a-documentary-history-of-hong-kong-society-david — Page 2

Rattan Chairs (pith ) D o
Restaurant Employee s (1 ) Assis t unfortunat e members . (2 ) Fi x rule s o f labou r an d
wages.
Salt Fish Fi x commission .
Sandalwood (1 ) Fi x hour s and wages. (2) Originally purel y a burial fun d
club. Rule s since added.
Servants Mutua l help , and socia l intercourse .

Society for Improvement of Largel y educational. Engineering Tin Foil Solidarit y of masters and men. Washermen (West) Combinatio n of masters and men. " (Wanchai) Unit e masters and men against Washermen (West).
*This table has been abbreviated. �X Ed.
(5)
Purchas e of pork for distribution to members on festal occasions. To these may be added two rarer items;-

(6)Employmen t of professional fighters, (e.g., Blackwood, Teahouses)

(7)
Engagemen t of lawyers when a member gets into trouble on the guild's account. (Rattan)


Where th e guil d has only small funds, o r none i n hand a t all, these expense s cannot, of course, be lavishly maintained, but every guild should be able by subscription to raise enough money to hold a periodical feast, to worship its patron saint, and to provide pork and burial money. It is curious that there are a few guilds (Carpenters, Coopers, Masons (men), Master Tailors and Tinsmiths) which do not give burial money, but lack of funds does not appear to be an explanation in any of these instances.
Administration of the guild
The administration of the guild is generally in the hands of a committee on which members may serve in rotation. The usual term of office is one year. It is the duty of the committee to keep accounts and post balance-sheets, to administer funds, to prevent quarrels, and sometimes to draw emoluments (cf. Californian Merchants, who make a special grant o f $100 travelling allowanc e pe r annum 'tha t (th e manager ) ma y b e vigorous in well-doing.')
Sometimes a permanent clerk i s paid t o look afte r the books. (Coal Sub -contractors.)

Strength of the guilds, and their weakness
(a)
Man y of the guilds are effective an d powerful. They maintain a rigid authority over members, and insist on strict adherence to the rules. As might be expected, they are in many cases the very guilds that have come in contact with the Registrar General or the Police . Certain of them employ professional fighters, or are connected wit h powerful political societies, and discipline is encouraged by rewards for information of disobedience, and fines for offenses against the rules. The Bricklayers' and Carpenters' Guilds insist on all contracts being reported to the committee, and no alteration ca n be made in any contract except through the guild. Where a guild is strong and yet orderly, its firmness i s largely due to tradition, and the stiffening afforde d b y several tens of years of old custom.

(b)
Thei r weakness is liable to come from the absence of real advantage to be gained, and from the difficulty of supervision.



Strikes
Strikes, as the Registra r Genera l remarks , seem t o occur chiefly i n expandin g trades where there is a scarcity of skilled workmen.
Table [2.2] sets forth the strikes that are on record in Hong Kong and gives the date and object i n each case . It will be seen that mos t of the disputes have bee n connected with wages, but about 20 % originated from insistence on the unity of the guild.
Table 2. 2 Guilds Which Have Strikes on Record, and the Occasion of Each Successful Strike
Guild Date Cause or object of strike
Artisan tailor s 1883 Demand fo r smal l ris e i n wages.
1905 Force recalcitrant tradesmen t o joi n
the guild.
Barbers 1895 Raise price of shaving.
Blackwood 1911 Failure of one maste r to kee p promis e
of Ne w Yea r pay.
Brass-smiths (employees ) 1900 Prevent remova l t o Yaumati an d
consequent reductio n i n wages.
Carpenters 1891 Raise wages.
Coal sub-contractor s 1909 Raise y shovel-money'
European compositor s 1910 Demand double-pay fo r overtime .
Coopers 1894-5 Resist employment o f outsiders.
II Two strikes, arising out of repriman d
to workman.
Masons (employees ) 1889 Protest against inferio r qualit y o f
rice supplied b y masters .

(Table 2.2 cont )
(Table 2.1 cont ) Painters Rattan chair s (pith ) Rattan splitter s Sandalwood (employees ) Shipwrights Tea boxes
Brass-smiths (employees ) Bricklayers
Coopers
Dyers
Masons (employees)
Master tailors Rattan chairs (pith) Society for Improvemen t of Engineering
1909 Rise in wages (only partially successful) . 1891 Shorten hours of labour. 1903 Raise wages. 1901 Raise wages. 1911 Raise wages. 1904 Raise allowance for 'Sung/ (i.e. fish, pork,
or othe r accompanimen t t o rice) .
1882 Raise wages.
1900 Shorten hours of work.
1902 Trouble with Roman Catholic Cathedral contractors.
1895 Protest against dismissal of member.
1908 Shorten hours.
1908 Strike of workmen's guild, which was dissolved on failure of strike. Connected with distinction betwee n permanent and job workmen.
1902 Trouble with Roman Catholic Cathedral contractor.
1907 Failure of sub-contractor on Kowloon -Canton Railway, No. 4 Bridge.
1910 Quarrel wit h workmen .
1910 A quarrel.
1910 An unauthorized strike, which the guild committee soon crushed.
In some instances petty quarrels were the excuse, if not the reason, for a strike, while in three cases the cause was a demand for European hours of labour, i.e. from 7 to 5, with an hour for tiffin, a s opposed to the native hours of 6 to 6, with no stated intervals for refreshment .
Strikes are usually settled by the Registrar General, with the assistance of Chinese gentlemen, by means o f a compromise, and frequently th e opportunity i s taken t o draw up new rules. On th e whole, masters and employees are remarkably willing to listen to reason, and serious strikes have been few.
It is interesting to note that the Coopers' Guild, which is one of the most firmly organized, will pay its members five cents a day during a strike.
DOCUMENT ILb4 : The Tung Wah Hospital, election of committee (source: Man-kam Lo, later Sir Man-kam Lo, in South China Morning Post 1934 or 1935, included in Vincent H.G. Jarrett, 'Old Hong Kong', deposited at the Hong Kong Collection, Hong Kong University Library.)
Europeans in the Colony must have frequently heard of the Directors of the Tung Wah. In view of the responsibility of their work, and the honoured tradition of their office, they occupy a highly esteemed position in the Chinese community, and th e Chairman for the time being may more or less be regarded as the unofficial mayo r of the Chinese community. How are they elected. What is the procedure of the election? Well, the procedure is shortly as follows:
In the 8th moon of every year a notice is posted up outside the Hospital, and also in some public place near the old fire Brigade Station, announcing the fact that th e term of office of the directors would soon expire (i.e. the end of the year), and asking the Kai Fong* to proceed to elect new representatives to serve. The language of the announcement, like so many other things connected with the Tung Wah, is strictly in accordance with precedent, and is couched in deprecatory terms as to the inability of the current directors to accomplish anything for the Hospital�X however much such language may be at variance with the directors' achievements!
About this time notices would be sent out by the hospital to the various guilds who for the time being have the right to nominate representatives to serve as directors. On receipt of such notices, each guild would proceed to call a meeting of its members and t o nominate on e t o serve. The guil d would infor m th e hospital o f the perso n nominated. The hospital would then write to the person in question telling him tha t he had been elected by his guild to serve, and inviting him to do so. According to old custom, if he intended to accept, he would first write a letter to the hospital declining on account of his imaginary unfitness and incapacity. Another letter from the hospital would be sent to him extolling his accomplishments and virtues, and pressing him to accept. He would probably write a second letter declining. Another letter would be sent to him and he would then write in reply to accept. In more recent times, however, the practice of going through a formal refusal twic e is not adhered to . If he really wished to decline, the hospital would then notify th e guild, requesting the guild t o proceed to another person to serve.
Eventually the representatives elected by the guilds would all have signified thei r agreement to serve, and their names would then be posted up in the big hall of the hospital as notice to the public in case anyone should like to raise any objection to the nominees.
The number of guilds sending representatives varies from tim e to time. Besides the yan sheung, to which I will refer, the following guilds nominate representatives to serve as directors.�X Pawnbrokers' Guild, Piece-goods and Silk Guild, California n Merchants' Guild, Chinese Bankers ' Guild, Chinese Insuranc e Guild, Importer s o f Foreign Goods Guild, and the Chinese Medicine Guild.
The above guilds are guilds properly so called. There is one special body which is not strictly a guild, but which has always had the right of sending representatives , namely the yan sheung, literally meaning 'wealthy merchant'. Anyone who subscribes either $50, or $100 to the hospital becomes a member of this body, but he has t o continue to subscribe such sum annually, otherwise he ceases to be such a number. The
Neighbourhood committee s
number of directors elected by the yan sheung varies from time to time. This year the yan sheung elected 8 out o f th e 20 directors serving. The mode o f electing a representative of the yan sheung is the same in principal. But as the body is necessarily vague and fluctuating, th e exact method o f election i s as follows:- About th e tim e when letters would be sent out to the various guilds, but usually a little later in the year, a public advertisement i s inserted i n the papers stating that th e election o f representatives of the yan sheung would be held at the hospital on the date therei n stated.
On the day in question, usually a few of the yan sheung would be present, but in any case the current directors representing yan sheung would be present, togethe r with their colleagues. Those who were willing to stand would have been previously ascertained, and the election would be merely a matter of formality.
Such, i n brief, is the way in which th e directors of the Tung Wah ar e electe d annually.
c. Th e Chinese Community's Politics
At some stage, feelings for home and temple were converted into an identity with the Chinese as a people and China as a nation. Expressions of this identity took many forms: Ho Kai's opposition to the Public Health Bill of 1887 fell within the realm of opposition that was acceptable to the Hong Kong Government; Tse Tsan-tai's liaison with Chinese revolutionaries fell on the edge of acceptability /
Ho Ka i was, after all, appointed t o the Sanitary Boar d s o that ther e might b e a Chinese voice at it s meeting. By now h e had qualified a s a barrister and he represented a Chinese view that had been enlightened by Western values. He was not necessarily opposed to the need of government setting sanitary standards, but, he was opposed to what he considered the imposition by law of Western standards on on-going Chinese practices. His opposition was, however, quite harmless. The Sanitary Board's rejoinder to his opposition was signed by seven Westerners, who in answer to Ho Kai's opposition, appeale d t o universa l standard s tha t communit y healt h demanded. These [that is, the provisions of the bill] fall far short of European sanitary provisions on the one hand, while on the other hand nothing has been adduce d t o warran t th e assumptio n tha t th e constitutio n o f th e Chinaman is so far different from that of the rest of the human race, that his dwelling may d o with les s light, les s air, and les s ventilation, than the minimums provided in the Bill/" Nor did the protest bring Ho Kai a great deal of harm. In 1890, he was appointed to the Legislative Council.
In pinyin, Tse Tsan-tai's name would be spelt Xie Zantai. ** 'The Sanitar y Board' s rejoinder / i n Sessional Papers of the Legislative Council, 1887, p. 409.
Tse Tsan-tai's remarkable account of attempts by him and his friends to bring abou t uprising s i n sout h Chin a i n oppostio n t o th e Qin g dynast y government addresse s a muc h mor e complicate d perio d i n Hon g Kong' s history. The sentiments that Tse Tsan-tai's account reveals show that political activism was made of very different stuff from internal lobbying that depended on the Hong Kong government's appointment. The political activist at the turn of the nineteenth century in Hong Kong had his eyes set on China, and his activism developed in the crevice that was created by the remote chance that the Hong Kong government might allow him to pursue an agenda that would b e at odds with the toleration of the British hom e government i n London. In 1899, the chance came about because as the Boxer Rebellion was breakin g out , i t looke d a s i f politica l activis m migh t pr y Guangdon g province away from the Chinese government. That opportunity passed, but the aspiration towards political reform in China lingered. Despite Tse Tsan-tai's claims, it i s unclear to what extent h e was involved i n subsequen t uprisings, but the Qing government took seriously enough revolutionar y groups such as the one that had formed around his friend Yeung Ku-wan*. Yeung paid for his activism with his life. However, Sun Yat-sen, an associate from this time, moved on to fill the role of the revolutionary leader .
DOCUMENT II.cl : In defense of the Chinese community, Ho Kai's protest against the Publi c Health Bill , 188 7 (source : Ho Kai, 'Memo o f objections', 2 2 Decembe r 1886 i n 'Dr Ho Kai' s protest agains t th e Public Health Bill , submitted t o th e Government by the Sanitary Board, and the Board's rejoinder thereto', Sessional Papers August 1868- September 1887, pp. 404-405)
Some Sanitarians are constantly making the mistake of treating Chinese as if they were Europeans. They appear to forget that there are wide constitutional difference s between a native of China and one who hails from Europe. They do not allow for the differences of habits, usage, mode of living and a host of other things between the two. They insist upon the theory of treating all nationalities alike however much they may differ fro m on e anothe r physically , mentally , an d constitutionally . Henc e aris e th e several provisions in this Ordinance and Bye-laws in question which I have no hesitation in characterizing a s wholly unnecessary . On e migh t a s well insist tha t al l Chines e should eat bread and beefsteak instea d of rice and pork, just because the two former articles agree better than the latter with an English stomach. One favorite argumen t must here be stated and refuted. It has been stated by some advocates of this Bill that the Government i s always adverse to anything lik e class legislation and that an y recommendation of the Sanitary Board to that effect would not likely be entertained. This I must confess does remind one of old times when all class legislation was earnestly
In piny in, Yang Quyun.
sought for to be abolished, but with what results I need not mention. Look over our local Ordinances, how man y ther e ar e still i n force whic h make clea r distinction s between Chinese and Europeans. It would only be a wasting of time to quote instances. As long as we govern the Chinese according to our promise given while this Colony was yet in its infancy, viz., to govern them as much as possible in accordance with their manners and customs, and to respect their religion and prejudices, we must of a necessity modify our laws in order to meet their peculiar requirements. Besides, does not common sense alone indicate to us the advisability of legislating especially in many cases to suit circumstances and surroundings?
From an economical point of view, the idea of sacrificing the millions of square feet at an average price of $6 to $7 per square foot is even more ridiculous. What is this enforced sacrifice for? Simply for the sake of a theory that the Chinese public require all such Sanitary improvements to promote their health and welfare. But I challenge the soundness of that theory: I say the Chinese in general do not require this sacrifice or even desire it. Let the Government ascertain the views of the Chinese in this matter. I have often been told that I was almost always in a minority in the discussion of the various sections of this Bill, but I was and am confident that the public at large, without distinction of races, will support me in most of my contentions.I was often charged also with looking too exclusively after the interest of landlords, but I always denied that charge. I do not only represent the interest of landlords, and personally I am not a landlord, I care for the tenants as much as the landlords, and the poor as well as the rich. It is not for the welfare of the poor to have the valuable space occupied by their small rooms narrowed, in order to provide for a model of a privy, a superb kitchen and a sumptuous backyard of 10 feet wide, while at the same time the wicked landlord s continue to charge the same rent or even a higher one for improvements and increased capital necessary to effect such improvements.I am not aware of any law, except in Ireland perhaps, which will compel landlords to lower their rent to an equitably low amount. Perhaps such law will be enacted here, but for the present at all events, all landlords, like everybody else, will want to get from 7 to 8 per cent net interest on their capital. What i s the price of land now per square foot? In the central and most populous parts of China-town, like Queen's Road Central, and Bonham Strand, it is something lik e $9 or $10 or more, and even in the more distant an d les s valuable quarters, it is something like $3 or $4. Just fancy the position of the poor tenant if this Bill becomes law , he woul d be forced t o pay an enormous rent fo r les s space tha n before, plus all sorts of Sanitary improvement s which, however good in themselve s from a European stand point, they do not care for, and which they think at least their constitutions do not require. They may say that they are habituated to such cities like Canton, Kowloon city, 6kc, compared to which Hong Kong as it now stands is a paradise, a model of cleanliness, a perfect Sanitarium, and that if any more improvements are required, let those who advocat e it pay for them an d not they . Here two advers e arguments must be noticed. The first i s that the Chinese are so ignorant of what is good for themselves that they must be taught, and forcibly too , by means of severe legislative measures. I hardly expected to hear of such an argument, if such it may be
termed, at the end of the nineteenth century. It reminds one of the Star Chamber and the Inquisition . Those who advanc e thi s argument ha d better tak e care, lest som e wiser heads might act upon the same principle and enforce something unpleasant upon themselves. Let me give a few illustrations of this dangerous but with some persons most plausible argument. (1 ) Th e established religio n o f England i s Protestan t Christianity, the Chinese are mostly heathens, but as they are ignorant and should be taught, let us legislate for enforced Christianity. (2) The Chinese doctors do not know anything about the European practice of medicine and the Chinese public constantly go to them for advice; but then they are so ignorant�X let us legislate for the total expulsion of Chinese trained practitioners and forbid all Chinese under heavy penalties from consulting any one but European doctors. (3) Many Chinese are inveterate opium smokers, that if long continued, must be injurious to their health as well as a waste of their money; but they are so dreadfully ignorant�X let us legislate and force every one to abstain from opium smoking.I may multiply examples, but these will show what I mean. No European will deny that the Chinese urgently need reform in their religion, their system of medicine and their opium smoking habits, but who will advocate tha t such reform shoul d be wrought b y means o f harsh an d sweeping legislation? Thei r ignorance should be enlightened no doubt, but not by penal law. The second argument is more reasonable an d i t i s this, that a s habitable room s get smaller an d rent s g o higher i n directl y opposit e proportion , wage s wil l ge t highe r to o an d tha t wil l compensate the poor tenants. This would be perfectly true, I admit, if Hong Kong were hundreds o f miles away from China . Bu t fortunately o r unfortunately, w e ar e close to the mainland, wher e thousands o f poor Chinese ar e struggling for a bare subsistence. The labour market is always in excess of the demand, and there are many able bodies who are willing and even anxious to get their 10 or 20 cents a day. Those who stic k out fo r higher wage s on accoun t o f increased ren t an d les s hous e accommodation will be supplanted by those who will be content with less. For example, if a man gets say $15 a month and has to pay $5 per month for two small rooms for his wife and children and $10 for food and clothing &c, but on account of higher rent he has to pay $6 for the same two rooms smaller than before on account of the sacrifice of building for backyar d an d othe r spaces , he would , accordin g t o the la w laid dow n above demand $16 per month for his services. He would certainly succeed in this if there were no one to take his place for less, but let us say there are plenty who will take it for less, then what must the poor man do but to pay the $6, or resort to overcrowding or to stinting himself and his family of food and clothing. Now allow me to ask whether building four feet away from retaining walls, the leaving of a ten feet wide backyard and the establishing of a 3/6 feet brick privy and spacious kitchen, are more necessary than food and clothing, or more desirable than overcrowding?
DOCUMENT II.c2: Political activism, promoting China's revolution in Hong Kong (source: Tse Tsan Tai,The Chinese Revolution, Secret History of the Revolution, Hon g Kong: South China Morning Post 1924)
SOWING THE SEED

Arrival in China
In the year 1887, when sixteen years of age, I left Sydney for China with my mother, two younger brothers and three sisters. What struck me on first landing in Hong Kong on the 20th May, 1887, was the cramped pigeon-holed houses, the narrow insanitary streets, and the total absence of shade trees.
My father's old friends welcomed us all ashore, and we quickly found ourselves at home in a strange city with strange surroundings. Shortly after settling down, I was introduced to Hon. Mr. J. H. Stewart Lockhart, now Sir J.H. Stewart Lockart, K.C.M.G., retired ex-Commissioner o f Wei-hai-wei, who was then Registrar General of Hon g Kong. He received me very kindly and advised me to enter Queen's College preparatory to joining the Hong Kong Government service.
During my stay at Queen's College, I made the acquaintance o f a number o f promising and patriotic young men inside and outside the College, and it began t o dawn upon me that the time was ripe and opportune for planning and organizing a movement for the reformation of China's millions, and for the expulsion of the usurping Manchu Tartars from China .
Chief of those of my sixteen friends wh o were in my confidence an d knew m y secret were Yeung Ku-wan, Chan Fun, Chau Chiu-ngok, Wong Kwok-u, Lo Man-yuk and Lau In-bun. The remainder were not let into the secret, as it was too dangerous to openly preach revolution at the time, and besides, the Colony of Hong Kong was full of spies and secret agents of the Manchu Canton Government .
Accordingly we used to meet surreptitiously at Ping Kee shipping office, Pray a Central, where Lau In-bun was chief shipping clerk, at the China Merchants Stea m Navigation Co., where Yeung Ku-wan was chief shipping clerk, at Gon Kee, the shipping office of Woo Gon-chi, Compradore of Messrs. David Sassoon & Co., and at my own house, No. 11, Wing Shing Street.

