
hygiene crises in the densely populated Chinese communities and strengthened
its rule over them. This will strengthen our understanding of the reasons behind
the splitting of the City of Victoria into two districts of widely different styles in
the nineteenth century, and enables us to assess the effects of the government’s
active development of the European district while neglecting the living environ-
ment and hygiene problems in the Chinese communities.
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Duality in planning (1841–1898) · 7
Conception
The present-day territory of Hong Kong includes Hong Kong Island, the
Kowloon Peninsula, the New Territories and over 230 outlying islands.1
From August 1842 to October 1860, the territory of Hong Kong consisted
only of Hong Kong Island, which had an area of 32 square miles (82.9 square
kilometres). Between October 1860 and June 1898, Hong Kong’s territory
expanded northwards to Boundary Street on the Kowloon Peninsula, gaining
3 square miles (7.8 square kilometres).2 With effect from July 1898, the United
Kingdom leased from the Qing government the New Territories (south of the
Shenzhen River and north of Boundary Street), as well as some 230 islands
within Hong Kong’s territorial waters, with a claimed land area of 957 square
kilometres3 (the New Territories and the outlying islands occupied an area of
226,918 acres4 (918.3 square kilometres), thus increasing Hong Kong’s total
area to 1,009 kilometres. According to an official announcement following land
surveys carried out in the New Territories and the outlying islands between
1900 and 1906), Hong Kong’s total area was 1,047.7 square kilometres. In 2014,
Hong Kong had an area of 1,105 square kilometres,5 only 24 per cent (i.e. 265
square kilometres) of which was developed land. Of that total, 59.3 square kilo-
metres was land reclaimed from the sea after the war. Before the war, records
of land reclamation were incomplete, and the government figure was around 5
square kilometres. The total area of reclaimed land is therefore 64 square kilome-
tres. While this represents only 6 per cent of the total land area of Hong Kong, it
also represents 24 per cent of built-up areas. Should the pre-war reclaimed area
be greater than 5 square kilometres, the percentage would be even higher.
The discussion concerning nineteenth-century Hong Kong town planning
in this chapter is based on the City of Victoria on the northern coast of Hong
Kong Island in the early 1840s and covers Hong Kong Island and the Kowloon
Peninsula south of Boundary Street from 1860 to 1898. It does not include the
New Territories and the outlying islands.
1
The number of outlying islands that are considered to be within Hong Kong’s territories has decreased
over the years as a result of land reclamation works that link these islands to the Mainland. Prominent exam-
ples include Chek Lap Kok Island and Stonecutters Island.
2
The Kowloon Peninsula referred to the area south of Boundary Street at the time, which differed from
today’s concept of including the districts that used to be known as New Kowloon. ‘Report on the Census of the
Colony for 1931’, Hong Kong Sessional Papers, Hong Kong, Noronha & Co., 1931, p.99.
3
CO882/5, J. Stewart Lockhart, ‘On the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong’, 8 October 1899, p.36.
4
According to the figures in the 1899 Hong Kong Government Gazette, the New Territories had a land area
of 376 square miles. The government undertook land surveys in the New Territories and the outlying islands
between 1900 and 1906, and the announced figure in 1907 was 226,918 acres (918.3 square kilometres). The
figure obtained by land surveys is used here. See Hong Kong Blue Book, Hong Kong, Noronha & Co., 1907.
5
The total land area of Hong Kong has increased as a result of reclamation. According to Hong Kong Guide,
Hong Kong, Lands Department, 2015, Hong Kong had an area of 1,105 square kilometres. Hence different
eras showed slightly different figures. According to page 1 of Land Utilization in Hong Kong, Hong Kong,
Government Printer, 1966, Hong Kong only had an area of 1,032 square kilometres. This is even smaller than
the figure of 1,060 square kilometres provided by the 1899 government record. This means Hong Kong would
have a reclaimed area of between 44 and 66 square kilometres.