Difficulties an d Dangers
So feared and dreaded were the Manchu Canton officials and their spies and informers, that the people dared not talk of revolution or associate with people of revolutionary tendencies. Such was the state of public feeling during the years 1887 to 1895, when it was extremely difficult t o gain recruits or even sympathisers.
We always met the taunts and ridicule of our chicken-hearted and doubting 'friends' in silence. But nothing discouraged us, and we fearlessly and silently struggled on.
During all these long years of secret planning and organizing, I always used to mix up with the spies and secret agents of the Manchu Canton Government, and pay visits to their 'haunts.'I was persistently putting my head in the tiger's jaws!
How I bluffed and blinded them is a long story, and cannot be told in the pages of this short history. My English friends and colleagues were just as careful and shrewd as myself, and we managed to keep everything secret and to ourselves.

The See d Germinate s
On the 13th March 1892, we established our Revolutionary Headquarters on the first floor of No.1 Pak Tze Lane, Hong Kong, the second floor being occupied by Luk King-fo and his friends of the 'lu Kui' Club.
Luk King-fo is, at present, an official of the Foreign Affairs Department at Canton, but was formerly a teacher of Queen's College, Hong Kong.
We adopted as our motto 'Ducit Amor Patriae,' and named our meeting place the Too Yan Man Ser,' but this did not prevent it from being visited from time to time by European Police detectives, who were always welcome!
In the year 1894, Japan declared war against China, and the disgraceful defeat of China, followed by the 'Boxer' rising, increased the growing discontent of the Chinese against the Manchu regime in China, and from thi s time onwards a new spirit was abroad in the land.
16th May, 1894�X I advocated in the Hongkong Daily Press the suppression of the Indian opium trade, and widely distributed my pamphlets in England and in China, I took a leading part in the formation of the Anti-Opium Society of South China in the year 1898.
30th May, 1894�X I protested in the Hongkong Daily Press against the slandering of the Chinese community; and for 'dabbling in politics,' whilst in the Governmen t Service, I was reprimanded by the Colonial Secretary.
In the sprin g of 1895, Yeung Ku-wan conferred wit h me, and we joined hand s with Dr . Sun Yat-sen and hi s friend s and established th e Hing Chung Whu i revolutionary party. We established our new headquarters at No. 13, Staunton Street, and named the meeting place the 'Kuen Hang' Club.
We frequently interviewe d the late Sir Kai Ho Kai, Kt., C.M.G., and he secretly promised u s his support. We als o succeeded i n obtaining the secre t suppor t o f th e editors of the China Mail and Hongkong Telegraph.
Thomas H. Reid, Editor of the China Mai!, and Chesney Duncan, Editor of the Hongkong Telegraph, were the first to openly and fearlessly champion the great cause in their newspapers, and at a time when nearly everybody ridiculed the movement.
On one occasion, Chesney Duncan was called before the Colonial Secretary, who reprimanded him for what he had published, claiming that it amounted to incitement of the Chinese to revolt against a Government with which Great Britain was on friendly terms. In spite of such warnings, I am proud to record that their faithfulness and loyalty has never swerved.

Organizing the Revolution
12th March, 1895�X Dr. Ho Kai's 'Reform' article published by the China Mail Dr . Ho Kai was a Barrister and a member of the Hong Kong Legislative Council, representing the Chinese. He was a man of sound judgement and ripe experience.
13th March, 1895�X Yeung Ku-wan, Dr. Sun Yat-sen, Wong Wing-sheung, and Tse Tsan-tai confer together re organization of the movement to capture Canton. Wong Wing-sheung was the second son of the late Hon. Wong Shing, member of the Hong Kong Legislative Council.
16th March, 1895�X Yeung Ku-wan, Dr. Sun Yat-sen and Tse Tsan-tai discuss plans for an attempt to capture Canton with 3,000 picked men.
We obtain the secret support of the Japanese Government through the Japanese Consul.
We adopt as the design of our flag, a white sun on a blue ground.
Dr. Ho Kai accepts responsibility for the work of drafting proclamations, etc.
Thomas H. Reid, Editor of the China Mail, interviewed, an d he promises us his support. 18th March, 1895�X TheChina Mail publishes a lengthy article in our support. 21st March, 1895�X Yeung Ku-wan, Dr. Sun Yat-sen, Wong Wing-sheung an d
Tse Tsan-tai confer with Chesney Duncan, Editor of theHongkong Telegraph, at No. 13 Staunton Street. He assured us of his support. TheHongkong Telegraph supports our movement.

Manifesto to Emperor Kwang Hsu
30th May, 1895�X Tse Tsan-tai's 'Open Letter' to the Manchu Emperor Kwang Hsu published in theChina Mail, Hongkong Telegraph, and other newspapers of Singapore and the Far East. This 'manifesto' was broadcasted by means of the English and foreign newspapers in order to search the hearts of the Chinese at home and abroad.
27th August, 1895�X Plans for the capture of Canton being completed, order s were given for the closing of the 'Kuen Hang' Club at No. 13, Staunton Street .
29th August, 1895�X Yeung Ku-wan, Dr. Sun Yat-sen, Wong Wing-sheung, Chan Siu-pak, Dr. Ho Kai, Thomas H. Reid and Tse Tsan-tai meet at Hang Fa Lau Hotel. Dr. Ho Kai acted as spokesman, and we outined the policy of the Provisional Government. Thomas H. Reid agreed to do his best to work for the sympathy and support of the British Government and the people of England.
9th October, 1895�X Our proclamation to the Foreign Powers drafted by Thomas
H. Reid and T Cowen , and revised by Dr. Ho Kai and Tse Tsan-tai.

President of Provisional Government
10th October , 189 5�X Yeung Ku-wa n elected Presiden t o f th e 'Provisional Government,' preparatory to the attempt to capture Canton.
Note: The election of Yeung Ku-wan as President greatly displeased Dr. Sun Yat-sen, an d i t always rankled i n his breast. On th e 12t h October, 1896 , Wong Wing -sheung (second son of Hon. Wong Shing) remarked, when strongly censuring Dr. Sun Yat-sen for his incapacity: T will have nothing to do with Sun in the future.'
On th e 26th October, 1895 , we made our first attempt to capture Canton, bu t owing to our plans being divulged to the Canton authorities by traitors in Hong Kong,
the attempt ended in failure. Numerous arrests and executions followed. Yow Lit and others escaped. Dr. Sun Yat-sen and Chan Siu-pa k succeeded i n escaping to Macao, and fro m thence they proceeded to Japan.
Dr. Sun Yat-sen was subsequently kidnapped in London on 11th October, 1896 , by the Manchu Chinese Legation officials, and rescued by his friend Dr. James Cantlie, who was his old teacher in the Medical College in Hong Kong.

Party Split Up
On the 13th November, 1895, Yeung Ku-wan left Hong Kong for Saigon, after returning from Macao. From Saigon Yeung Ku-wan proceeded to Singapore, Madras, Colombo and South Africa, where he established revolutionary juntas of the 'Hing Chung Whui,' as advised by me. Before Yeung Ku-wan left for the Straits Settlements and Sout h Africa, it was agreed between us that in order to preserve secrecy all our letters should be numbered.
On hi s way back from Sout h African, Yeun g Ku-wan established revolutionar y juntas in Singapore and the Straits Settlements, and obtained the co-operation an d support of the anti-Manchu secret societies. Immediately after Yeung Ku-wan reached Japan, emissarie s were despatched t o the Yangtze Valley provinces an d th e Unite d States of America with copies of our 'manifesto' an d other revolutionary literature , and they succeeded in obtaining the co-operation and support of all the anti-Manch u 'Tongs' and secret societies in these places.
It was from these sources that much of the fighting material was obtained, during the stirring days of the revolution.
During Yeung Ku-wan's absence in the Straits Settlements and South Africa, Dr . Sun Yat-sen an d his partisans had been busy organizing the Tun g Men g Whui' i n Japan. As I know very little about the affairs of this organization, I leave Dr. Sun Yat-sen and his followers to fill up the gap.
UNIFICATION O F PARTIES

Meeting between Kang Yu-wei and Tse Tsan-tai
On the 21st February, 1896, I met Kang Yu-wei's brother Kang Kwang-jin and other members of Kang Yu-wei's party at a dinner at the Bun Fong restaurant given by my friends and colleagues Chan Kam-to (Dr. Chen Chin-tao), and Leung Lan-fan (Lian g Lan-hsun). Dr. Chen Chin-tao was at one time Minister of Finance, and Liang Lan-hsun, Chinese Consul for Australia.
We discussed 'reforms, and the importance of union and co-operation.' Not being a 'party' man myself,I strongly advised the union and co-operation of the differen t political parties working for the salvation of China, and this has always been my policy. Unification o f parties and Unification of China' has always been my watchword.
On the 4th October, 1896 , I met Kang Yu-wei at the Wai Shing Tea Hong i n Queen's Road Central by arrangement. We discussed the political situation in China, and I counselled union and co-operation in the great work of reform. Kang Yu-wei outlined his scheme of reform, which is too long to be recorded in these pages. It will appear in the complete history.
We agreed to unite and co-operate, after a confidential exchange of views.
Kang Yu-wei
The following pen picture of Kang Yu-wei is from my diary of this date:
'Kang Yu-wei is 43 years of age and a native of the Nam-hoi district of Kwang Tung province. He appears to be a man of superior intelligence. He is learned an d experienced, and possesses an excellent all-round knowledge. He possesses a highly retentive memory, and is a great lover of books. He is always busy investigating, and searching for knowledge, in all its branches. He is the most learned progressive "Chinese scholar" of modern China. It is said that he remembers all that he reads. He is often styled by his disciples and pupils "Kang Fu-tzu."�X the 'New Confucius'! The Chinese literati hate him.
'He has reviewed the works of Confucius, i n many volumes, and for this he has been censured by the Throne. The publication of his works has been forbidden i n China.
'Kang is of middle stature. He is stout and strong, and looks healthy. His eyes are dark and brilliant, an d his glance i s quick and sharp: his eyebrows are black, well-arched and high. His complexion is dark, and his forehead is high and well-formed, as also are his nose and thick lipped mouth. His upper lip is surmounted by well trimmed black moustaches, and his ears are small but well formed. Some of his fingers (thir d and fourth of his left hand) grew long nails! His head and hands are not large, but are well formed and shaped. The expression of his face is keen, intelligent and fascinating. The glitter of his dark eye-balls was striking. His bearing is proud and independent. At a glance one can see that he is not a "man of the common herd."'

Meeting between Tse Tsan-tai and Kang Kwang-jin
On the 21st March, 1897, Leung Lan-fan brought Kang Yu-wei's brother Kang Kwang-jin and a follower named Ho Jeong to see me.
We discussed the political situation and the importance of union and co-operation. On the 29th, September, 1897, Kang Kwang-jin and I met by arrangement, and had a long confidential chat in the Public Gardens in Hong Kong, under the big pine tree in the East corner below the fountain. We agreed to work for union and co-operation and Kang Kwang-jin promised to discuss the matter seriously with his brother Kang Yu-wei. The following is from my diary of this date:
'Kang Kwang-jin said: Yes I quite agree with you, let us unite. What is the use of a body without a leg and a hand? I shall be glad to place your views before my brother, and I am certain he will be pleased to favour them. Yes, we should get the 'superior ' men of both parties together, and hold a conference. We desire to see a 'peaceful' revolution for the good of the Empire and its millions, but still we must be prepared to act at any moment! I do not favour 'desperate' attempts at 'reform'.
'Men like Sun Yat-sen frighten me�X they spoil everything. We cannot combine with such rash and reckless men. Yeung Ku-wan is a good man, and I hope to meet him yet. It is a pity we cannot get more good and able men to push the movement. My brother and I are doing our best, but we are afraid that we cannot accomplish much . There i s an understanding betwee n Chang Chih-tung , Viceroy of the Liang H u provinces, and us. And besides him there are many other sympathisers amongst th e officials. M y brother i s afraid to make himself too conspicuous, and is consequently working very quietly. It would be ruinous to our party if my brother got into trouble. My brother ha s numerous enemies , and the y would seiz e any opportunity t o brin g about his downfall. So you see we must be very shrewd. No one must be able to say that ours is an anti-dynastic or revolutionary movement! We can save China!'
A Political Confessio n
Kang Kwang-jin confesse d t o me that he was not pro-Manchu, and that he and hi s brother were trying to bring about a 'peaceful' revolution in favour of the Chinese. This confession has been verified by the Ta Tung revolutionary movement of August 1900.
Before separating, Kang Kwang-jin exclaimed: 'What is our duty? We are born in this world to do our duty, which is to do all we can for our fellowmen before we die.'
Alas, my poor friend Kang Kwang-jin was one of those reformers who lost their lives during the Empress Dowager's coup d'etat of 21st September, 1898. Little did he dream that his last words to me would come true so soon!
Kang Kwang-jin was honest and sincere, and a true patriot.
1st October, 1897�X Kang Kwang-jin leaves Hongkong for Shanghai by s.s. 'Loong Moon' to meet his brother and Liang Chi-chao. Liang Chi-chao is a noted Chines e scholar and politician, and the chief disciple of Kang Yu-wei.
3rd October, 1897�X I communicate the result of my interview with Kang Kwang-jin to Yeung Ku-wan in South Africa, he having announced to me his safe arrival in a letter dated 7th January, 1987.
20th October, 1987�X I receive a letter from Yeung Ku-wan (28/8/97) informing me of the date o f his departure fo r China, and reporting th e establishment o f a revolutionary junta in Johannesburg.
8th November, 1897�X Kang Kwang-jin informs me by letter from Shanghai that Liang Chi-chao is in favour of union and co-operation. 25 th November, 1897�X Yeung Ku-wan leaves Durban, South Africa, for Colombo, the Straits Settlements, Rangoon, Hongkong and Japan.
The Hongkong Chinese Club
9th January, 1898�X I founded the Hongkong Chinese Club with Cheung Tsoi, Luk King-fo and Leung Lan-fan. See Hong Kong newspapers of 9th January, 1898.
2nd February, 1898�X I meet Dr. Timothy Richard LL.D., at the London Mission House in Bonham Road. We discussed reform in China, and he promised to give the reform movement his strong support.
11th March 189 8�X Yeung Ku-wan arrives in Hongkong Harbour on board th e
s.s. 'Wakasa Maru. 'I meet him on board ship and infor m him o f the result of my interview with the brothers Kang Yu-wei and Kang Kwang-jin.I also give him advice regarding th e organizin g o f the Revolution , an d remin d him o f the importanc e o f obtaining th e co-operatio n an d support o f the anti-Manch u secre t societies i n th e Straits Settlements, and the Yangtze Valley provinces, and the United States . (Se e also my letters No. 12 of 4th March, 1898 ; No. 25 of 13th October, 1898 ; No 2 6 of 22nd September, 1898 , and No. 33 of 7th August, 1899.) Yeung Ku-wan sailed direct for Japan to confer with Dr. Sun Yat-sen.
Anti'footbinding Societ y
12th March, 1898�X Kang Kwang-jin writes to me from Shanghai asking me for Yeung Ku-wan's address. I reply and at the same time advise the formation of a society for the suppression of footbinding in China.
21st March, 1898�X Yeung Ku-wan arrives in Yokohama. 25th March, 1898�X I interview Thomas H. Reid, and the China Mail publishes a leading article in support of the reform movement . 29th March, 1898�X Kang Kwang-jin writes to me from Peking expressing his anxiety to meet Yeung Ku-wan.
24th July, 1898�X Kang Kwang-jin writes to me again from Peking expressing his anxiety to hear from Yeung Ku-wan, to whom I had already written conveying to him Kang Kwang-jin's friendly desires.
Empress Dowager's Coup D'etat
21st September, 1898�X Empress Dowager's coup d'etat.
Kang Yu-wei and Liang Chi-chao succeeded in escaping from Peking, but Kang Kwang-jin, Tan Sze-tung, Liu Kwang-ti, Yang Tze-wei, Yang Shih-shen, and Lin Shio were seized and executed without trial.
I will leave the story of the Empress Dowager's coup d'etat and the events which followed to be written by my old friend Kang Yu-wei and his chief disciple Liang Chi-chao.
29th September, 1898�X Kang Yu-wei arrives in Hongkong and after a short stay leaves for Japan by s.s. 'Kawachi Maru,' on 19th October, 1898. When Kang Yu-wei landed he was befriended by my old friend Ho Tung, now Sir
Robert H o Tung, Kt., who extended t o him his friendly hospitality , i n spite of th e hostility of the Manchu Peking Government and its myrmidons at Canton. Sir Robert has always been the friend of the reformers, and he is still unsparing in his time and energy in China's welfare. 8th October, 1898�X I discuss with Dr. Ho Kai the political situation and our prospects of success.
Martyrdom of Kang Kwang'jin
5th December, 1898- In reply to my enquiries of 17th October, 1898, regarding my friend Kang Kwang-jin, Dr. Timothy Richard writes to me from Shanghai informin g me of the safe and satisfactory disposa l of Kang Kwang-jin's body, and he also deals with the question of the salvation of China as follows:
Shanghai, Dec. 15th, 1898. Tse Tsan-tai, Esq., Dear Sir,�X I am in receipt of your letter of the 6th inst. making enquiries about your friend .
I did all I could through a friend in Peking and since then I have written to him (your friend) direc t saying that everything has been arranged satisfactorily about his poor brother for the present.
I gave him details.
As to the other question for the salvation of China, I am doing all in my power. But the Manchus refuse light and will not invite the help of friendly foreigners. Some of the leading Chinese also have published documents in which they insult the best men of the West.
They want to learn foreign military and naval affairs: they want to open mines in order to have funds to fight the foreigners and drive them all out of China. It is this want of friendliness o n the part of the Manchus and some of the leading mandarin s and eve n hatred o f all foreigners whic h make s i t impossible tha t Go d shoul d giv e power to them.
It is such principles which destroy China most of all. The salvation of China as well as of the whole world lies in the cultivation, not of militarism, but of friendship. Let the best people of China and of the West persevere in their good work of making peace, and goodwill, and goodness their chief aim, and then prosperity will in due time follow.
But if nations only seek their own national interest s first, the n no matter ho w great they are, and whether they are Chinese or European nations, they cannot las t long when they make righteousness a secondary aim. Be not weary in well doing.
With best wishes for yourself and your country, I remain, Yours Sincerely,
Timothy Richard.
(This letter is mentioned in Professor William E. Soothill's book 'Timothy Richard of China' (Page 242). Professor H.E. Soothill is Professor of Chinese in the University of Oxford.)
UNION AN D CO-OPERATION .


Progress in the Yangtze Provinces
9th December, 1898�X Letter No. 29, dated Yokohama, 24th November 1898, received from Yeung Ku-wan informing me of the success of our plans, and the co-operation of the Hunan 'reformers. '
Yeung Ku-wan also informs m e that there may be difficulty i n uniting the tw o parties owing to selfishness and jealousy.
24th December, 1898�X I send a letter to Kang Yu-wei in Japan outlining my policy and strongly advising union and co-operation i n the movement for Freedo m and Independence .
9th January , 1899�X Kang Yu-wei writes to me from Japan expressing hi s concurrence with my policy of union and co-operation in the work of 'reform.'
1st March, 1899�X I write to Kang Yu-wei urging upon him the importance of union and co-operation an d advising him to come to an understanding with Yeung Ku-wan and his friends in Japan.
28th March, 1899�X Liang Chi-chao writes to me from Tokio, Japan, expressing his concurrence with my policy of union and co-operation and informing me of Kang Yu-wei's departure for the United States.
17th April, 1899�X I send a reply to Liang Chi-chao's letter impressing upon him the great importance of union and co-operation.
23rd April, 1899�X Yeung Ku-wan writes to me from Yokohama informing m e that th e member s of Kang Yu-wei's party favour unio n an d co-operation, an d tha t Japanese friends and supporters have also advised the union of the two parties.
Meeting between Yeung Ku-wan and Liang Chi-chao
19th June, 1899�X I received from Yeung Ku-wan letter No. 31 dated Yokohama, 6th June, 1899, informing me of a meeting between him and Liang Chi-chao in the offic e of Messrs. Kingsell and Co., in Yokohama.
Yeung Ku-wan writes:
'He (Lian g Chi-chao) advise d me to try my best to go on with the work of our party and he will try his best to go on with the work of his party. He does not like to co-operate with us yet. Hong's party are too proud and jealous of our Chinese Englis h scholars. They don't like to have the same rank as us; they always aspire to governing us or want us all to submit to them. They do not know what justice means, as Mr.U Lai-un remarked in the 'Sun Ching On Hang' (book), and I have heard several wise Hunan men make similar remarks concerning them.'
Note.�X My old friend the late U Lai-un was a great thinker and philospher, and collaborated with the late Sir Kai Ho Kai in translating and writing many works on reform, which were read with avidity by Kang Yu-wei and his disciples.
He led the life of a recluse, and was a staunch supporter of the Cause of Reform and Independence in China.
I succeeded in bringing the 'leaders' together, and did my best to unite two parties, but thei r failur e t o bring abou t th e muc h desire d union o f the tw o parties i s most regrettable. It has all been a game of selfish political chess and scheming to become top dog!'

A Politica l Cartoo n
19th July, 1899,�X I design and publish a political cartoon�X 'The Situation in the Far East'�X which appeared in many foreign illustrated newspapers. This cartoon was designed to arouse the Chinese nation, and to warn the people of the impending danger of the partitioning of the Empire by the Foreign Powers.
I allowed Yeung Ku-wan to publish in Japan a coloured travesty of my cartoon, which led to my being questioned by the Colonial Secretary of Hongkong.
3rd August, 1899�X I receive letter No 32 , dated Yokohama, 27th July, 1899, from Yeung Ku-wan enclosing copies of revolutionary propaganda, which have been circulated broadcast exhorting the people of China to rise and rebel against the Manchu usurpers.
31st August, 1899�X I receive letter No. 33, dated Yokohama, 19th August, 1899, from Yeung Ku-wan, informing me that revolutionary 'exhortations' have been sent to partisans m America, Honolulu, Australia, the Straits Settlements, Bangkok, Saigon, and Canada, in the name of the Republican Party ('Chung Kwok Hop Chung Ching Fu Ser Whui') of China.

The To Wang Whui' Society
4th November, 1899�X I write to Kang Yu-wei severely denouncing his 'Protect the Emperor' (Po Wang Whui) Society .
6th November, 1899�X Letter No 34, dated Yokohama 28/10/99, received from Yeung Ku-wan enclosing printed copies of revolutionary manifesto and circular letters, and reporting the successful progress of the work of partisans in the Yangtze provinces, and other parts of the world. Kang Yu-wei's To Wang Whui' (Protect the Emperor Society) is also denounced and exposed by Yeung Ku-wan.
19th Novemebr, 1899�X Hung Chun-fei, alias Hung Wo, alias Hung Chuen-fook calls to see my father, and I make his acquaintance, my father having previously spoken to me about him.
Hung Chun-fei was a nephew of Hung Hsiu-chuan, the 'Tai Ping' king. He had travelled rather extensively, and possessed a thorough knowledge of men and world affairs.
(Note: Later on I sounded Hung Chuen-fook, and he agreed to join me an d undertake the task of organizing a force for the capture of Canton City)
21st December, 1899�X Imperial Edict issued for the arrest of Kang Yu-wei and Liang Chi-chao.
SECOND ATTEMPT TO CAPTURE CANTO N


A Commonwealt h Governmen t
On makin g Hun g Chuen-fook' s acquaintanc e o n th e 19t h November , 1899 , an d discovering he had considerable military training and experience in the armies of his uncle Hung Hsiu-chuan, the 'Tai Ping' king, I decided to plan and organize another attempt t o captur e Canto n an d establis h Commonwealt h Governmen t unde r a 'Protector,' as I was of the opinion that the 'Republican' form of government was too advanced fo r China an d th e Chinese. Accordingly I consulted m y father, and h e approved of my decision to entrust Hung Chuen-fook with the task of organizing the revolutionary army.
The sinew s of war were supplied b y Li Pak, alias Li Ki-tong, who had alread y sacrificed a fortune in the revolutionary cause. Li Pak was one of the greatest financial supporters of the Revolution, a fact which it is my pleasing duty to record.
24th January, 1900�X Yeung Ku-wan arrives in Hongkong from Japan per s.s . 'Kamakura Maru.' He informed me that the Hunanese members of the revolutionar y party were actively organizing in Hunan and Hupeh provinces in the disguise of monks, and that many Japanese were also supporting us.
Yeung Ku-wan surprised me by telling me that Dr. Sun Yat-sen had demande d that h e shoul d resig n the leadershi p o f the part y i n his favour. H e said : 'We wer e dangerously near being split up into two parties some time ago. Dr. Sun Yat-sen informed me one day that the 'Ko Lao Whui' party of the Yangtze provinces had appointed him 'President', and hinted that as there could not be two Presidents, it would be obligatory for me to work independently, if I would not recognize him i n his new position.I confessed to Sun Yat-sen that I was quite pleased to resign my position, and advised him not t o encourage separation .I also informed hi m that I was always willing to sacrifice my life, let alone my position, for the good of the cause. We must obey the people's will, I said. I also told him that I was not particular who was appointed President so long as the movemen t progresse d successfully unde r his leadership.Dr. Sun ha s requested me to ask if you are in favour of this change and recognize his appointment.' (See my diary.)
In order to prevent party strife, I advised Yeung Ku-wan to resign the Presidency in favour of Dr. Sun Yat-sen.
6th February, 1900�X Yeung Ku-wan invited me to join the new Revolutionar y Party�X 'Tung Meng Whui', which had been organized by Dr. Sun Yat-sen and his partisans in Japan. Owing to the usurpation of Yeung Ku-wan's position by Dr. Sun Yat-sen, I declined this invitation to join his new party. And disapproving of Dr. Sun Yat-sen's high-handed behaviour, I decided to act independently .
9th February, 1900�X I broadcasted my letter 'Liberty, Freedom and Reform' from Canton, in anticipation of the success of the second attempt to capture Canton City, and in order to 'blaze the trail' and 'clear the way'. Those were the days, when things had to be accomplished in round-about ways!
THE RESCUE OF KING LIEN-SHAN *

Tse Tsan-tai Meets Mrs. Archibald Little
26th February, 1900�XI meet Mrs. Archibald Little at the Chinese Club (Hongkong), where she lectured on the evils of foot-binding. Mrs. Little appointed my wife loca l Secretary of the Anti-Footbmding Society. Mrs. Little helped me to obtain the release of the reformer King Lien-shan from 'Monte Forte ' Prison, Macao, by influencin g H.E.Sir Henry Blake and Lady Blake to send friendly representations to the Governor of Macao. My friends D. Warres Smith and Alfred Cunningham, Editors of theHongkong Dady Press, and Thomas H. Reid, Editor of the China Mail, also interested themselves m the case, and published strong leading articles in their newspapers advocating th e early liberation of the prisoner.
King Lien-shan was Manager of the Imperial Chinese Telegraph Administratio n at Shanghai, and was arrested i n Macao by the Portugues e authorities o n the fals e charge of embezzling the funds of the Administration which was made by the Chinese authorities Kin g Lien-shan was the man who sent the telegram from Shanghai urging the Empress Dowager not to depose the Emperor Kwang Hsu. This telegram was signed by 'King Lien-shan and 1,231 others'
The news of King Lien-shan's arrest and imprisonment was brought to me by my old friend Ts u Sien-tmg, who was a staunch supporter of the cause of Reform and Independence.
The followin g letter s from Mrs . Archibald Little and Mr. D. Warres Smith ar e interesting:
Government House, Hongkong,
Tuesday, (27/2/1900 )
Dear Mr. Tse Tsan-tai,�X The meeting on Thursday is for all Chinese ladies bound and unbound who will like to come. And Lady Blake particularly hopes to see your wife as I do too.
I am writing two letters to high officials at Macao about your friend.
Therefore excuse haste.�X Yours sincerely,
ALICE LITTLE.
Hongkong Daily Press Office, Hongkong, 3rd March, 1900.
*Bette r known to historians as Jing Yuanshan
Tse Tsan-tai Esq.,
Dear Sir,�X I am afraid that there is not a ghost of a chance of anything any or all of the foreign papers may say, having the most distant effect, direct or indirect, but we will do our best.
I hardly think the Macao Government will defy both European and Chinese public opinion by giving up Mr. King Lien-shan.I am going to endeavour to send a reporter to the trial in Macao. We happen to have no suitable man on our staff, but will write to Macao to-day to see if I can get a man there to do it.�X Yours truly,
D. WARRES SMITH .
28th February, 1900�X My father, Yeung Ku-wan and I hold a conference, and we discuss the political situation in China, and the cure for China's ills.
5th March, 1900�X Li Pak calls to see me, and we discuss the political situation.
31st March, 1900�X I meet Dr. Yung Wing, LL.D. at Thomas's Hotel, and we discuss the political situation.
2nd April, 1900�X Dr. Yung Wing and I have a long confidential talk. Dr. Yung Wing agrees with my policy of union and co-operation under able Christian leadership. Dr. Yung Wing said: T have not met Dr. Sun Yat-sen yet. What is his age? I don't
think much of Sun as he is too rash.'
Dr. Yung Wing, LL.D., was a graduate of Yale University, and was a true lover of his people. He was the man who brought one of the first relays of Chinese students to the United States to be educated, amongst them being the well-known statesman and politician Tang Shao-yi, and it was mainly through his influence that the famou s Educational Mission was sent to the United States in 1870. This may be considered the great work of Dr. Yung Wing's life. In 1864 he prepared the way for the foundation of the Kiang Nan Arsenal, and the China Merchants Steamship Co. (1870). In 1876 he wa s appointe d Associat e Chines e Ministe r togethe r wit h Chi n Lan-pi n t o Washington, U.S.A .
3rd April, 1900�X I arrange a confidential meeting between Dr. Yung Wing and Yeung Ku-wan with the object of hastening union and co-operation. 4th April, 1900�X Dr. Yung Wing leaves for the United States by the 'Empress of China.'I write to Dr. Sun Yat-sen advising him to meet Dr. Yung Wing in Japan. 1 lth April, 1900�X Dr Ho Kai and I discuss the political situation, and the prospects of the success of the revolutionary movement .
The Wei Chow Movement
18th April, 1900�X Yeung Ku-wan calls to see me. In order to prevent selfish rivalry and jealousy between the leaders of the different parties, I strongly advised that Dr. Yung Wing LL.D., be elected President of the United Reform Parties. Yeung Ku-wan informs me that the work of organizing the Wei Chow movement is progressing rapidly and smoothly.
22nd April, 1900�X Li Pak joins the revolutionary party.
26th April, 1900�X Yeung Ku-wan leaves for Japan by s.s. 'Awau Maru,' to confer with Dr. Sun Yat-sen. 6th May, 1900�X Chan Siu-pak, Li Pak and I confer re the Wei Chow movement. 6th June, 1900�X Letter dated Yokohama 26/5/1900 received from Yeung Ku-
wan informing me of his decision to visit Australia and the United States.
17th June, 1900�X Yeung Ku-wan and Dr. Sun Yat-sen arrive in Hongkong from Japan by the s.s . 'Indus,' and are accompanied by a party of Japanese friends and supporters. Yeung Ku-wan, Dr. Sun Yat-sen, Chan Siu-pak, Cheung Sau-por, Hiriyama and I meet in a sampan alongside the s.s. 'Indus' and hold a one hour's conference.
Yeung Ku-wan an d Dr . Sun Yat-se n assured u s of the suppor t o f the Japanes e Government. It was decided to start active operations without delay. Yeung Ku-wan landed in Hongkong and Dr. Sun Yat-sen proceeded to the Straits Settlements.
Li Hung Chang's Trap
On the day of their arrival in Hongkong, Li Hung-chang, Viceroy of Canton, laid a trap for the kidnapping of Yeung Ku-wan and Dr. Sun Yat-sen.
They were invited to a 'conference' on board the Canton gunboat 'On Lan,' but were warned in time by their Japanese friends, who frustrated their attempt to kidnap them.
25th June, 1900�X Colin McD. Smart of theChina Mail editorial staff called to see me. He assured me of his support, saying that he would follow in Thomas H. Reid's footsteps.
1st July, 1900�X Yeung Ku-wan and I meet our Japanese friends and supporters,
M. Fukumoto, Macamoto Ntoo, Y. Osaki, Capt. S. Hara, M. Itoh, and H. Iwasaki at the Hongkong Hotel. We discussed the political situation in China.
M. Fukumoto assured us of the support of himself and his friends and said, 'We are prepared to shed our blood for your cause.' 2nd July, 1900- M. Fukumoto and his friends leave for Saigon by the s.s. 'Laos' to meet Dr. Sun Yat-sen. 17th July, 1900�X Dr. Sun Yat-sen and his friends arrive in Hongkong by the s.s.
'Sado Maru,' but he is forbidden to land by the Hongkong Government . 20th July, 1900�X Dr. Sun Yat-sen leaves for Japan by s.s. 'Sado Maru.' 21st July, 1900�X Dr. Ho Kai reports that Sir Henry A. Blake* is in favour of a
Southern Republic for China. 1st August, 1900�X Dr. Ho Kai's article based on the term s of our political programme is published by the China Mail
* Governor of Hong Kong 1898-1903 .
2nd August, 1900�X Dr. Ho Kai and I discuss the terms of our Programme and the Appeal to the Foreign Powers.
21st August, 1900�X I advocate religious toleration and the establishment of an independent Christian Church for China. See letters to Rt. Rev. Bishop Hoare, D.D., Dr. Timothy Richard, LL.D., and Pastor Kranz.
22nd August, 1900�X Dr. Ho Kai's 'Open Letter' signed 'Sinensis' appears in the
China Mail.
26th August, 190 0�X Kang Yu-wei and his followers unsuccessfully planned a revolutionary movement a t Ta Tung i n Anhui provinc e and Hanko w in Hupe h province. Dr. Yung Wing, LL.D., and his nephew Yung Sing-kiu were connected with this movement, and narrowly escaped with their lives.
1 lth September, 1900�X Owing to the failure of the Ta Tung movement Dr Yung Wing flees from Shanghai, and arrives in Hongkong by s.s. 'Empress of Japan.'
Tang Tsai-chang, the leader, and others were captured and beheaded.
5th October, 1900�X Flag of Independence unfurled a t Wei Chow by General Cheng Put-san. The movement is supported by the China Mail, Hongkong Telegraph, andHongkong Daily Press.
28th October, 190 0�X Sze Kin-yu attempts to blow up Viceroy Tak Sau's yamen at Canton, and is arrested and executed. 7th November, 1900�X The Wei Chow movement collapses through shortage of ammunition and men. 28th November, 1900�X Viceroy Tak Sau issues a proclamation, denouncing Yeung Ku-wan and other reformers.

Assassination of Yeung Ku-wan
10th January, 1901�X Yeung Ku-wan is assassinated in his schoolroom at No. 52, Gage Street, Hongkong. The assassins escaped to Canton.
Yeung Ku-wan was a noble-minded man, and was heart and soul a devoted adherent of the Cause. It may be truthfully said of him that he was one of the noblest of China's patriots, who suffered martyrdom in the cause of Freedom and Independence.
Yeung Ku-wan's body has been buried in the Protestant Cemetery at Hongkong, and the story of his life and work has still to be written.
1st March, 1901�X I receive a letter from Dr. Sun Yat-sen dated Yokohama, 13/2/ 1901, deeply regretting the assassination of Yeung Ku-wan, and forwarding obituar y notices for distribution.
25th May, 1901,�XI have a confidential talk with Alfred Cunningham, Editor of the Hongkong Daily, re the movement for Freedom and Independence.
23rd September, 1901�X King Lien-shan calls personally to see me, and to tender thanks to all those who interested themselves in his case, and helped to obtain hi s release from 'Monte Forte' prison, Macao.

Second Attempt to Capture Canton
26th September, 1901�X I confer with Li Pak, who expressed his willingness to join me in organizing another attempt to capture Canton City and establish a Provisional Government with Dr. Yung Wing LL.D. as President.
We decide to place the task of recruiting and organizing the fighting forces in the hands of Hung Chuen-fook . 3rd October, 1901�X Ng Lo-sam, alias Ng Sui-sang, is banished from Hongkong for being connected with the assassination of Yeung Ku-wan. 7 th October, 1901�X I discuss with Hung Chuen-fook th e plans for capturing Canton. 13 th October, 1901�X I discuss with my father the organization of the movement for the capture of Canton. 25th October, 1901�X I discuss with Dr. Ho Kai the organization of the movement for Freedom and Independence. 30th October, 1901�X Hung Chuen-fook, Li Pak and I meet to discuss plans for the capture of Canton and the establishing of a provisional government .