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8 · MAKING HONG KONG
Choice of stronghold
Hong Kong Island is situated at latitude 22° 11’ to 22° 17’ north, longitude
114° 07’ to 114° 15’ east, and is the southern most extension of the South
China hills into the sea, with geographical features similar to those of the
South China regions. The island is mountainous, with significant variations
and frequent changes in terrain within very short distances. The island’s terrain
alternates between highs and lows, with as much as 82 per cent being moun-
tainous land. Highland is not concentrated at the centre of the island, but is
rather spread around different regions, 13 per cent of which is alluvial soil.
Lowland occupies very little area, amounting to only 5 per cent of the entire
island, and consists of narrow strips of coastal lowland mainly situated on the
island’s northern and southern coasts. From the northern coast to the south is
a range of hills that run across the east and west. On the west side of the range
is the 554-metre Victoria Peak, with the 531-metre Mount Parker on the east
side. Hong Kong Island slants from the north to the south, with a flatter terrain
in the south with altitudes of 250–300 metres. The protruding highlands in this
region are the peninsulas of Stanley and Cape d’Aguilar.6 Hong Kong Island
has very limited flat land available for development.
The British occupied Hong Kong Island in order to build a trade settlement.7
In the era of maritime trade, geographical locations and harbour depths, even
more than natural resource deposits, were the prerequisites for developing a
trading port. From 1806 to 1819, the East India Company, which had a monop-
oly on Britain’s trade with China, engaged the hydrogeologist James Horsburgh
to conduct explorations of the topography of the Pearl River Estuary. He found
that the maritime traffic to and from Hong Kong was unparalleled in the region.8
From his explorations of Hong Kong waters, Horsburgh believed that west of Kap
Shui Mun, the East Lamma Channel between Hong Kong Island and Lamma
Island, Lei Yue Mun on the east side of Hong Kong Island and Tai Tam Bay on
the south side of Hong Kong Island were all good typhoon shelters and ideal
berths for ships.9 R.E. Collison’s exploration of the waters around Hong Kong
Island in 1845 yielded similar results. According to indications on Collison’s
maps, the deepest waters around Hong Kong Island at the time were as follows:10
6
So, C.L., Xianggang dili (Geography of Hong Kong), Guangzhou, Guangdong keji chubanshe, 1985,
pp.18–37.
7
The Governor had stated that the British had no intention of migrating to Hong Kong.
8
In the early nineteenth century, Guangzhou was the only Chinese port open to foreigners, and European
merchants bound for Asia had to pass through Hong Kong. European trading vessels sailing east would usually
stop for food and water resupply in Hong Kong before heading further north to Guangzhou, or down south to
the South-east Asian countries. Thus the Europeans had an excellent knowledge of Hong Kong’s coastal situa-
tion. Geoffrey Robley Sayer, Hong Kong, 1841–1862: Birth, Adolescence, and Coming of Age, Hong Kong, Hong
Kong University Press, 1980, p.23.
9
Geoffrey Robley Sayer, Hong Kong, 1841–1862: Birth, Adolescence, and Coming of Age, Hong Kong, Hong
Kong University Press, 1980, pp.23–24; E.S. Taylor, Hong Kong as a Factor in British Relations with China,
1834–1860, London, 1967, p.30.
10
Hal Empson, Mapping Hong Kong: A Historical Atlas, Hong Kong, Government Information Services,
1992, p.128.
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Duality in planning (1841–1898) · 9
1. Lyemoon (Lei Yue Mun) Pass off the eastern coast of Hong Kong Island.
It was 46 metres (150 feet) deep and only 402 metres (1,320 feet) from
the New Territories mainland.11 It was the bottleneck when entering the
harbour from the east, and was an ideal typhoon shelter, as ships could
avoid typhoons hitting from the north-east.
2. The East Lamma Channel between the south-west of Hong Kong Island
and north-east of Lamma Island was 46 metres (150 feet) deep and was
a place that ships entering Hong Kong from the south could not miss.
Aberdeen, which was in the south-west of Hong Kong Island, was shielded
by Ap Lei Chau and was an ideal mooring point in the southern part of
Hong Kong Island.