Interview with Dr. G. E. Morrison
22nd November, 1901�X I meet Dr. G.E. Morrison, London Times, correspondent, a t the Hong Kong Hotel.
We discuss the movement of Freedom and Independence and he assured me of his friendly sympathy and support. He said: T am quite willing to help you and shall do my best to further and support the movement. My support means the support of theTimes, and the support of theTimes means the support of the British people. My policy is the Times policy.'
Dr Morrison advocated in strong terms the removal of the old Empress Dowager. He told me of his friend J.O.P. Bland's timely rescue of Kang Yu-wei at Woosung.
The following is my pen-picture of Dr. G.E. Morrison:
'Dr. Morrison is a man who commands attention by his distinguished appearance and fine presence. He is tall and close-shaven, with a bold, broad and commanding brow, large eyes with a piercing look, straight eye-brows, long nose, and firm mouth with thin lips.
He hair is light, and he is a fine looking type of Australian manhood .
I found him polished, genial and affable, an d a man possessing great common-sense and decision of character.'
26th December, 1901�X Dr. Yung Wing LL.D. arrives in Hongkong bound for the United States.I send him confidential instructions through Li Pak.
16th January, 1902�X I receive a letter from D . Warres Smith, dated London , 13th December 1901, acknowledging receipt of King Lien-shan's letter of thanks and gratitude.
18th January, 1902�X I receive a letter from Dr. Timothy Richard, dated Shanghai, 13th January 1902. He wrote:
'May all your efforts on behalf of Reform in your country be also abundantly blessed.'
28th January, 1902�X Dr. Sun Yat-sen arrives in Hongkong by the s.s. 'Yawata Maru,' and stays at No. 24, Stanley Street.
3rd February, 1902�X Dr. Sun Yat-sen leaves Hongkong.
1st April, 1902�X I receive a letter from Dr. G.E. Morrison, dated from Peking 17th March, 1902, sending me his address and enquiring for 'news' of the movement.
16th April, 1902�X My letter 'Manchu Rule' appears in the Hongkong Telegraph.
As we descended upon the anti-Manchu secre t societies to furnish th e fightin g material for the Revolution, I frequently contributed articles and letters to the foreign newspapers in their support.
16th May, 1902�X Dr. Yung Wing leaves for the United States by the s.s. 'Gaelic.'
23rd May, 1902�X I receive a letter from D. Warres Smith, dated Hongkong Daily Press office, London, 25th April, 1902, assuring me of his support. 6th June, 1902�X I advocate popular representation for Chinese in Hongkong. See Hongkong Daily Press of 6th June 1902. 9th June, 1920�X Alfred Cunningham, Editor of the Hongkong Daily Press, helps me to draft our Proclamation and Appeal to the Foreign Powers.

The Rottenest Government in Existence
4th July, 1902�X I receive a letter from Dr. G.E. Morrison, dated Peking, 25th June, 1902, asking for 'news.' He writes: 'The Government o f this country is the rottenest in existence with the possible exceptions of Persia and Turkey.' 11th August, 1902�X I receive a letter from D. Warres Smith, of theHongkong Daily Press, dated London 7th July, 1902, assuring me of his support. He writes:
'But o f course a reformation and that a very complete one i n the syste m of Government is absolutely necessary. That may be brought about by a big revolution, but I question it much; I fancy it will be a thing of slow growth. Anyhow, a beginning must be made some day and the sooner the better.'
13th August, 1902�X I write to Dr. Yung Wing, LL.D., instructing him to organize a junta in the United States, and work for the co-operation and support of American friends and sympathisers.
9th October, 1902�X I write to Dr. G.E. Morrison warning him to be in readiness for the coming Revolution.I also write to D. Warres Smith in London. 16th October, 1902�X I discuss with my father the progress of Hung Chuen-fook's organization work. 19th October, 1902�X I warn Thos. H. Reid Editor of theChina Mail, to be prepared for the coming Revolution, and also Alfred Cunningham , Edito r o f th e
Hongkong Daily Press.
2nd November, 1902�X I advocate the suppression of slavery in China. See English and Chinese newspapers. 6th November, 1902�X I receive a letter from Dr. Yung Wing, LL.D., dated No.
12, Myrtle Street, Hartford, Conn., 21st September, 1902. He writes:
T hold myself ready, at this end, to do all I can to meet your wants at the other end. Send on the cipher or secret code as soon as possible. It is an indispensible adjunct to our correspondence.'
13th December, 190 2�X Dr. Sun Yat-sen arrives in Hongkong by the s.s. 'Indus' and proceeds to Saigon.
24th December, 1902�X Alfred Cunningham, Editor of the Hongkong Daily Press secretly prints our Proclamation of Independence, and in order to preserve secrecy, it is written and lithographed on stone!
25th December, 1902�X My brother Tse Tsi-shau (Ts e Tsan-ip) arrive s fro m Singapore by the s.s. 'Korea,' and I appoint him my Deputy.

Meetings with Dr G.E. Morrison
26th December, 1902�X Dr. G.E. Morrison arrives in Hongkong from Haiphong by
s.s. 'Hoihao.' We hold a secret consultation at the Hongkong Hotel, and meet again on the 28th, two days later.I hand him copies of our Proclamation of Independence. 27th December, 1902�X Hung Chuen-fook and my brother Tse Tsi-shau leave for Canton on a special mission.
29th December, 190 2�X Dr. G.E. Morrison leaves for Australia by s.s. 'Chingtu.' Before parting he assured me of his staunch support, and promised to return to China immediately on receipt of my telegram.
30th December, 1902�X I receive a letter from my brother Tse Tsi-shau dated Canton, 29th December, 1902, reporting the results of a secret conference of eight of the important leaders of the movement at Fong Chuen.
1st January, 1903�X Hung Chuen-fook and my brother Tse Tsi-shau return fro m their mission to Canton.
9th January, 1903�X Alfred Cunningham calls to see me and reports that General Gascoigne an d th e Commodore ar e i n favou r o f supporting our movement fo r Independence.
13th January, 1903�X Hung Chuen-fook calls to see me, and reports that he will make the attempt to capture Canton City on the night of the 28th January, 190 3 (Chinese New Year's Eve).
20th January, 1903�X I discuss the situation with my father and brother Tse Tsi-shau.

The Betraya l
25 th January, 1903�X Hung Chuen-fook and my brother Tse Tsi-shau leave for Canton via Macao to direct the operations for the capture of Canton. Not long after thei r departure, the Headquarters of Hung Chuen-fook a t No. 20 D'Aguilar Street , wer e raided by the Hongkong Police, and a number of arrests made.
26th January, 1903�X I despatch a message to Rev. A. Kollecker of the Berli n Mission at Fong Chuen requesting him to warn all friends and sympathisers in Canton and Fong Chuen.I discuss the situation with Alfred Cunningha m and Thomas H. Reid, and we watch developments.I sent a special messenger to Macao to search for and warn Hung Chuen-fook an d m y brother Ts e Tsi-shau o f the betrayal of ou r movement.
27th January, 1903�X My father falls ill through anxiety and worry due to the betrayal and the failure of the attempt to capture Canton City. Perhaps it was well that the attempt failed, and God, in Whom I have always trusted, knows best.
27th January, 1903�X My brother Tse Tsi-shau returns from Macao. Arms, uniforms, etc., at Canton and Fong Chuen seized by the Canton authorities and numerous arrests made. Hung Chuen-fook shaves off his beard and escapes in disguise. J. Scott Harston, of Messrs. Ewens and Harston (Solicitors) is retained to watch the case of the arrested and imprisoned reformers.
31st January, 1903�X TheHongkong Daily Press publishes a leading articl e counselling protection for all reformers and their sympathisers. Alfred Cunningha m and J. Scott Harston working in their behalf, all the prisoners are liberated, whic h causes a great sensation.

The S.C.M. Post, Ltd.
6th February, 1903�X I discuss with Alfred Cunningham the promotion of the South China Morning Post , Limited , fo r the furtherance o f the caus e o f Reform an d Independence.
7 th February, 1903�X The China Mail publishes a lengthy leader in support of the 'Reform' movement . 14th February, 1903�X I discuss the situation with my father, and in order to prevent useless bloodshed, we decide to disband the different forces in the interior .
17th February, 1903�X My father expressed fears that he will not have long to live and blames Hung Chuen-fook fo r not listening to his advice. Hung Chuen-fook wa s lacking in discretion, and my father suspected him of selfish designs.

Death of Ts e Yet-chon g
1 lth March, 1903�X Death of my father Tse Yet-chong in Hongkong at the age of 72. 16th March, 1903�X I meet Dr. G.E. Morrison at the Hongkong Hotel, and we discuss the political situation in China. He assured me of his unswerving support. 1st April, 1903�X The South Chin a Morning Post , Limited, i s successfully promoted, and I am appointed to be Compradore of the Company.
Owing to the failure of the attempt to capture Canton City, and the death of my father, I decide to allow Dr. Sun Yat-sen and his followers a free hand, and to devote my time to the furtherance o f the cause of Freedom and Independence through th e columns of the South China Morning Post, and other newspapers.
28th April, 1903�X My letter 'Russia and Manchuria,' signed 'Indignation 'is published by the Hongkong Daily Press.
7 th August 1903�X The China Mail and Hongkong Daily Press publish at my request strong leading articles in support of the 'Supao' prisoners, who were arrested in Shanghai. 22nd July, 1904�X I published the first Chinese Diary of the Russo-Japanese War, and received appreciations from high Japanese officials .
22nd August 1904�X I advocated the formation of an International Society for the protection of Ancient Historical Relics, and the universal suppression of vandalism. See world's newspapers and Hongkong newspapers of 22nd August, 1904.

The World Chinese Students' Federation
1st October, 190 4 �XI advocated th e formation o f the World's Chinese Students ' Federation. See letters to my old friend Wu Lien-teh, M.A., M.D., LL.D. Dr Wu Lien-teh is the world-famed Plague Expert of China, and the founder of the Peking Central Hospital an d Medica l College. He i s one of the brightest gems in China's medica l history.
28th December, 1905�X I advocated a scheme for the termination of the United States boycott movement in China. See South China Morning Post of 28th December, 1905.
26th April, 1907�X Dr. Sun Yat-sen, Wong Hing and others raise the flag of revolt at Wong Kong and Yam Lin in S.W. Kwang-tung. 18th July, 1907�X I receive a letter from Dr. Yung Wing, dated South Windsor, Conn., 7/6/1907, assuring me of his continued staunch support.
24th September, 1907�X In order to frustrate Russian designs, I urged the immediate colonization of Manchuria and the development of its mineral resources. SeeSheung Pao of 24th September, 1907 .

Dr. Yung Wing's scheme
22nd October 1907�XI receive a letter from Dr. Yung Wing, dated 771 Asylum Avenue, Hartford, Conn., 17/9/1907, submitting his scheme for a successful revolution in China. 15th January, 1908�X I meet Dr. G.E. Morrison at the Hongkong Hotel, and we
discuss the political situation in China. (See lengthy interview in my Diary.) 12th May, 1908�X Dr. Sun Yat-sen, Wong Hing, Wu Han-man, Wong Chin-wei and others raise the flag of revolt at Ho Hau, on the borders of Yunnan province.
17 th August, 1908�X I receive a letter from Dr. Yung Wing, dated No. 310 Sargent Street, Hartford, Conn., 14/7/1908 , advocating the union of the reform parties, and condemning Kang Yu-wei and his Po Wang Whui (Protect the Emperor Society) Party.
30th June 1909�X Claimed that the Chinese were the first to discover Northern Australia during the Ming Dynasty, and advocated an investigation by the Chines e Government. See China Mail of 30th June, 1909.
17th May, 1910�X I receive a letter from Dr. Yung Wing, dated 16 Atwood Street, Hartford, Conn. , 13/4/1910 , strongly denouncing Kang Yu-wei and his disciple, and informing me of his meeting with Dr. Sun Yat-sen.
24th, October, 1910�X I advocated a closer understanding between the United States and China, and discussed the future control of the Pacific .
See South China Morning Post of 24th October, 1910 .
22nd February , 1911�X My Open Letter 'Russi a and China 'is sent t o the Governments of the Foreign Powers, the Foreign Ministers at Peking and all the Foreign newspapers, in order to pave the way for the Great Revolution in China.
8th April, 1911�X Tartar General Fu Chi, of Canton, assassinated .
27 th April, 1911�X Attack on Viceregal Yamen and attempted capture of Canton by Wong Hing and others. Seventy-two revolutionaries lose their lives in this attack.

Sir Hiram S. Maxim
14th June, 1911�X I receive a long letter from Sir Hiram S. Maxim, dated London, 13/ 5/1911.
He offers China a new rifle, and refers to the importance of flying machines.
He discusses flying machines viv-a-vis dirigibles.
Sir Hira m alway s supporte d th e Chines e i n speec h an d writing . H e greatl y sympathised with the Chinese in their struggle for Freedom and Independence, an d went so far as to offer his valuable services to the Republican Government of China. In a letter to me, dated 14th April, 1913, he wrote: T could do a great deal for China if the Chinese would give me the opportunity.
T am regarded as the greatest exper-t on fire-arms in the world.
T took the personal Grand Prix for artillery at the last Paris Exposition.
'Notwithstanding that I am an old man I am still very active and able to do a lot of work. T have long been in strong sympathy with the Chinese, and I would like to finish up my career by making myself very useful to them.'
I strongly recommended Si r Hiram to President Yuan Shih-kai direct, and als o through my friend Dr . G.E. Morrison, but Yuan Shih-kai failed to take advantage of Sir Hiram's offer. It was to Sir Hiram that I sent my plans of a dirigible airship in 1899. The problem of aerial navigation by dirigible air-ships, propelled by motor-driven fan-propellers fore, af t an d deck, was solved by me i n 1894 . The thre e deck propellor s embodied the gyroscopic principle of ascending and descending. Sir Hiram beleived in flying machines and had no faith in dirigibles. The design of my dirigible air-ship was published i n many o f the world's illustrate d newspaper s an d magazine s o f thi s period.
25th August, 1911�X I expose 'Lin Shao-yang, ' the author (European) o f 'A Chinese Appeal to Christendom,' in the Hongkong Daily Press. He apologises in the columns of the North China Daily News.
THE REVOLUTIO N

The Wuchang Revolt and Li Yuan-hung
10th October, 1911�X The foreign-drilled troops of Hupeh province mutiny, and co-operating with the revolutionaries succeed in capturing Wuchang.
The Revolution spreads quickly throughout the whole Empire, from Chihli in the north to Kwang-tung in the south, and from Shan-tung in the east to Sze-chuan in the west. So swift and overwhelming was the progress of the Revolution that consternation reigned i n Peking , an d i n despair th e Manch u cour t turne d t o Yuan Shih-kai fo r assistance in quelling the rising and saving the dynasty.
In fifteen days , all the lower Yangtze provinces were lost to the Empire, and by mid-November, fourteen provinces had declared their independence. Li Yuan-hung is elected by the Revolutionary Committee to be President of the Provisional Government at Wuchang.
25th October, 1911�X Tartar General Fung Shan is killed by a bomb at Canton.
3rd November, 1911�X I reply to Sir Hiram S. Maxim's letter of 29th September 1911, thanking him for his support and offer of a new rifle. 4th November, 1911�X Shanghai captured by the revolutionaries. 9th November, 1911�X Independence of Canton declared. 21st November, 1911�X Dr. Sun yat-sen arrives in Hongkong by the s.s. 'Devanha.' We meet on board and exchange greetings.
Dr. Sun Yat-sen leaves for Nanking.

Dr. Sun Yat-sen Elected Provisional President
29th December, 1911�X Dr. Sun Yat-sen is elected Provisional President of the Republic of China by the Military Assembly at Nanking.
15th January, 1912.�X I interview my Editor friends Thomas Petrie of theSouth ChinaMorningPost an d B.A. Hale of theHongkongDaily Press and urge them to advocate the early recognition of the Republic of China by Great Britain .I also write to Dr. Yung Wing, LL.D., Dr. G.E. Morrison, London Times Correspondent, D. Warres Smith and Sir Hiram S. Maxim.
DOCUMENT II.c3 : A sense of complacence, The Chinese in Hong Kong, by Sir Robert Ho Tung, Kt. (source: W. Feldwick, Present Day Impressions of the Far East and Prominent and Progressive Chinese at Home and Abroad, London: Globe Encyclopedia, 1917, pp. 527-530)
The population o f the colony, which consisted of a handful o f fishermen and peasants in 1841, is now (1916) about half a million, of whom 97 per cent are Chinese. No par t o f this population ca n b e describe d a s purely indigenous . I t i s essentiall y transient, compose d fo r th e mos t part o f Chinese from th e adjacen t populou s an d wealthy province of Kwangtung and the maritime province of Fukien. The forme r may be classed as the merchants, the traders, the shopkeepers, and the domestics in the employ of the well-to-do Chinese an d foreign residents . The latte r ar e birds of passage, who pass through on their way to the tin mines and rubber plantations of the Malay States and the Dutch East Indies. In the early days it was the natives of Sunning, Sunwui, and other districts of Kwangtung in the vicinity who repaired to California , Australia, and the Mexican ports, and, i n lesser numbers, to the South America n republics. Such i s the enterpris e o f the Sunninges e tha t th e first railroa d i n sout h China t o be designed, built, an d managed entirely by Chinese wa s the Sunning -Kongmoon lines, constructed in 1910. The money for this undertaking was found fo r the most part by Chinese merchants returned form California. The emigration to South Africa was of short duration, and may be left out of consideration, since the coolies have all been repatriated.A good proportion o f the men from the districts in the neighbourhood of Swatow, in Kwangtung, come to Hong Kong, and from this class are partially recruited the coolies for the vehicular traffic of the city and the labour required in connection with the loading and discharging of steamers. Tungkun and the districts in the neighbourhood of Canton also supply a fair proportion of this class of labour. These coolies are for the most part a hardy and sturdy lot, and can be seen in hundreds any day handling loaded trucks in the quays and in front of the warehouses at Kowloon.
A special Commission on behalf of the French Government during 1916 passed through Hong Kong en route for Peking to investigate local conditions with a view to recruiting Chinese labour, with th e concurrenc e o f the Governmen t o f China, fo r France. It is understood that this labour will be temporarily employed to make good the deficiency caused by the war, and to repair the havoc and damage wrought by the enemy in the cities and towns of France. From French Indo-China native artisans and mechanics have already departed for France. It is not too much to expect that in the course of time south China will also supply its quota of labour for Europe, includin g Russia. When this time does arrive, Hong Kong may be expected to be the headquarters for the southern recruiting field. New possibilities of Chinese emigration for Europe loom large in this connection .
It is with the commercial and domiciled Chinese community in Hong Kong that this cursory review is mainly concerned. It is their progress and material and intellectual development that it is desired to emphasize. That progress has been remarkable, and in some respects even astounding, if one goes no farther back than the past ten years. In no department o f human activit y among the Chinese i n Hong Kong have suc h wonderful strides been made as in that of their education, considered from a Western standpoint. Nor has that progress been limited to the male population. It has shown even more remarkable development amon g the women. This is the more surprisin g when the old-time conservatism of China, in regard to the 'weaker sex,' is considered. Denominational and private schools have vied with a paternal Government to foster female education amon g the Chinese. The Church Missionary Society and Londo n Missionary Society ; an d the Societ y of the Propagand a Fide i (bette r known a s th e Italian Mission in Hong Kong) have done more in the direction of education in Hong Kong than the efforts of all the other organizations combined. These efforts have been made possible by reason o f a system of grants-in-aid fro m Government, which , judiciously worked, has produced the maximum results with the minimum of cost to the ratepayers in general. No district or hamlet in Hong Kong is without a vernacular school for primary education. These schools act as feeders to the higher-grade schools, and lead successively through the colleges to the Hong Kong University. Is it surprising, then, that a perfect revolution has been wrought on the moral and physical life of the Chinese by well-directed efforts for considerably more than half a century?
If those wh o have done al l the spad e work lik e the earl y leader s o f Christia n thought could have lived to see the result of their indefatigable labours , they would have been well rewarded by a knowledge of the fact that their later disciples have succeeded to such centres of learning as Oxford an d Cambridge Universities for th e completion of the courses of studies first begun in Hong Kong. The broader outloo k which such a system of liberal education has imparted into the native mind has already left its impress on the social, religious, and domestic life of the Chinese. And what has been written as regards female education can be as truthfully recorded of male education. The Trimetrical Classics once learned by rote by the Chinese child have now given way to the standard spellin g books and readers of the recognize d Western schools . From these early beginnings the male students are taken by progressive stages fro m form to form until they complete their elementary course and are in turn matriculated. Then follows their course as undergraduates in the Hong Kong University, where, by dint of characteristic application, they qualify themselves for diplomas in the faculties of medicine, engineering, and arts. There are nearly 200 of such students in the Hong Kong University today.
It has been remarked that this system of education has brought about a wonderful revolution i n the social, religious, and domestic life of the Chinese i n Hong Kong . One example alone will illustrate the point. When the liberty now enjoyed by Chinese girls, in association with male companions, is contrasted with the attitude that prevailed not so many years ago, one cannot refrain from observing that, however beneficial the assimilation o f Western thought s an d manners may be, there i s danger of the girl s losing that decorous reserve which is such an admirable Chinese characteristic in the views of members of the older school of thought, but is not so much admired by the Young China party. The same may be said of the dress affected after the Revolution of 1911. When the old regime was cast off for the new, it was thought the proper thing to discard all that appertained to national custom. Thus, for instance, the national costume �X economical, comfortable, and eminently suitable from a hygienic point of view�X was hurriedly discarded for foreign clothing. Even in the matter of footwear the Chinese, generally speaking, rushed to adopt the Western style. This exuberance of spirit has somewhat subsided, although the hybrid fashion of the Chinese coat with foreign skirt now worn by Chinese ladies on ceremonial occasion still offends aesthetic taste. On no ground can the absolute denationalization of Chinese customs be defended. Radical changes are also noticeable in the matter of social observances; in none are they so prominent as in the matter of the bridal party. Fashion has apparently ordained, as the correct thing in the eyes of the Chinese world, that the contracting parties to a marriage shall be driven in motor-cars, and that the wedding guests shall employ the same mode of conveyance to and fro m the reception, afte r the styl e of European countries . Ostentatious display appears to be the keynote of every wedding ceremony, and there is danger of such display being carried to the border-line of the ridiculous. It is left to the leader s o f Chinese societ y i n Hon g Kon g t o se t up some standar d o f correc t observances that would not offend any code of morals or good taste. Admittedly, such a task is not easy of accomplishment. Better far to make an early attempt than to delay until objectionable practices have received the sanction of usage. In this connection, expensive funera l ceremonial s hav e a s littl e t o commen d themselve s a s lavis h expenditure on the living.
Closely associated with the subject of marriages is that of the religion of the Chinese in Hong Kong . As a natural corollary to the denominational syste m of educatio n prevailing, there can be little wonder that the Chinese are coming more and more to embrace Christianity as one of the forms of religion. Especially is this the case with the womenfolk, among whom the most active form of Christian propaganda is being carried on. Where Christianity is embraced from a conscientious belief that it is the safe course to pursue for the life hereafter, there is nothing to be said against the individual or the community choosing it as the guiding principle in morals; but when communion with the congregations of the established Churches is sought as a means towards social or material advantages or for personal aggrandizement, the hypocrisy of the adoption of an alie n religio n canno t b e to o strongl y condemned . I n modern time s libert y o f conscience appears to connote the setting up by any religious sect of mushroom growth ofa doctrine ostensibly justified upon biblical authority. Oftentimes the most strenuous of such sectarian preachers have adopted religion as the easiest calling or profession, and rely upon the 'gift of the gab' to prevail upon the credulity of the Chinese for the converts. This is a very real danger, and is even now apparent in Hong Kong.
Turning from a highly controversial subject to one for the amelioration of the human race , the adoption by the Chinese in Hong Kong of the system of Western medicine and modes of healing may be cited as a mark of progress.A quarter of a century ago, at the time of the first outbreak of plague in its most virulent epidemi c form, th e Governmen t ha d t o comba t th e deep-roote d prejudic e an d ingraine d ignorance of the Chinese populace in its attempt to minimize the dreadful ravages of the disease . The mos t difficult tas k was to bring the lowe r orders of the Chines e inhabitants to realize the benefits of Western medicine and preventive hygiene. It was at this parting of the ways, when the Hong Kong Chinese stood at the threshold of the gates to Western medical science, that the Tung Wah Hospital performed one of the most beneficent of the many acts of benevolence which this fine institution has rendered to the Chinese people during nearly three-quarters of a century. For the first time in the history of the colony, Chinese patients were given the option of choosing between their own method of treatment by Chinese medical practitioners, with their concoctions of herbs an d dried roots, and that followed by licentiates who had obtained thei r diplomas from the Hong Kong College of Medicine, before that institution was merged in the Faculty of Medicine of the Hongkong University. The experiment has proved a great success. Statistics compiled a t the hospital show that Chinese have come , i n increasing numbers, to prefer the benefits derivable from Western treatment to their own more primitive and unscientific methods. Moreover, the coolie class now submit even to surgical operations without demur, whereas at one time, in their ignorance , they believe d tha t th e body , in it s process o f transmigration t o the worl d beyond , would not be admitted if it had been subjected to any process of mutilation such as a surgical operation was supposed to involve. At on e time the belief was also general with th e Chines e tha t th e applicatio n o f the surgeon' s knife mean t certai n death . Except for a small annual monetary grant by the Colonial Government, th e Tung Wah Hospital is wholly maintained by voluntary subscriptions from th e Chinese i n Hong Kong and abroad. Besides this institution, which enjoys a reputation amongst the Chinese of world-wide fame, there are the Kwong Wah Hospital at Yaumati, the Infectious Disease s Hospital at Kennedy Town, the district dispensaries, and the P o Leung Kuk Society for the protection of women and children, all of which owe their foundation t o the liberality o f Chinese residents, and ar e administered wholly by Chinese committees and governing bodies under the aegis of the Government of Hong Kong. The newly formed Ambulance Corps of the Chinese Section of the Police Reserve is also quite a useful organization. That the Chinese do not shirk their civic duties is proved by the formation, wholl y on their own initiative, of the Company o f Police Reserves since the outbreak o f the Europea n war . Numerically, th e Chines e i s th e largest of any of the companies composing the Hong Kong Police Reserve.
The list of purely Chinese institutions would not be complete without the inclusion of the Distric t Watchmen's Committee , a n electe d bod y composed o f some o f th e leading members of the Chinese community in Hong Kong, whose duty it is to advise the Secretariat of Chinese on all Chinese matters in Hong Kong. This subject leads to the consideration of the political status of the Chinese. In this matter, as in all others, they have no reason to complain that the Government does not extend to them a fair measure of equality of treatment with the other races in the island, for two unofficia l members, nominated by the Government, enjo y the distinction of representing th e Chinese there on the Legislative Council. The senior has had the honour conferre d upon him by the King of a Companionship of the Order of St. Michael and St. George. Similarly, o n th e Sanitar y Boar d ther e ar e two unofficia l Chines e members , bot h Government nominees . I n th e lis t o f justices o f the peac e fo r th e colony , quit e a representative number of prominent Chinese names also appear. Two leading members of the Chinese community have received the honour of knighthood.
Another ver y conspicuous featur e o f Chinese progres s i n Hong Kong i s the remarkable growth of the Chinese press. Although the art of printing�X not fro m movable types, but from woodcuts�X was first discovered and put into practice by the Chinese, no nation has been so backward in the dissemination of news by the printing press. Within recent years, however, there has been a wonderful transformation. Today the printing press is to be found throughout the country, and in no direction has private and joint enterprise been so active as in the matter of newspaper printing. With th e greater enlightenment of the masses and a more intelligent interest taken in political affairs, printin g presse s have been erecte d broadcas t i n Hong Kong . Under a Government which concedes much latitude in regard to the freedom o f the Press, Chinese newspapers have, generally speaking, thriven in a remarkable degree. The unbridled freedom whic h the Pres s has enjoyed i n the hands o f novices le d to th e enactment o f a legislative measure against the publication o f seditious matter, an d prosecutions under this law have been instituted, but fortunately they have been few and far between.
Thus far the commercial success and material prosperity of the Chinese have been touched upon only incidentally. No one, however superficially acquainte d with th e importance of Hong Kong as a great entrepot of trade and the third shipping port in the world, can withhold a meed of praise from the Chinese who, in greater measure than any other section of the community, have stood to benefit by the prosperity of the colony. The Chinese are excluded from no department of commercial activity in Hong Kong. The natives of Kwangtung, renowned fo r their business acumen, hav e availed themselve s t o the full o f the rare opportunities which intercours e wit h th e foreigners have brought within their reach for profitable trade between their wealthy province and the outside world. The result is apparent in the accumulated wealth and influence of the Chinese of the commercial class in Hong Kong. Wealth with them is diffused instea d of, a s in some other countries where the doubtful syste m of trusts prevails, becoming concentrated i n the hands of a few and producing socialisti c tendencies an d conflict s betwee n capital and labour . The innat e shrewdness of the Chinese and the extent of early correct intelligence of conditions in the consumin g districts which they are capable of controlling give them an advantage not to be despised where business success is concerned. The natives of Kwangtung excel as shopkeepers. In the retail trade they hold today the pride of place in successful competitio n eve n with the first-class European establishments in the colony. The department store is a plant of recent growth in Hong Kong, but it has taken root in fertile soil. Such stores are amongst the most successful business places in Hong Kong. Consular reports have chosen them fo r special mention. Their self-contained buildings , specially designe d and adapted , occup y mos t prominent position s o n th e water-front . Th e principa l department store s combine with their retail trade the business of fire and marin e insurance, and to this end their memoranda of association have recently been revised and have received the legal sanction of Court. In every case the working capital of the concerns has been doubled, and represents in the aggregate several millions of dollars. Chinese-capitalized, Chinese-managed , an d Chinese-staffe d joint-stoc k companie s doing business in fire, marine, and life insurance, shipping, land and estate business, and shipbuilding and repairing, are no longer isolated instances of native enterprise. They rank today amongst the successful companies operating in friendly rivalry with similar British companies. Another notable fact is the inclusion of Chinese names in the directorate o f British companies . This i s not confined t o companies o f minor importance or of strictly local operation. The companies that have thought fit to relax the rigid policy of exclusivism are amongst the largest capitalized and most influentia l of those registered in Hong Kong.
It can no longer be said that the Chinese resort to Hong Kong for sordid motives only. If their patient industry and frugality have been the means of amassing for them considerable wealth, it cannot be denied that a large proportion of their accumulated savings is invested in and spent in Hong Kong. So great is their faith in the permanent prosperity of the colony, and the safety of domicile under the folds of the British flag, that the Chinese are said to own more than three-fifths o f the landed property i n Hong Kong. Outside the Peak Reservation, Chinese families of the well-to-do class own and liv e in some of the larges t and fines t residentia l properties o n th e island . Their standard of living has also been considerably raised. European luxuries are freely indulged in, whether in the matter of wearing apparel or the creature comforts of the household. Of the hundred or so motor-cars licensed in Hong Kong, omitting those of the garages for public hire, the greater number belong to the Chinese monied class.
It is singular that the Chinese, who have such an enviable reputation as successful agriculturists, should show such little progress under this head in the New Territories since their occupation by the British under the Kowloon Convention of 1898. Under the auspices of the Botanical and Forestry Department, Government has endeavoured in every way possible to help the Chinese with imported seeds and technical advice to improve their primitive agricultural methods. Better sugar-cane, tea plants, tobacco, and fruit-seeds have been imported and freely distributed to the farmers. The result s have been disappointing. Excepting for a slightly improved quality of pineapple and of one or two English seasonal fruits, like the strawberry, the Chinese have not progressed in agriculture as they have done in other departments of their varied activities. Those activities have been remarkable in their success, and they are a tribute to the genius of the Chinese, who have helped to make Hong Kong what it is today.
CHAPTER THRE E