3. The northern coast of Hong Kong Island (the coastal area between
Admiralty and Sheung Wan today), now known as the Victoria Harbour,
was not as deep as the two places mentioned above, being only 18 metres
(60 feet) at its deepest. As the converging point of maritime traffic enter-
ing Hong Kong from the east and the west, it could also serve as a berth-
ing location for ocean-going vessels, which had a draught of only some
6 metres (20 feet) then.
When British forces landed at Possession Point in Sheung Wan in 1841,12
they did not choose either Lei Yue Mun in the east or the East Lamma Channel
in the south-west, which had deeper waters, as their stronghold. Instead they
set up camp around East Point (Kellett Island in the nineteenth century, which
was reclaimed after the war and is now the area west of Gloucester Road, near
Victoria Park) and Shek Tong Tsui. This is because these two places were but-
tressed by Jardine’s Lookout and Victoria Peak respectively and, being situated
in the east and west of the northern coast of Hong Kong Island, had important
military use, as they allowed for a clear monitoring of the Qing government’s
activities on the opposite coast of the Kowloon Peninsula. While Lyemoon Pass,
off the eastern coast of Hong Kong Island, was the bottleneck when entering
the harbour through the east, it offered shelter from typhoons. Many fisher-
men were living there and building a city there might lead to their opposition. If
British soldiers were to construct a city in the south-west of Hong Kong Island,
a large number of men would need to be stationed on the northern coast of the
island to guard against counter-attacks by Qing soldiers from the opposite coast,
it would be a difficult task with insufficient troops.
In the mid-nineteenth century, trade was mainly conducted by barges and
sailing boats. Even ocean-going vessels at the time had a draught incomparable
to today’s large ships. Therefore, the northern coast of Hong Kong Island, with
its 18-metre-deep harbour, was sufficient for the needs of ocean-going vessels
at the time. With Victoria Peak in the south and the Kowloon Peninsula in the
Chiu, T.N., The Port of Hong Kong: A Survey of Its Development, Hong Kong, Hong Kong University
11
Press, 1973, p.5.
12
Xianggang shangye huibao, ed., Xianggang jianzao ye bainian shi (One Hundred Years of Building
Construction in Hong Kong), Hong Kong, Xianggang shangye huibao, 1958, p.40.
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10 · MAKING HONG KONG
north shielding against typhoons, the area around Central and Admiralty was
ideal for mooring ships. Because of the above factors, the northern coast of the
island naturally became the core of the city. Therefore, in choosing the location
for the construction of the city, the British in fact did not base their decision
solely on an economic perspective that a wide and deep harbour would be ideal
for developing entrepôt trade, which was always stressed by the colonial gov-
ernment. On 14 June 1841, Henry Pottinger, for the very first time, sold land
from East Point in the east to Sheung Wan in the west by public auction, for the
purpose of raising funds from land sales as well as developing Hong Kong Island
with private investments. Major trading firms bid enthusiastically for the coastal
lots in this first sale of land by auction, reflecting investors’ favourable view
of the advantages of Hong Kong Island’s northern coast. This also indirectly
caused the northern coast to become the city’s core later on.
On 29 March 1842, the government appointed Captain George F. Mylius
as the Land Officer,13 responsible for land surveying and assessment, designing
naval bases, shipyards and road distribution, and solving water supply prob-
lems. He was the first town planning engineer of Hong Kong. In April 1842,
the government officially named the city after Victoria, Queen of the United
Kingdom,14 and in January 1843 Governor Pottinger appointed the engineer
Alexander T. Gordon as the Land Officer, Surveyor and Inspector of Roads of
Hong Kong,15 responsible for planning the city’s public facilities such as govern-
ment buildings, roads and seawalls as well as projects including land formation,
water supply and sewerage systems,16 so as to formulate a blueprint for building
the City of Victoria.