A CITY OF ENTREPRENEURS
Hong Kong survived on its ability to trade; and trade thrived because the institutions for trade were put in place and because a mercantile community grew up in Hong Kong that actively sought opportunities for trade.
Among Hon g Kong' s earl y merchant s wer e th e taipan s o f Wester n companies, the compradores who served as intermediaries between Western trading house s an d th e Chines e population , an d Chines e merchant s fro m the Na m Pa k Hon g (th e North-Sout h Guild ) o f importer s an d exporters . These well-known stereotypes, however, do not tell the full story of trade. They sa y little , i n particular , o f th e linkage s betwee n Hon g Kong , othe r parts of China, and, indeed, other parts of the world. They are silent about the importance of real estate in the building up of the capital base of Hong Kong's prominent merchants . Nor do they say very much about merchant networks built upon common origins, interests and social life .
Chou Sho w So n an d Si r Rober t H o Tung , whos e contemporar y biographies are reproduced below, went easily between the Western and the Chinese communities. Lau Chu Pak, long-standing Legislative Councillor from 191 3 to 1922, sat on the boards of public service companies bot h Western and Chinese. The Sassoon family, which came originally from India, owned spinning mills in Bombay and real estate in Shanghai, but also traded in Hong Kong . Hong Kong and Whampoa Dock Co . and Dodwell & Co. were owned by Westerners and managed along Western lines. The Hong Kong Chamber of Commerce, which represented the interests of Western merchants in Hong Kong, was formed i n 1861. The Hong Kong Chinese General Chamber of Commerce was formed much later, in 1913.
This chapter also includes a detailed year-by-year autobiography written by Fung Ping-shan, a Chinese merchant and philanthropist who settled in Hong Kon g i n 1910 . Fun g Ping-sha n wa s i n man y respect s a traditiona l merchant. Like many Chinese merchants, he moved to Hong Kong because it provide d saf e have n fo r hi s business . Hi s commitmen t t o Hon g Kon g
grew a s hi s business depended mor e and more o n Hong Kong . But hi s
circle maintained it s very Chines e characteristic: i t was concerned, i n
particular, with th e promotion o f Chines e education i n Hong Kong and
welfare services i n their home county .
In politica l outlook , on e migh t sa y the entrepreneur s accepte d quit e
readily a conservative working relationship with the Hong Kong government.
No serious constitutional deman d was ever made i n the name o f th e
mercantile community. N o impetus for social refor m wa s driven fro m it s
imagination.
DOCUMENT III.l : Mr . Chou Sho w Son (source : W. Feldwick,Present Day Impressions, pp. 578-579)
Mr. Chow Cheong-ling, or, as he is known to his intimates, Mr. Chow Shou Son, was born in Hong Kong 55 years ago.* After his early education in China he was sent by the Chinese Government to America, where he entered the Columbia University, New York . On returning t o his native land he received i n 1881 a Government appointment on a deputation to Korea to assist in the establishment of the Korean Customs. He remained in this service for about 10 years, after which he was transferred by Yuan Shihkai, the late President of China, to the Consular Service. At that time Yuan was the Minister Resident in Korea, and he held that post, with Mr. Chow as one of his assistants, until the outbreak of the Chino-Japanese War.
Mr. Chow then left for China, and after occupying various official positions h e became managing director of the China Steam Navigation Company in Tientsin. He held that post for a number of years, and was then appointed managing director of the Peking-Mukden Railway. For four years he was in this highly responsible position, and on his relinquishing it he was the recipient of a most gratifying testimonial from the European staff, acknowledging in the highest terms the services he had rendered. This was a rare distinction, only one other such instance having been known.
Afterwards he was sent to Newchwang in the capacity of Customs Taotai. This is a position involvin g many official dutie s besides those directly connected wit h th e Customs service. Mr. Chow was responsible for a territory of several hundred square miles, and had control of all foreign intercourse there. For three and a half years he served in this district, which lies between Shanhaikwan and Hsin Min Fu, on the Liao River. Then he was recalled by Prince Ching, and given the appointment of councillor or secretary at the Foreign Office i n Peking. He was later offered the high position of Minister to one of the European countries, but this he declined, feeling that he needed a rest after many years of strenuous work.
During this time the Revolution broke out, and he returned to Hong Kong, where he wa s when thi s book wa s compiled. Sinc e comin g t o Hong Kon g h e ha s bee n
* 186 2
A City o f Entrepreneur s
associated in business enterprises with the Hon. Mr. Lau Chu Pak. He has become a member of the committee of the Chinese General Chamber of Commerce. He is proud of the fact that he has been asked to return to Peking and resume official work . Mr. Chow is the owner of very considerable property both in the north and the south of China.
As will be seen by a photograph in this section,* Mr. Chow, as the representative of the viceroy at Mukden and senior official at Newchwang, entertained the late Earl Kitchener whe n hi s lordship visited th e battlefields o f Manchuria afte r th e Russo -Japanese War . In th e picture i n question Mr . Chow ma y be seen on th e deck o f a steamer engaged in conversation with Earl Kitchener.
Mr. Chow Cheong Ling is a member o f the North British Academy o f Arts, Literature, Science, and Music, and also a member of the Society for the encouragement of Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce, London.
DOCUMENT III.2: Sir Robert Ho Tung (source: W. Feldwick, Present Day Impressions pp. 582-583)
Sir Robert Ho Tung. . . was born in the colony fifty-two years ago, and has spent practically the whole of his life on the island. He received his education in Chinese privately, while he pursued his English studies at the Central School (no w Queen' s College). Starting business at the age of seventeen, he joined the indoor staff of the Imperial Maritime Customs. He left that service to take the post of assistant compradore to Messrs. Jardine, Matheson 6 k Co., Ltd., and als o became manage r o f the nativ e branches o f the Hong Kong Fire Insurance Company and th e Canton Insuranc e Company. During this period he opened up on his own behalf a very extensive trade in raw and refined suga r with Shanghai an d th e Yangtse ports. His health failing, Si r Robert handed over these business responsibilities to a brother. He retired from Jardine, Matheson 6k Co. in 1900 (having been appointed chief of compradore in 1894), after twenty years' association with that firm.
Sir Robert Ho Tung is one of the most extensive property owners in the colony, and he also possesses lands and houses in the Macao district. His Hong Kong residence, Tdlewild,' occupies one of the finest sites in the island, with an enchanting harbou r view. It is surrounded by an extensive garden, and Lady Ho Tung is annually a winner of many prizes at the Hong Kong Flower Show.
The business ability of Sir Robert Ho Tung is well shown in his dealings with the Hong Kong Hotel Company's affairs. At one time the shares of that company were as low as $ 5 and unmarketable, as the concern had paid no dividend for years. Sir Robert, being a shareholder, suggested the appointment of a Committee of Investigation, which suggestion was acted upon. The result was reorganization, and incidentally the present flourishing condition of the concern. Sir Robert is a director of the Hong Kong Land
* Omitte d here .
Investment and Agency company, the Hong Kong, Canton, and Macao Steamboa t Company, the Kam Hing Knitting Company, and of the Indo-China Steam Navigation Company. He has, in addition, accepted a seat on the board o f the Consulting Committees of the Hong Kong Fire Insurance Company, Ltd., and the Canton Insurance Office, Ltd.
Sir Robert takes keen interest in all matters relating to Chinese social life, and he was the first president of the Chinese Club, an influential organization founded mainly through his efforts.
Sir Robert Ho Tung has served on several notable committees: that which organized the local celebration for Queen Victoria's Diamond Jubilee, and that which received
H.R.H. the Duke of Connaught at Hong Kong. He also served on the Committees of the South African War Fund (1890), the Kwong Sai Famine Fund, and the Tung Wah Hospital.
Sir Robert is proud of the fact that he was able to be of service to that great Irish sailor, Lord Charles Beresford, when he was commissioned by the Home Governmen t and the Associated Chambers of Commerce to furnish an exhaustive report upon British trade in the Far East. He also offered the farewell banquet to the world-famous engineer and contractor, the late Sir Thomas Jackson, on the occasion of his departure for m Hong Kong.
During the Administration of Sir William Robinson*, Sir Robert was invited t o fill a vacancy on the Legislative Council when Dr. Ho Kai (now Sir Kai Ho Kai) went to Shanghai to join His Excellency Sheng Kung Po. However, Dr. Ho Kai returned to Hong Kong before the expiration of his leave, and thus resumed his seat on the Council. During the Governorship of Sir Henry Blake** , Sir Robert was invited to become a member of the Sanitary Board, but did not accept the invitation as he was about t o proceed to Europe and America.
It is, however, by his endeavour in the world of philanthropy that Sir Robert has won such an honoured name. Any scheme having as its aim the betterment o f the condition of the Chinese or European population is sure to enlist the sympathies of this warm-hearted knight , who , especially i n matters o f public health an d publi c education, has been munificent i n his gifts. He promoted the Tung Wah Hospita l Extension Scheme, and was largely instrumental i n the collection of the $150,00 0 necessary for it s completion. Hi s sound advice has been o f particular valu e t o th e Government i n matters dealing with plague prevention. The erection of the finel y equipped Plague Hospital is largely due to Sir Robert's efforts, and most of the $100,000 which the institution cost was donated by him. For many years he has been on th e Committee o f the P o Leung Kuk, that splendi d organizatio n fo r th e protection o f native women and girls. He gave largely to the Canton Flood Relief Fund, and ha s supported the Helena May Institute; indeed, his gifts and acts have been innumerable.
* Governo r of Hong Kong, 1891 -1898. ** Governor of Hong Kong, 1898-1903.
A Cit y of Entrepreneur s
In the realm of public education Sir Robert's generosity has been no less remarkable. He presented to the colony the Kowloon School for children of British parentage, the first civil school for European children in Hong Kong. The foundation stone was laid by Governor Blake in 1900, and the school was declared open by Sir W.T. Gascoigne, K.C.M.G., on April 19,1902. Sir Robert also presented a valuable scholarship to Queen's College. When the University scheme was mooted he was one of the largest contributors to the Endowment Fund. Early in 1915 he made still further munificent donations to the funds of the University. Of these, one was an immediate gift of $50,000, the income of which is to be devoted to the establishment of a Chair of Clinical Surgery tenable at the Civil Hospital. The second gift took the form of an annual subscription of $5,000 for ten years. Altogether, in ten years, the University will have benefited by Sir Robert's donations to the extent of $110,000.
When th e Great War broke out Sir Robert showed his loyalty by offering hi s services in any capacity to the Colonial Government. He gave $10,000 to the Prince of Wales's Fund, and offered to import rice from Bangkok and Saigon and sell the same in the colony at cost price. In a dispatch from Sir Henry May to the Home Government, in which the splendid loyalty of the Chinese residents of Hong Kong was placed o n record, Sir Robert's philanthropic offer received special comment. In conjunction with his brothers and three more Chinese gentlemen Sir Robert made the gift of an aeroplane to the British Government; and still more recently he has presented to the Government, as a contribution to the War Fund, the sum of $50,000. This amount, which is equivalent to �G4,908, His Excellency the Governor decided to dispose of as follows; �G3,000 for the purchase of two aeroplanes to be presented to the War Office, and �G1,908 to be paid to the British Red Cross Society for the purchase of motor ambulances.
As a mark of appreciation of his many services Sir Robert has been elected a a member of the Peace Commission of the colony, and the Government o f China has conferred upo n him th e Order of the Chao Ho (Thir d Class) . His greatest reward , however, was at the hands of His Majesty, who graciously bestowed upon him th e coveted honour of Knighthood. The news reached the Governor of the colony in the following telegram : 'It gives me much pleasure to inform yo u that Hi s Majesty ha s been pleased to approve of a Knight Bachelorship for Mr. Ho Tung.' The news was received by foreigners and Chinese alike with feelings of great appreciation.
DOCUMENT IIL3 : The Hon. Mr. Lau Chu Pak, J.P. (source: W. Feldwick,Present Day Impressions pp. 574-575)
In all South China no name is held in greater respect, by Chinese and foreigners alike, than that of Mr. Lau Chu Pak, who, by his abilities, tact, and the soundness of his views, has obtained the high esteem of all with whom he has come in contact. He brings to bear upon all questions a sound common sense, and on more than one occasion his advice has been of the greatest value to the Government when delicate questions relating to Chinese affairs have arisen.
Mr. Lau is especially noted for the great interest he takes in all matters connected with the welfare of his countrymen. This is especially the case in relation to education. A man of scholarly attainments, he has taken up enthusiastically the question of the education of the rising generation. His view is that a young Chinese should not only acquire a sound knowledge of English to enable him to take part in the business life of the country, but that he should also be well instructed in Chinese literature and learning. This plan is admirably carried out in the schools of the Ellis Kadoorie Chinese Schools Society in Canton and Hong Kong, and those of the Confucian Society of Hong Kong. Mr. Lau was one of the founders of these societies, and is their honourary secretary and president respectively.
The great scheme of controlling the course of the West River, and thus preventing the terrible devastation of villages, destruction of crops, and the drowning of untold numbers o f people whic h ha s been goin g on annuall y fo r centuries , ma y be justl y attributed t o Mr. Lau. The Chines e Chamber o f Commerce has decided to suppor t this scheme, which will cost millions of dollars. The far-sightedness o f Mr. Lau has enabled him to make clear to his countrymen the enormous benefit tha t will accrue from the execution of the design, not only in the increased happiness and security of the inhabitants of the West River Districts, but in the largely augmented trade that is bound t o follow the completion o f the scheme. The increased prosperity o f th e agricultural districts will also contribute greatly to the solidity of the State, for it is a well-known fact that the risings, rebellions, and periods of unrest occurring so often in south China have their origin in the vast majority o f cases in the distress caused by floods, famine, and other calamities, which evils the West River scheme will go far to eradicate. Whether the Chinese Government will fall in with Mr. Lau's views or not is still a pending question.
The secret of Mr. Lau's popularity with all classes of the community lies in the fact that, although he is a man of advanced views, and one possessing sound grasp of Western methods and ideals, he remains essentially a Chinese. He does not affect the Westerner in dress or customs, and he is bold and fearless in putting forth his views, which ar e always supported by sound and logical argument. This is especially the case where he is advocating schemes for the welfare of his countrymen. He is a great supporter of the contention tha t the Chinese should be allowed to control their own affairs, an d h e always figures prominently in charities, whether foreign or Chinese.
Mr. Lau has been a prominent member of the Hong Kong Legislative Council since 1914, and he is always listened to very seriously by the official members of that Council whe n an y question of Chinese importanc e i s on the agenda . He speaks so eloquently and is so clear in thought that it is a pleasure to listen to him. He is in every sense a practical politician, with fixed aims and definite purposes. He has served for twelve years on the Sanitary Board, and his advice in delicate matters arising from the necessity of plague control has been of the very greatest service to the Government .
The extent of the Hon. Mr. Lau Chu Pak's influence and the esteem in which he is held are admirably shown by the positions he holds, and which embrace (1) Justice of the Peace (having previously served 12 years on the Sanitary Board); (2) member of the Law Committee; (3 ) member of the Architects Committee; (4 ) member of th e
A City o f Entrepreneur s
Food Committee; (5) member of the District Watchmen's committee; (6) member of the Public Dispensaries Committee; (7) member of the Council and the Court of Hong Kong University; (8) member of the Advisory Board of the Tung Wah Hospital; (9) member of the Finance Committee of the Alice Memorial Hospital; (10) chairman of the Chinese General Chamber of Commerce; (11) chairman of the Confucian Society of Hong Kong; (12) chairman of the Po On Chamber of Commerce; (13) president of the Federated Athletic Sports Association; (14) hon. sec. to and a founder of the Ellis Kadoorie Chinese Schools Society; (15) vice-chairman of the Po Leung Kuk (a society for the protection of women and children); (16) member of the Selection Committee of the Chinese Polic e Reserves; (17) membe r o f the Committee o f the Chines e Recreation Club.
Business positions: (1) director of the Tramway Company; (2) director of the Anglo-Chinese Education Trust, Ltd.; (3) director of the Gold Mine Company of Manila; (4) director of the Shanghai Life Insurance Company, Ltd.; (5) member of the Consulting Committee of A.S. Watson & Co.; (6) managing director of the Spirit Farm of Canton;
(7)
managing director of the Ping Wu Trading Company; (8) managing director of the Cheong Yue Finance and Commission Company of Ping Wu; (9) managing director of the Cheong Yue S.S. Company, Hong Kong; (10) a managing partner of the Tai Yuen Bank; (11) general manager of Lau Chu Pak 6k Sons (finance and general agents); and

(12)
managing director of the Hong Kong Mercantile Company, Ltd.


DOCUMENT IIL4 : Hongkong an d Whampoa Doc k Company , Ltd . (source : W. Feldwick, Present Day Impressions, p. 543)
The history of this famous company, its origin, early struggles, gradual development, and present proud position, forms a romance which is an integral part of the story of the spread of British influence i n China. The adven t of the company took place i n those earl y days when th e Easter n sea s were first furrowe d b y the steamer s o f th e
P. and O. Company an d the speedy vessels of the great opium houses. The variou s companies were loath to trust their valuable ships for docking and repairing to th e Chinese o f Canton an d th e mud dock s there. The deman d fo r better dockin g accommodation wa s recognized by Mr. John Couper, of Aberdeen, wh o had bee n appointed b y the P. and O. Company a s overseer of their vessels while in Chines e hands. By his enterprise and foresight the Couper Dock was constructed, but this was fated t o partial destruction by the native troops in 1856 , an inciden t i n theArrow affair. The progressive Scotsman lost his life at the same time. When peace was restored the dock was rebuilt, and from the Couper family it passed into the hands of a company which has since become the Hongkong and Whampoa Dock Company. The company soon afterwards took over an undertaking which had been started at Aberdeen, on the south side of the island, by Mr. John Lamont, and which contained two larger docks. Mr. David Gillies, a partner in this enterprise, entered the service of the new owners.
In 1865 the company was formed with a capital of $240,000 and two years later this was increased to $750,000. The original founders were Mr. Jas. Whittal (head of Messrs. Jardine, Matheson 6k Co.), Mr. (now Sir) Thomas Sutherland (o f the P. and
O. Company) , an d Mr . Dougla s Lapraik . Extensiv e addition s t o th e dockin g accommodation were soon made, notably that of a large dock at Whampoa for the repair of the mail steamers of the P. and O. Company and the M.M. Company. During this period the company had to cope with formidable rivals, but following the opening of the Suez Canal it was enabled to acquire the property of the Union Docks Company. Shortly afterwards the slips and docks of its two leading competitors�X Captain Sands and the cosmopolitan Dock Company�X were absorbed by the company.
Mr. Gillies had now assumed the secretarial management of the whole concern , and he initiate d vast developments in the way of new docks and workshops, whic h proved the foundation o f the company's subsequent prosperity. The ever-increasin g size of merchant vessel s and warship s i n Fa r Eastern waters necessitated ye t large r docking space. The No.1 or Admiralty Dock in Kowloon was accordingly built i n 1888. I t cos t ove r $1,000,000 , o f which �G25,00 0[sic] was granted by the Britis h Government i n return for priority of entrance fo r 20 years. The supremacy o f th e Hongkong and Whampoa Company in Chinese seas was thus permanently established, and it is impossible to say what benefits to the colony have accrued from the company's enterprise in providing for vessels of such large capacity.
The retiremen t o f Mr. Gillies, after 2 6 years of splendid service , took place i n 1901. His successor, Mr. W. Dixon, held the post for three years, followed by Mr. Wilson and Mr. Mitchell, who acted as chief manager until the former retired in 1909. The present manager is Mr. R.M. Dyer. A survey of the properties controlled by the company
may now be given:
Kowloon: No .1 Dock, Kowloon
No.2 Dock, Kowloon
No. 3 Dock, Kowloon
Patent Slip No. 1, Kowloon
Patent Slip No. 2, Kowloon

Tai-kok-tsui: Cosmopolita n Doc k Aberdeen: Hop e Dock Lamont Dock
DOCUMENT IIL5 : David Sassoon & Co., Ltd. (source: W. Feldwick,Present Day Impressions pp. 554-555)
The firm of David Sassoon 6k Co., Ltd. ranks among the three or four oldest houses in the colony, for it has been closely and prominently connected with the business of the island from the earliest days of its existence as a British possession. David Sassoon, the founder o f the house, was born in Bagdad in 1792, and settled in Bombay abou t 1832. His father, who bore the title of Nassi (Prince of the Captivity), was head of the Jews in Mesopotamia.
The opium trade has always been one of the principal interests of this house, and it was in order to extend his activities in that article that David Sassoon sent his sons
A City o f Entrepreneur s
to open branches in China. He was thereby enabled to keep in direct touch with the producing and consuming centres, and David Sassoon, Sons 6k Co., as the China firms were formerly styled, were the leading opium merchants. Of recent years the shipments of opium from Indi a for consumption i n China Proper , have been entirely stoppe d under treaty, and the firm's representatives in India and China have taken a prominent part in the delicate negotiations connected with the disposal of the accumulated stocks. In the old days the house had its own opium clippers.
The company owns cotton mills and a silk mill in Bombay, the product of the former being widely used in the neighbouring country. The firm's activities embrac e trade of almost all descriptions, particular attention being devoted to Manchester goods and to metals, whilst in exports the company also does a general business. The first Far Eastern branch of the firm was at Canton, but the advantage of transferring it to Hong Kong under British rule was soon apparent, and the principal south China branch was established there.
The head office is now in London, and all the directors of the firm are resident in England. There are branches in Manchester, Bombay, Calcutta, Karachi, and Bagdad, as well as in Hong Kong, Shanghai, and Hankow. The present chairman of the company is Sir Philip Sassoon, M.P., the thir d baronet. The present managers of the firm i n Hong Kong are the Hon. Mr. Edward Shellim and Mr. A.H. Compton, th e forme r being a member of the Legislative Council and of the Committee of the Chamber of Commerce, and having a seat on the board of directors of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation . He i s also a director of many o f the principal Hong Kong companies, in which the firm are shareholders, such as the Hong Kong and Kowloon Wharf and Godown Company, the Hong Kong Land Investment Company, the Hong Kong Tramways , th e Hon g Kon g Lan d Reclamatio n Company , th e Chin a Suga r Refining Company, the Canton Marine Insurance Company, the China Fire Insurance Company, etc. The firm controls considerable properties in Hong Kong, Canton, and North China. For many years the firm has been agent of the well-known Apcar Line of Steamers, and on the purchase of this by the British India Steam Navigation Company, the agency was left in the hands of Messrs. David Sassoon 6k Co. A regular service is maintained between Calcutta, the Straits, China, and Japan, and first-rate steamers , with ampl e cargo space and up-to-date passenger accommodation , ru n about thre e times a month. The firm is agent for the Norwich Union Fire Insurance Society, Ltd. (founded in 1897), both in fire and marine insurance, and also represents the Lancashire Insurance Company, Ltd. (now merged in the Royal Insurance Company, Ltd.)
DOCUMENT IIL6: Dodwell 6k Co., Ltd. (source: W. Feldwick, Present Day Impressions p. 562)
This firm is of long standing and well known in Far Eastern trading circles, as well as in Europe and America. It was formed in 1891 to take over the interests of Messrs. Adamson, Bell 6k Co., the style then being Dodwell, Carlill 6k Co., and as such it was known until 1899 , when the existing company was established. The head offices o f this important house are at Exchange Chambers, St. Mary Ave, London, and there are branches a t Hong Kong, Canton, Shanghai , Foochow , Hankow, Kobe , Yokohama , Colombo, San Francisco, Portland Tacoma, Seattle, Vancouver, Victoria, B.C., an d New York. The activities of this firm are well shown under the following headings:
Shipping.�X Messrs. Dodwell 6k Co. run a line of steamers, the Dodwell Line, to New York and Boston, via the Suez Canal and the Panama Canal, and they are agents for the Nanyo Yusen Kaisha, running between Japan and Java via ports. Other lines for which they hold the agencies are the Barber Line, the Mogul Line, the Warrack Line, the American and Oriental Line, and the Natal Line.
Imports.�X In addition to the general import trade, this house makes a specialty of the importation of machinery and flour. Representing several of the most prominent manufacturers i n the United Kingdo m an d th e United States , large quantities o f hardware, metal, and machinery are brought in . It is sole agent for the well-know n Sperry Flour Company of San Francisco, and a large stock of that company's flour is always carried.
Exports.�X All kinds of merchandise and produce from Hong Kong and Canton are handled, among which are rice, metals, rattancore, ginger, fire-crackers, essentia l oils, wood and bean oils.
Insurance.�X The company does a large business in insurance, representing some of the leading houses operating in life, fire, and marine risks. Besides being genera l agents for the Phoenix Assurance Company and the Standard Life Assurance Company, Messrs. Dodwell & Co. hold the agency for the Thames and Mersey Marine Insurance Company, Ltd., St. Paul Fire and Marine Insuranc e Company, and the Providenc e Washington Insurance Company.
General agencies .�X (1) The Underwood Typewriter Company, Incorporated : Dodwell 6k Co. are sole agents for this company in the Far East. Stocks of machines of all standard sizes, as well as accessories of all kinds, are carried by all branches of the firm in China and Japan, and special mechanics are retained to attend to all matters in connection with this branch of business. (2) The Kailan Mining Administration: The Company is sole agent in Hong Kong for this important mining concern, and supplies of bunker coal are always obtainable, while the other produce of the administration , such as coke, firebricks, fireclay, stoneware piping, glazed tiles, etc. can be quoted for on application. (3) The United Asbestos Oriental Agency Company: Dodwell 6kCo. act as general managers of this company, which deals in all goods composed of asbestos and the requirements of steamers generally. (4) The Union Waterboat Company: This concern, for which Dodwell 6k Co. act as general managers, has an efficient flee t o f steel-built steam water-boats, and is a contractor for the British Admiralty and for all the principal mail-boat companies visiting the colony. (5) Other important concerns represented by Messrs. Dodwell 6k Co. are: Suter Hartmann and Rahtjen's Composition; the Johnson Picke t Rop e Company , Incorporated ; th e Harriso n Paten t Knittin g Machine Company (a stock of whose machines and accessories are kept); the Phoenix Insurance Company; the Imperial Fire Office; the Standard Life Assurance Company; Messrs. Douglas and Grant, Ltd; the Selby Lead and Smelting Company; the Expanded
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Metal Company, Ltd; Francis Webster and Sons; Samuel Osborn 6k Co., Ltd; Fairbanks, Morse 6k Co.; Waygood-Otis, Ltd.; and Tuck 6k Co., Ltd.
DOCUMENT III.7: The Hong Kong General Chamber of Commerce (source:China Mad 76th Anniversary Number, Marc h 1921, pp 45, 49, 51-2, 53)
June, 186 2
A Special Committee at this time was appointed to confer with H.E. the Governor as to introducing a new system of coinage into the Colony. The coinage at this time in circulation was the Carolus, or Spanish pillar dollar, the Mexican dollar, Indian rupees, English sovereigns, shillings, sixpences and three-penny bits, Chinese broken silve r and Chinese cash.
A record of the report of the Committee on this subject is unfortunately not to be found in the archives of the chamber.
A for m o f bond an d awar d t o be used in cases of arbitration submitte d t o th e chamber was prepared at this time, while attention was also directed to the necessity for having a Bankruptcy Law in the Colony.
It was also decided to publish for each Mail a market report, the members generally being in favour of such a proposal and willing to furnish the necessary information . Arrangements were also made to transfer the offices o f the Chamber from th e Court House to the premises of Messrs. Marsh and Boyers.
In September 1862, it was decided in view of the intimate relations which existed between Hongkong and Lancashire to raise funds by public subscription to assist the cotton operatives who were suffering from the closing of the mills.
This was agreed to; the Chamber contributed $500.00 and the total sum raised came to �G5,000.
In October the Attorney-General (Mr . Smale, later Sir J. Smale C.J.) unde r instructions from the Governor appeared before the Committee and read a draft h e had prepared for submission to the Law Officers of the Crown in England dealing with the proposed Bankruptcy Law. The draft ordinance was explained to the Committe e and left for their consideration.
A dispute having arisen as to a judgment given by the British Consul at Canton in regard to some goods belonging to a British firm at that port, the Committee decided to address her Britannic Majesty's Minister (Sir F. Bruce) on the subject. This was not the firs t tim e tha t th e Chambe r ha d addresse d th e Minister , a s in August 1861 , representation had been made to Peking on the subject o f the Chinese Customs, a question whic h fo r man y year s previously had bee n continua l bon e o f contentio n between the British traders and the Chinese officials .
The matter i s worth recording a s from tha t dat e onward s the Chamber ha s repeatedly communicated direct with the British Minister at Peking. It is perhaps as well t o direc t attentio n t o this point a s now afte r 5 0 years th e questio n ha s bee n informally raised by a member of the Consular service who complained of the action of th e Chambe r an d endeavoure d t o dogmatiz e tha t th e Chambe r shoul d no t communicate with British officials except through the Hongkong Government .
A ruling which it is needless to say has been rejected by the Chamber.
Towards the end of the year, some correspondence passed between the Shanghai British Chamber of Commerce and Hongkong with regard to attempts made by the Chinese Governmen t t o interfer e wit h th e freedo m o f trad e o n the Yangtze . Correspondence of a similar nature has been carried on between the two Chambers from that date till now with wearisome persistency.
The first annual meeting of the Chamber was held on 22nd April, 1862 , under the chairmanship of the Vice-Chairman, Mr. Walkinshaw.
The result of the year's working was laid before the members of the Chamber and among other matters already mentioned correspondenc e was referred t o which ha d passed between the Committee and the British Minister on the subject of the detention of vessels at the treaty ports by the Imperial Customs until all import dues on thei r cargoes had been actually paid, a question which subsequently engaged the attention of the Committee for many years. The surplus funds in the hands of the Chamber at the end of the first year amounted to the very considerable sum of $8,100.00 and it was decided therefore tha t th e Committee shoul d be empowered t o use these funds fo r 'charitable subscription or other purposes tending to promote the interests of commerce.' The charity which appears to have been in mind was the Sailors' Home.
At the present date times have changed and with increasing expenditure and a shrinking revenue, the Chamber finds charity with them begins, and ends, at home�X and does not even extend so far as the Sailors' Home.. . .
1892
In the summer of 1892, the Governor requested the Chamber of Commerce to give an expression of their views on the Shares Bill, which had now been in force for a twelve-month. Two meetings were held i n August and September a t which lon g and abl e speeches were made by several of the leading merchants of the Colony. The speeches were at times unfortunately of a distinctly personal and acrimonious character. Opinions differed very widely from leaving the bill as it was, amending it in one way or another, or in rescinding it in to to. In the end it was agreed by a small majority t o ask the Governor to give the bill a further six months trial and then again refer the question to the Chamber.
In November Mr. O'Conor, the New Minister at Peking passed through Hongkong when th e Committe e ha d a n intervie w with him an d discusse d severa l matters o f interest, the chief being the Telegraph Convention and preferential duties by Chinese craft from Kwangtung.
The next question under consideration of the Chamber was that of exchange and at a meeting held i n November a resolution was adopted t o the effect 'tha t H.M . Government be urged to take such steps as may be possible' in conjunction with other Governments to lessen if not remove the serious 'uncertainty which existed in exchange between silver and gold.' This resolution was telegraphed to the London Chamber of Commerce.
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1893
Early in 1893, the unofficial members of the Legislative Council decided to forward a petition to the Secretary of State protesting against the great increase in cost of the administration o f the Colony, an d asked th e support o f the Chamber. After ful l consideration i t was agreed that while certain parts of the petition were somewha t beyond the scope of the Chamber's operation, it was decided to support the request for the appointment of an independent Commission to report on the cost of administration of the Colony and to address the China Association in London on the subject.
In May, H.E. Herr von Brandt, German Ministe r at Peking, and Doye n of th e Diplomatic Body, passed through Hongkong and granted an interview to the Committee of the Chamber, at which the gratitude of the merchants of Hongkong was conveyed to His Exellency for the many services rendered to trade by the interest he had displayed and the energy shown in endeavouring to force the Chinese Government to carry out its treaty obligations while great regret was expressed at His Excellency's retirement . In reply, His Excellency dealt with several matters of importance specially pointin g out th e desirabilit y i n the interest s o f trade both Chines e an d foreign fo r openin g inland waterways of South China, more particularly the West River.
The Governor having asked the opinion of the Chamber as to the desirability of making the Japanese yen legel tender in the Colony, a largely-attended meeting was held i n July when i t was unanimously agree d that thi s should be done. During th e discussion which was a full one, the question of a British trade dollar was brought up, but no resolution was taken on the subject, owing to the divergent opinions held by those present.
Considerable attention was given during the year to the advantage to be gained by the opening of the West River to foreign trade, the question being strongly supported by the British Minister.
1902
In January the question was raised as to the right of the Taotai at Amoy to levy a tax of $1.00 per head on all Chinese embarking at that port by foreign vessels. The Britis h Consul supported the Taotai and, owing to his representation had obtained the sanction of the British Minister at Peking. It was urged that the latter probably had only given his consent on imperfect information. It was contended that unless the Chinese brokers agreed to be responsible for the payment of the tax, native emigrants would be prevented from embarking, thus interfering with the coolie trade. This amounted to a breach of the treaties.
In consequence of the 'Boxer' rising of 1900 against the foreign representatives in the capital of China and the consequent disturbances in North China, accompanie d unfortunately in many instances by the cruel murder of a number of foreign residents in the Empire, the Peace Protocol was signed in Peking on 7th September, 1901.
As a corollary to this, a new commercial treaty was subsequently drawn up between Great Britain and China and Sir James Mackay was despatched to China as a special Commissioner to draw up the new commercial treaty m conjunction with the British Minister, Sir Ernest Satow. The question of the new treaty naturally occupied a good deal of the attention of the Committee and was specially dealt with by the Chairman (Sir T. Jackson) in his annual address on the 24th March, 1902.
In the summer of this year, the opium Hongs stated that the Canton authoritie s had imposed an increased duty on all kinds of opium. Reference to the acting British consul at Canton confirmed this report and stated that a proposal had been put forward to form a syndicate to farm the new tax. In consequence however of the opposition shown to this movement by the British officials, instructions were shortly sent down from Peking forbidding the new impost.
The question of so-called Chinese 'pilots' during this year engaged the attentio n of th e Committe e an d certai n regulation s wer e draw n u p an d submitte d t o th e Government with a view to preventing Chinese from boarding vessels, giving out that they were qualified t o navigate steamers into the harbour, when i n many instance s they had not sufficient knowledge to do so.
The step thus taken by the Committee was later on made use of and an attempt was made to force an occidental pilot service on the shipping community. This would have entailed an entirely unjustifiable expense on the shipping and after some months of experiment, during which it was attempted to increase the rate of pilotage so as to bring the service within the reach of Europeans, the whole scheme fortunately collapsed.
There is no real necessity for a highly paid pilot service in Hongkong drawn from skilled and reliable officers of the Mercantile Marine and the attempt to force such a service, supported as it was by the then Harbour Master, very rightly came to grief, in the summer of 1905. The intention of the Committee had been to ask the Government to establish reasonable control over native pilots and not to inaugurate a highly paid and entirely unnecessary servic e o f 'foreign ' pilots . The Government fo r som e considerable time declined to accede to the request of the Chamber, but in 1905, a bill regulating pilots was brought in and duly became law.
The Kwangtun g authoritie s no w agai n attempte d t o impos e special leki n an d battery taxes on yarns imported into Canton and to still further increase the duties on opium.
After referenc e t o H.M. Minister i n Peking the taxes on yam were abandone d and th e Committee therefor e recorde d a n appreciation o f the energetic manner i n which the Consul-General a t Canton (Mr . J. Scott) had dealt with this matter an d brought it to a satisfactory conclusion: the question of the increased duties on opium however still remained unsettled and it was not until December that the Hongkon g Government wa s able to report 'that H.M . Consul-General a t Canton had bee n successful i n securing the 'final' abolitio n of the tax on prepared opium i n the tw o Kwangs.'
A prophecy which unfortunately was falsified eight years later as will be explained hereafter.
On the 5th September the new commercial treaty (generally known as the Mackay
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treaty) was signed in Shanghai and ratified in Peking in July 1903.
In December a special meeting of the Committee was called to consider a question put forward by the Straits Settlements, whether it would be possible or advisable, to urge on the Government to deal with the silver question with a view to bringing about some measure for stability in exchange.
The Chairman (Mr. C.S. Sharp) laid the matter before the Committee in a very comprehensive speech, the gist of which was that while a number of writers in the local press had urged that the Colony 'Go Gold,' they had passed very lightly over the numerous difficultie s an d objection s whic h migh t b e brough t forwar d agains t th e proposal. He added 'we seem from the nature of things, inextricably bound up with China in the matter of trade and currency, and till that Great Empire 'Goes Gold,'I fail to see how we can take such a course,' (ie. put the Hongkong currency on a gold basis).
1910
In the summer of 1910 the British Section of the Kowloon to Canton Railway was opened to passenger traffic, and later in the year the first section of the Chinese lin e from Canton towards the British frontier. It is anticipated that the line will be completed by the autumn of this year.
Quite on e o f the most importan t question s dealt with by the Chamber , an d a burning one, has been that of the opium trade with Kwangtung.
During the greater part of the year the Committee has been very actively engaged in corresponding with the Hongkong Government, the Minister at Peking, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, th e London Chambe r o f Commerce, an d others , wit h regard to the renewed atempts on the part of the Canton Viceroy to levy an additional tax on raw foreign opium.
The question i s still unde r discussion between the British and Chines e Governments, and as it has not been considered advisable, under the circumstances, to publish the enormous mass of correspondence bearing on the subject until a final agreement has been arrived at by the two Governments, it is inadvisable to give details here.
In brief, however, the proposal as put forward by the Viceroy created the entir e monopoly of the foreign opium trade and the levying of a special tax on all opium imported into Kwangtung. The facts of the case are fairly well understood, as reference had frequently bee n made to the matter in the local press and several proclamations issued by the Viceroy have also been published.
The question bore a very similar resemblance to former attempts by previous Viceroys, notable in 1902, 1903 and 1908 and in Nanking in 1907.
On each of these occasions the merchants, having appealed to the Chamber, the question was taken up, and in each case, thanks to the prompt action of the respective British Consuls on the spot, and support given by the British Minister at Peking, the contemplated interference with the trade was abandoned.
In this case, however, when it was first proposed to levy the new tax on foreig n opium, protests were at once made to the Consul General at Canton, and the Viceroy therefore delayed carrying out his scheme for a month, waiting to see what attitud e the British authorities would take up.
The Consul General�X unlike his predecessors�X did not see any breach in the treaties i n th e levyin g o f the tax , while he decline d t o recognise i n the propose d regulation the formation of an illegal monopoly. He stated that 'provided the tax was not differential' he did not see his way to make any representations on the subject t o the local Chinese officials an d would only do so under definite instructions from hi s superior officers.
Emboldened b y the attitude of the British officials th e Chinese extended thei r operation to Swatow and all other parts of the Kwangtung Province.
While at first i t was stated these steps were taken to discourage the smoking of opium, the officials now frankly admit that the new tax is levied to replace the loss of revenue caused by the suppression of gambling, and the sum estimated as likely to be raised has been variously stated as from three and a half to nearly six million dollars per annum.
In spit e o f the stronges t possibl e protes t fro m Hongkong , pu t forwar d b y th e merchants, the Chamber of Commerce and the Hongkong Government who are now being supported by the British Minister at Peking, this illegal interference with trade and import of opium still continues.
The loss to the British merchants concerned i s already enormous, while a huge sum of money has been locke d up in large and accumulatin g stocks, money whic h would otherwise have already passed into circulation greatly to the benefit o f all�X native and foreigner alike�X engaged in the trade of Southern China .
The final outcome of this lamentable state of affairs is awaited with great interest.
Other questions which have occupied th e attention o f the Committee durin g 1910 are the Trade Marks Ordinance and the proposal put forward by the Chambe r that a trade convention should be signed between Hongkong and France, in order to obtain the benefit of the minimum tariff for goods imported into French territory from this Colony.
Throughout thes e fifty year s many other questions have been dealt with by the Chamber of Commerce, but space does not admit of reference to all. I may, however, mention that among others, quarantine regulations affecting our trade, sanitary reforms, water supply, and many other matters more nearly relating to the actual Government of the Colony, have repeatedly received the consideration of the Chamber.
In the foregoing sketch I have endeavoured to give a brief outline of the work which has been carried out by the Hongkong General Chamber of Commerce during the first half century of its existence.
It will, I think, be readily admitted that the record is a good one and that successive Committees have worked hard, and in most instances successfully, i n the interests of the Colony and its trade. While fearlessly advocating views which they believed to be in the true interests of the Colony as a whole, even when they found the British high
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officials, in the Far East or at Home, were disinclined to agree with them, they have, by strictly confining themselves to such questions as rightly fell within their province and by their moderation of expression, almost invariably gained the respect and goodwill of the officials, even when failing to secure the support they desired.
It is only right to place on record the courtesy and consideration which has, at all events of recent years, invariably been accorded to the Chamber of Commerce by the officials of this Colony, and I doubt if anyone now resident in Hongkong can recall a single instance in his own experience where the reverse has been the case.
This is a very marked advance on the bitter controversies which at times took place between the leading members of the Mercantile community and the higher local officials in the earlier days of the Colony.
The existing state of affairs will, we believe, continue, much to the benefit of the Colony in which we�X official or unofficial�X the residents of Hongkong, are also so deeply interested, and whose prosperity and progress we have so much at heart.
The history of the Chamber of Commerce has been the history of Hongkong for the pas t 5 0 years, and thi s intimat e relationshi p betwee n ou r Chambe r an d th e Government o f Hongkong mus t continue, i f our wish for th e advancemen t o f our Colony is to be realised.
DOCUMENT IIL8: A Hong Kong autobiography, Mr. Fung Ping-shan (source: Fung Ping-shan,Feng Pingshan zfbian nianpu, The autobiography of Fung Ping-shan, undated manuscript deposited at the Fung Ping-shan Library, University of Hong Kong)
From my youth, I was taught by Mr Jingtang [my father] that, 'to be a man, it is necessary to establish one's character(lipin). 1 That was sixty years ago.I can still recall that when I was young, I once found by accident that the book Precious Aphorisms was really about 'establishing one's character in order to be a man,' and I became very fond of it. Everything I said and everything I did fitted well with Mr Jingtang's teaching. Whenever I made a mistake and came to realize it afterwards, I tried not to make it again.
I am getting on in years. There are things that my sons have heard of and yet do not kno w the truth about . In my younger days, I had wanted t o writedown m y experience but had been too busy with my work to do it. Now, I have been invited by the Hong Kong government to attend the exhibition* in London, and I am taking the opportunity to visit Europe and America. It so happens that the General Manager of the Bank of East Asia, Mr Kan Tung-po, and Chief Accountant Mr Kwong Loi-yam, are visiting Europe and America to investigate the banking business and have asked me to join them.I can neither read nor speak English, it is a rare and invaluabl e opportunity for me to have Mr Kan's company and advice, and so I have joined them on the s s 'Australian Queen'. On board, we six or seven friends tal k about curren t