Planning
On 6 July 1843, in a letter to the then Acting Colonial Secretary, Gordon set
out an idea for a belt-shaped city (see Figure 1.1). The city’s primary facilities,
with the transport network being the first, would be built up using the layout of
contemporary European cities as a model. Queen’s Road, as well as a main road
around the city that would go through Sai Wan, Stanley, Shek Pai Wan, and so
on, would be built for the convenience of citizens as well as to serve as a main
route for military patrols around the island. It would be followed by planning
for the locations of the political and economic heart of the city, and lastly the
layout of areas for residential, religious and cultural activities. Owing to the vast
terrain of the Wong Nai Chung valley, it was proposed that the valley be filled
13
Friend of China and Hong Kong Gazette, 31 March 1842.
14
Friend of China and Hong Kong Gazette, 7 April 1842.
15
Friend of China and Hong Kong Gazette, 5 January 1843.
16
In 1844, the government established the Surveyor General’s Office. In 1883, the Surveyor General’s
Office was renamed the Public Works Department and, in 1891, the Surveyor General was renamed the
Director of Public Works. Hong Kong Blue Book, Hong Kong, Noronha & Co., 1844–1892; Ho Pui-yin, The
Administrative History of the Hong Kong Government Agencies 1841–2002, Hong Kong, Hong Kong University
Press, 2004, p.119.
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M4593-HO_9781788117944_t.indd 11
Notation:
1 Taipingshan Chinese Community
2 Lower Bazaar
3 Upper Bazaar
4 Johnston House
Source: CO129/2, p.457.
Figure 1.1 The first city development blueprint drafted by Gordon (6 July 1843)
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12 · MAKING HONG KONG
up to serve as the city’s core district (this proposal was ultimately rejected, as the
government considered that the low terrain would trap swamp gas and miasma
and thus be a health hazard to residents). It was also proposed that the area
around the Mid-Levels in Central and Admiralty be developed. The Mid-Levels
in Central would be the Government Hill, with primary government institutions
to be built around the Governor’s residence. A church would be built on the
flat land in front of the Governor’s residence, with the courts to the south of the
residence. To the south of Queen’s Road, the land from the Government Hill to
Lot No. 14 would be designated as residential areas for Europeans, and Queen’s
Road would only be allowed for houses and stores developed by Europeans.
The area stretching from the south of Queen’s Road to west of the harbourfront
(around today’s Sheung Wan) would be developed into a residential area for the
Chinese, while Wellington Street in Central and Bonham Strand in Sheung Wan
would become the Upper and Lower Bazaars respectively.17 Seawalls would be
erected along the coast from Morrison Hill in Wan Chai to Central for the
development of a centre of commercial activities and government administra-
tive institutions, while Morrison Hill in Wan Chai would be a cluster location
for educational institutions. A canal would be constructed at Wan Chai (near
today’s Canal Road Flyover) for sailing boats to load and unload goods conveni-
ently. And barracks would be built from Central to Admiralty, as well as from the
Lower Bazaar in Sheung Wan to the coast at Sai Wan. The planning was reflective
of a governing philosophy that focused on economic development. The distribu-
tion of roads and public spaces and the buildings in the core district all had their
administrative functions, and due consideration was given to the day-to-day life
as well as the religious, cultural and recreational space of Europeans living in the
city.18 Gordon’s idea was adopted by the government and was realised, step by
step. This explains why the area from the Government Hill to Central’s coast is
the centre of political, commercial and cultural activities today.
On 9 May 1844, Gordon was officially promoted to Surveyor General and was
responsible for the staged construction of government buildings with adminis-
trative functions. The European buildings erected in the 1840s in the city’s core
district were not only landmarks that gave the City of Victoria the impression of
a European town, but also a prominent sign of the various administrative func-
tions of its different districts. The temporary residence (Johnston House) of the
Governor, who represented the pinnacle of power, was situated at the starting
point of Queen’s Road, halfway up the hill, and was built between 1842 and 1843.
In 1879, the building was purchased by Emmanuel R. Belilios, the general manager
of the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation and a Legislative Council
member; it was renamed Beaconsfield Arcade in 1889 in honour of British Prime
Minister Benjamin Disraeli (Earl of Beaconsfield). The building was then sold
to the Missions étrangères de Paris for 380,000 Hong Kong dollars in 1915, and
was rebuilt as an administrative building for the French Mission in 1917. After
17
CO129/4, ‘Despatch from Colonial Land and Emigration Office’, 9 December 1843, pp.216–220.
18
CO129; Ho Pui-yin, Challenges for an Evolving City: 160 Years of Port and Land Development in Hong
Kong, Hong Kong, Commercial Press (HK), 2004.
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Duality in planning (1841–1898) · 13
the Second World War, it was used for a time as the provisional government’s
headquarters. From 1953 to 1997, the building was used as offices for multiple
government departments. It was declared a historical monument in 1989 and,
after refurbishment, served as the Court of Final Appeal of Hong Kong from 1997
to 2015. On 8 September 2015, the Court of Final Appeal was relocated to the
Legislative Council Building in Central. The former French Mission Building has
been taken over by the Department of Justice and is to be used by institutions pro-
viding mediation and legal services. The northern part of Hong Kong Island (the
area from today’s Admiralty to Sai Ying Pun) encompassed important military
locations – military buildings included the Murray Barracks, the Victoria Barracks,
the Explosives Magazine Compound and the British Military Hospital. Next to
the Governor’s temporary residence was the Central Police Station, responsi-
ble for law enforcement and public order, as well as the Victoria Prison and the
Central Magistracy. St John’s Cathedral, a centre of religious activities, was also
close by, while the office building of the Harbour Master’s Office (responsible
for overseeing commerce) was situated at the corner of today’s Wyndham Street.
The coastal area on the north side of Hong Kong Island was the operation base
from which foreign firms developed their trades. While private enterprises eagerly
built piers, dockyards and godowns, the Harbour Master’s Office (today’s Marine
Department) and the Post Office also had piers for loading and unloading goods.
The area around today’s Wan Chai and Happy Valley served as a base for cemeter-
ies, religious groups and schools.19
Private firms were the primary force driving the city’s development. Before
the first land sale by auction, Pottinger, the first Governor of Hong Kong, classi-
fied land into marine, inland and bazaar lots according to locations. Land use was
not expressly provided for, and the market determined the land price by its loca-
tion. Most successful bidders developed their land on the basis of mixed com-
mercial and residential uses. For example, piers were built by trading companies
in front of their buildings, using the ground-level shops for commercial use and
at the same time making available guest rooms. While there were Chinese par-
ticipating in bidding for the Upper Bazaar (around today’s Wellington Street)
land in the first land sale in the early 1840s, the government, in the 1850s, con-
sciously developed Central as a commercial district for Europeans and gradually
drove those Chinese who had opened their businesses in Central out of the dis-
trict into Sheung Wan. The government did not have comprehensive plans for
the development of Sheung Wan, which was mostly inhabited by the Chinese.
Using respect for the Chinese traditional culture as an excuse, the government
neglected the management of public hygiene in Sheung Wan as the district grad-
ually became a densely populated Chinese area. In 1888, to prevent sanitation
problems in the Chinese communities from spreading to the European commu-
nities, the government even deliberately designated specific European residen-
tial areas that were off limits to the Chinese.
19
1842 Pottinger’s Map, in Hal Empson, Mapping Hong Kong: A Historical Atlas, Hong Kong, Government
Information Services, 1992, pp.160–161.
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14 · MAKING HONG KONG
The colonial government was aware of the importance of open space in
the city’s development. By the 1860s, cultural and recreational facilities in
the European style had been completed. The Government Gardens, which
existed beside the Governor’s residence, were also known as ‘Garden for the
Chief of Soldiers’, as the Governor was also the Commander-in-Chief of the
British Forces Overseas Hong Kong. In 1848, the then Registrar General,
Charles Gutzlaff, proposed at the Royal Asiatic Society the construction of a
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