* Britis h Empir e Exhibito n �X Ed .
events, but ther e i s time left fo r leisure . The boa t has passed the Sea of Japan an d entered the Pacific Ocean. In eleven or twelve days time we shall arrive.I am taking the opportunity of these ten or more days when I have little to do to write down for my family my experience year-by-year.
I do this for th e sak e of teaching m y family. However , becaus e man y o f thes e events took place a long time ago, there may well be incidents I have forgotten or that they do not understand well. If it is anything to do with our business in Chongqing, they can ask my fifth younger brother Shek-fan and my nephews Hon-sun and King-yu. The three of them have worked in our place for more than twenty years and they know everything. As for my properties or my business in Guangzhou or Hong Kong, my nephew King-yu has helped me for many years, and should know. For matters back in the village or in Siam, they can ask my third younger brother Ching-shan. As for money accounts, I have always asked people to keep them separately for me so that I only need take an overall view. For details, they can ask the chief accountant or the divisional accountants, or look up the books to find out.
I went to school at seven. At fourteen, I listened to my teacher explaining th e lessons to me. At the end of the year when I was fifteen, I left school. In the middle of the twelfth month, my sixth uncle asked me to join him to do business in Siam. When we arrived, we had not found a suitable location for our shop, and so I stayed with our friend Uncl e Kung who worked at the Royal Dockyard. His family treated me very well, and taught me to speak the native language.
In the next year, when I was sixteen, on the fourth day of the fifth month , my uncle found a site for his shop, and he started the Kwong Tung Hing Shop that dealt in haberdashery from the Yangzi area. This was my uncle's own business. At the time, he had not yet employed a counter attendant and wanted me to take the place. Because I had not learned to use the abacus, I did not dare accept. However, he had to open for business the next day and so the night before I delved into arithmetic. When I mounted my post, I was trembling. Fortunately, nothing went wrong.
At nineteen years, Uncle entrusted me with various purchases back in Guangzhou and Hong Kong. Every half month I could return home for a visit. I had not had much schooling and my ability to write was poor. So I consulted my parents, learned from my teachers, and started to practise writing letters. Every half a month, I went out t o Hong Kong to order the goods, and once the goods had been paid for, I would return home for my lessons. It was like that every month. Thanks to the work I did these six or seven months, I learned a little about writing letters. At the end of the year, I went to Siam for the new year.
At age twenty, I returned to Guangzhou and Hong Kong to purchase supplies. At the end of the eighth month, I married. In winter, I went to Siam again to work at my post.I stayed there without a break for two years. Mr Kung wanted to give me his daughter as a concubine; but I realized I had just married and taking a concubine would not have been fair to my wife. Moreover, Mr Kung had large sums of money to leave to his daughter. IfI married her, I would have to continue doing business in that place and live in Siam for ever. I also realized that there were customs and practices
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that I did not approve of over there in Siam, and so although Mr Kung pressed hard and time and again asked Uncle and Aunt to persuade me, I did not want to accept it and gently refused.I said I had only just married and needed my parents' agreement. So he also gladly waited for me to consult my parents. At age twenty-two, I returned to China. At the time my father was ill and that gave me the excuse to write to him to turn him down.I heard that he waited for me for two more years.
At ag e twenty-three, my father-in-law and I together invested capital to grow sugar cane on fortymow of land in Ku Ching and Tzi Kai. At age twenty-four, that was in the beginning of the sixth month of the ninth year of the Kuang Shui reign, th e sugar cane was destroyed in a typhoon. I lost a lot of capital. In the ninth month, my father died of illness. His body was deposited temporarily at Feng's House Embrace in the Twenty-four Ranges, to be moved for burial at the Immortals' Range in the following year. The grave was lined with a whole foot of cement so that it might last for a very long time.I wanted to stay on in the county city to make my living; but because I left home early in life, business there did not come up to expectation. However, I did not want to return to Siam, and so I did not know what to do. At age twenty-eight, my eldest son Yu Choi was born. It was then that I remembered that Uncle Yip Wai Kwong was soon going to trade in Sichuan. So I consulted him. At the end of that year, I bought some fruit peel in Macau, and some cardamons, putchuk* and cassia in Hong Kong, to the worth of a thousand dollars. At age twenty-nine, in the first month, I went with Uncle t o Chongqing t o start the An Ke i Company. This was my ow n business; there was no partner. Uncle Yip's business, known as Fook Shun Lung, had been a partnership with Wah Kei Hong for years. In the third month, I arrived a t Chongqing.I went to the Ku Kong Warehouse and sold my goods. In the autumn, I bought some goods to take back to Guangzhou an d Hong Kong.I traded i n three places, leaving home at the beginning of the year and returning towards the end.
At ag e thirty-one, I spent my New Year in the Ku Kong Warehouse, learning about th e businesse s o f various merchant groups . Business between Guangzhou , Chongqing and Hong Kong was so difficult. A t th e time, the telegraph betwee n Chongqing and Hong Kong had just been built for several months and many people had not noticed its importance. I realized it was hard to succeed in competition without using the telegraph. However, it was not safe to use the open code, and it was more expensive and easier to make a mistake in using the hidden code. In the event of local disorder breaking out, you would not be allowed in any case to use the hidden code. So I made my own hidden code , and compiled anothe r hidden code to use within th e open code. It looked like the open code on the surface, but its content could be secretly coded. That i s to say, when the telegraph message is passed on and read, unless th e reader could have access to the code, the message could not be understood. It took me more than a year before this code could be effective, but the smoothness of my business in the year s thereafter ha d t o be related t o it . About te n years later, a n employe e
Putchuk, o r muxiang, wa s used for making incense, medicine and insect repellent .
resigned to join another company and leaked it to other people in the trade. It became like any other telegraphic code and could not be used any more.
At age thirty-two, that is, in the seventeenth year of the Kwong Shui reign [1891], the Maritime Customs opened a station in Chongqing. In that year, I returned home and became resident merchant in Guangzhou and Hong Kong, entrusting the business in Chongqing to an employee to be stationed permanently there. For myself, in Hong Kong I lived at Kwong Fung Wo, and in Guangzhou at Wah Kei Hong. Later in the year, I found that it was not convenient to live at that Guangzhou address, and so I rented the shop that I now presently have at An Kung Street, which I subsequently bought.
At age thirty-three, I was resident merchant in Guangzhou and Hong Kong. Every month, I went to Hong Kong once or twice to make some purchases. As a rule, goods designated for Sichuan I left t o the warehouses to transport . However, this way of handling the goods not only made their cost high, but it also made transport slow. In business competition, you do not win unless your costs are low and your transport fast. So I started despatching the goods myself. But, because it was quite troublesome to do your own transporting, I seldom went back to the village.
At age thirty-four, with my mother's permission, I took my wife and son out to Guangzhou. W e firs t live d o n th e Secon d Lan e a t Chiu Ya m Street, an d the n w e moved into the upper floors above the shop. (At age thirty-five, in the year of Kap Ng [1894], Grandmother died of illness.)
In the ten years from the time I was thirty-four t o forty-three years of age, the volume of goods that went between Guangzhou, Hong Kong and Chongqing increased yearly. The increase was particularly notable in yellow silk and pig bristles. Because I handled transportation myself,I often went between Guangzhou and Hong Kong.I had little spare time. I also had little else to do, and so fortunately nothing much went wrong. Several years earlier, someone at Sam Yuan Lei in Guangzhou went to Chongqing to buy Sichuan opium and made a large profit. Many people asked me to look int o Sichuan opium, saying that my company stood an advantage because we did not have to provide for extra overheads or pay interest for any advance. Because we had shops in Guangzhou, Hong Kong and Chongqing, we had ready access to local news. They said it would not be difficult for me to make several hundred thousand dollars. These remarks were not unreasonable. However, I believed that in order to establish one's character, it was necessary to carry out a right and proper business. It would have gone against my conscience to go into this business. In previous years, some Sichuan groups bought Japanese ginseng to sell as American ginseng. Many people made a quick profit by selling foreign herbs that they passed off as standard herbs. However, although they made a large profit from these methods, they soon lost it. This was a pattern. The people who went into Sichuan opium at Sam Yuen Lei and made a profit, I heard, soon lost it. Although progress might be slower when you deal in proper business, you feel satisfied and at ease with your conscience. From this experience, you know you have to be careful in the choice of a trade.
At age forty-four, i n the year Kwai Mau [1903], I settled down with my family in
A Cit y o f Entrepreneur s
the county city. In the fifth month, Mother died. In the seventh month, I lost my wife. The two coffins were left in a coffin house, so that at the end of the year I might bury them on the ridge of the Immortals' Range. I lined the graves with a foot of cement. They were made very strong inside and outside so that they might last for a long time.
At age forty-five, in the year Kap Shan [1904], I bought a house at Xinhui county city that had been owned by the Ng surname so that I might build an ancestral hall dedicated to ancestor Cha Cheung. The reason for it is this: In the last admonitions of Mr King Tong, it was stated that if there was a day when we could build an ancestral hall, we must first build one for ancestor Cha Cheung who first settled there. This admonition was given so that we might not forget our origin. I also bought Numbers 6 and 8 on An Kung Street in Guangzhou, shops and houses facing each other.
At ag e forty-six, i n the year Yuet Tzi [1905], Ancestral Cha Cheung's hall was completed. Although I paid for all of it, I needed the agreement of the entire lineage, and I had th e help o f my nephews Ah Tung and Ah Leung i n supervising th e construction. So, when it was almost completed, I consulted my uncles and nephews in the different branches , and we agreed that we would burn all the spirit tablets of ancestors who had derived from ancestor Cha Cheung. The ashes we would keep in a jar under the altar in the hall. People who did not understand what we were doing thought that we had become Christians. In reality, our lineage did not become Christian; we only wanted to make an improvement on old customs. (In the eighth month of this year, my fourth younger brother Yan Nam died in Sichuan.)
At age forty-seven, in the year Ping Ng [1906], I completed my mournings.I set up the An Lung Native Bank. Prior to this, I had been involved in the Kwan Shing Native Bank, but I disagreed with a partner and the manager and so we wound that up. Mak Shum Yu had started out at Kwan Shing, and was serving as a street agent. He wanted to set up another native bank, and I saw that he was reliable and experienced. So, to help him se t up the bank, I contributed two-third s o f its share capital. My relatives and friends advised me to take another wife to look after the family. In view of the fact that my oldest son, Yu Choi, was still a minor and was weak, I thought that if I remarried late, step-mother and son or daughter-in-law might not know how to deal with one another. So, at the end of the year, I reluctantly took as my second wife Madam Lee.
When I was forty-eight or forty-nine, my wife gave birth more than once, but none survived. When Kei Fung Hong began, I had some shares there, but in three to four years time 70 to 80 percent of its capital had been lost. Later, we hired Kwong Tzi Ming as purchaser, and in two to three years time, we not only recovered our capital but even made a profit.I saw that he had proved that he was effective, and that his character was reliable. In the autumn of that year, the manager wanted to re-employ the buyer who had been unsuccessful and to give up Tzi Ming. I advised the Kei Fung manager to use Tzi Ming instead, but to no avail. Tzi Ming asked me to help him find another job, and even at that I was unsuccessful. So I was forced to give up my shares in Kei Fung and ask Tzi Ming to prepare to organize another company.
At age fifty, in the year Kei Yau [1909], in the first month, the Siu Fung Hong was set up. This was a partnership between myself, To Sei Tuen, Tsang Yan Po and Kwong Tzi Ming. In the next year, we gradually set up our warehouse, the shop and our pier. All additional capital was provided by myself, but I also depended on Tzi Ming' s assistance. Only now do we see any result. Towards the end of the year, my second son Yu Wai was born.
At age fifty-one, i n the year Keng Sut [1910], Nam Shang in Annam was set up. This cam e about when Mak M o Yan came t o see me through Kwok Si n Chau' s introduction and spoke to me about setting up an Annam interest. At first I did not want to take part, because it was hard to find people to work with and it was not easy to have ready several hundred thousand dollars all the time. Later on, I found out that Mo Yan had worked in his old company in Guangzhou for more than ten years, and his colleague Wong Chi Ping had also worked in Annam for more than ten years, both in important posts. They were people of experience and good character. In the previous year, they came into a dispute with their young employer, as a result of which they were dismissed. He wanted to set himself up, but he also picked his partners carefully . I thought it would have been a pity to give up on them, and so we set up the company. I took thirty percent. In the sixth, seventh and eighth months, my second son was ill. He died. In the winter, my oldest son also died. At the time, my friends saw that I was at a loose end in Guangzhou and urged me to go to Hong Kong.
At age fifty-two, i n the spring of the year San Hoi [1911] , my friends i n Hon g Kong seeing that at my age I had no sons, and that there was only myself with tw o concubines, urged me to take another concubine. Even my concubines and their parents urged me to take more concubines, and went to Foshan to find me some prospects.I remembered that in my youth, having seen how cumbersome polygamy was for Chinese people, I had decided to be monogamous. By the time I was over thirty years old, when I had only a single son, my mother as well as my wife urged my relatives and friends to poke fun at me for not taking a concubine.I used to brush that aside with a smile. However, I did not have my way. Finally, To Sei Tuen served as the go-between, while Tsang Yan Po put pressure on me, and so I took my third concubine. In that year, my third and fourth sons were born.
At ag e fifty-three, whic h was the first year of the Republic, the year of Yan Tzi [1912],I realized that foreign countries were wealthy and powerful because they put family educatio n i n an importan t place. They considered i t urgent tha t wome n b e educated. This was because women were mothers of the nation. I f women becam e literate and knowledgeable, they would be able to bring up their children educated . When children had first been educated at home, and subsequently cultivated by their teachers, they would be able to meet the world with a knowledge of science and speak for the wealth and power of the nation. For this reason, in this year, I employed Miss Leung to come to my house to teach my two concubines to read. She taught them for two years. The year after she left, I employed Misses Wong and Lee, teachers, to teach them for many years. In summer, epidemic broke out in Hong Kong. In the fourt h month, we went up to Guangzhou. In the autumn, the situation quieted down.I had ]ust bought a shop at No. 106 Jervois Street.I renovated it and moved back to live in Hong Kong in the winter months.
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At age fifty-four, th e year of Kwai Chau [1913], I became chairman of the Tung Wah Hospital. Hong Kong law required Chinese people to exhume the corpses they buried in the seventh year after burial so that the bones might be moved to anothe r site. This requirement wa s at odd s with Chines e custom. So, I suggested t o the government that land might be set aside for a permanent Chinese cemetery. This was finally approved. The government set aside a hill in Aberdeen for a cemetery. Anyone who wanted it might pay 500 dollars for a plot.I put my name down for a plot of land under the character 'cheng'. In the tenth month that year, I set up the Wai Kat Native Bank. Fung Yee Chai had worked as a manager in a native bank in Guangzhou and, having gone down to Hong Kong at the time of the revolution, he had also worked in a native bank there for two to three years. Later, because he disagreed with the chief manager in the Guangzhou office, he resigned.I had worked with him for many years and knew that he was experienced. So to give him our support, I asked Wang Hing, Sze Tuan, Yan Po and Yee Chai to take out half the shares, and I contributed half.I became chief manager and Yee Chai served as deputy manager.
At age fifty-five, i n the year Kap Yan [1914], I became chairman of the Po Leung Kuk. In that year, epidemic broke out in Guangzhou an d Hong Kong. In the thir d month, I took my family to live in Macau. We returned to Hong Kong in the eighth month. At the end of the year, my second daughter was born. My first daughter was born of my first wife, but she died in infancy and so I did not record her birth. In these years, because my business activities were closely intertwined with my social activities, I wanted to delegate my business to lighten my burden. Realizing that th e Sichua n business was the achievement of my brothers and nephews, as well as my employees Leung Ying Chou, Kwong Tzi Ming and others, I decided to give them each a share in the On Kei Company that I wholly owned. On the one hand, I wanted to thank them for their hard work; and on the other hand, the business might last long only if many people supported it . So I wound up On Kei and reorganized my business.I kept 40 percent, and out of the annual profit, gave a share each to my third younger brother Ching Shan, fourth younger brother Yan Nam, fifth younge r brother Shek Fan, and Kwong Tzi Ming. I wanted really to also give a share to Leung Ying Chau, but he firmly declined. He had worked in my company for more than twenty years. His honesty was highly commendable, and you could see he was clean from the way he declined m y offer. It was hard to find someone like that. However, because he was becoming old, he took the opportunity of the reorganization of the company to resign. I gave him20,000 dollars for his pension. I pressed him several times before he accepted it.
At age fifty-six, in the year Yuet Mau [1915], the Guangdong Government Property Office sold the Xinhui county county office. The Yu family of Taishan [Xining county], resting on its wealth, bought it for its ancestral hall. The people of the county were very angry.I was friendly with the Yu family, and I advised them not to go against public anger. Sometimes, even wealth was not sufficient to fall back on. The Yu family woke up, and allowed the county people to buy back the land. However, it was hard to find such a large sum of money all of a sudden and so a loan had to be raised. When there was not enough, I made it up for them. The Xinhui School was built as a result. In this same year, my third and fourth daughters were born.
At age fifty-seven, i n the year Ping Shan [1916], I became a long-term adviser to the Tung Wah Hospital. Fire broke out every year on Jervois Street; there was a fire on the ground floor where we lived. Members of my family were worried about this and did not come down to live in Hong Kong. I had for some time wanted to buy a house in Hong Kong, but had not found anything suitable. But I was afraid of another fire downstairs, and so towards the end of the year, in the twelfth month, I moved up to Bonham Road and rented a house across the road from Hong Kong University.
At age fifty-eight, i n the year Ting Tzi [1917], I employed Mr Chiu Tin Hing to come to my house to teach my son and my two concubines. On the first day of the first month, Mr Lee Tarn Yu came to Hong Kong from Victoria, and I asked him to immediate start a private school for poor children in Xinhui county city. At th e same time, I joined with the Confucian Association in Hong Kong to run three charity schools for boys and girls. In the fourth month, I bought a house on Park Road.I moved in in the seventh month. Because I was renovating the house in the fifth, sixth and seventh months, I seldom went to Wai Kat. The inside manager and some employees were not doing their jobs. Because they were unreliable, comments were being made by people outside as well as outside partners. When the accounts were drawn up at the end of the year, I was also careless and so could not put the blame on them. Fortunately, when the accounts were completed, ther e was still a profit o f several per cent for the share -holders. That was gratifying. At the end of the year, my fifth daughter was born.
At age fifty-nine, i n the year of Mo Ng [1918], I became once again chairman of the Po Leung Kuk. In the fourth month, the Yick On Native Bank opened for business. I was getting on in years and did not want to be involved in a new business. But Yee Chai and Tzi Ming asked me several times and so I did it. They said there was much money coming and going among the allied businesses, and so even if I did not want to take a part in this business, I had to manage the comings and goings in the accounts. This would have been even more of a hassle. So it was better to set up a side entrance at Siu Fung Hong and start from small. This would be easy to manage and could reduce overheads.I thought this argument was reasonable. At first, Tzi Ming also took out some shares. He had already paid his share of the capital, but two to three month s later, he said back in the days of the Wai Kat Company, Sei Tuen and Yan Po also had shares. Now that they did not, he was afraid there might be misunderstanding later on. So time and again, he asked to be given back his capital. There was not much I could do about it, and so I allowed him to withdraw. One might say he was righteous even at the sight of wealth.
At age sixty, in the year Kei Mei [1919], the Yung Hang Pawnshop and the Yung Hang Native Bank were set up.I was chairman of the District Watch Committee . There were many people from Xinhui who were living in Hong Kong, and they had a good reputatio n i n business . However , the y wer e not a s united a s other people . Sometimes they came together, but they did not have a definite meeting place. I always thought that was regrettable. So, this year, I worked hard to explain to people from our county why it was important to purchase our own meeting place. Many people agreed. I donated 1 ,000 dollars, and the rest of the purchase price of the meeting place was
A City o f Entrepreneur s
advanced by Yick On. Fortunately, capable people had been in charge of it year after year. So, besides the meeting place, we started a charity school, and there was money to spare. This was gratifying. People of our county often ascribed all this to my reputation, and many a time nominated me chairman. However, I turned that down, and agreed only to serve as adviser. This was all my duty: there should be no talk of achievement. But this made me think of the Chinese Chamber of Commerce, to which I once donated 1,000 dollar s towards th e establishmen t o f its premises. At th e time , many peopl e wanted to accept titles of office, but I only wanted posts that I could manage.I served variously as committee member or treasurer, and dared not accept other importan t posts. Two more incidents in this year related to my county are worth recording. Firstly, we repaired our ancestral graves. The ancestral graves from foundin g ancesto r Ch a Cheung downwards had not been repaired for years. Some of them were not marked, and in time it was hard to find them. So I asked my third younger brother Ching Shan and my nephew Leung to look after this matter. We set up honorific pillars next to the graves so that they might be easily recognizable. Secondly, we added some scenic areas. In our county, Chan Pak Sha was a Ming dynasty neo-Confucian master, and Cheung Cheung Shan was also a well-known character of our county in the Ming.* On Mr Lee Tam Yu's suggestion, we built th e Pak Sha Memorial Park and th e Cheung Sha n Memorial Park. In order to let later generations admire these early notables, I donated more than 6,000 dollars for constructing these parks and building pavilions in them.
At age sixty-one, in the year of Keng Shan [1920], I visited Hangzhou and Beijing. In th e secon d month , th e Shangha i branch o f the Ban k o f East Asia was opened . Chow Shou Shan, Mok Ching Kong and myself went together to the opening ceremony of the Shangha i branch . We too k advantage o f the tri p to visit th e Wes t Lake i n Hangzhou and also Beijing. In the third month, we returned to Hong Kong. On the nineteenth day of the fifth month, I was firmly installed as the chairman of the Defense Corps. The term was to be five years.
At age sixty-two, in the San Yau year [1921], in the sixth month, I employed Tam Lai Woon to teach my sons and nephews at home for two to three years. Lai Chak Man served as assistant teacher.I had not returned to the village for more than ten years. This was because after the change at the end of the Qing dynasty, the place was not peaceful and I dared not go. In the autumn of this year, it was relatively peaceful, and so I could go. At the Double-Ninth Festival in the ninth month, I returned to the county to sacrifice at the ancestral hall and to tidy the graves. I inspected the charity school for poor children, and I bought the big house that belonged to the Tam surname on Yan Shou Street. In the spring of this year, I saw that the poor among my relatives and friends in the county, including many elderly people and women, had difficultie s making a living and were short of food.I felt sorry for them. So I provided monthly subsidies o f three t o five dollars, or eight t o ten dollars . At th e en d o f the year , I doubled this amount. This was done in the spirit of being good to one's relatives; that would only be right. In this year, some people followed the practice of the Shangha i
Chen Baisha and Zhang Hui, early Ming scholars in Xinhui county .
stock exchanges and wanted to set up similar speculative businesses in Hong Kong.I knew they would be harmful i n the long run and so asked the government t o ban them. They had tempted me with shares worth 20,000 dollars, but I was not taken in. I tried my best to block them. Soon, these businesses failed.
At age sixty-three, in the year of Yam Sut [1922], the Yu Hing Company was set up. The King Tong Library was set up in a new building that was built on land cleared by dismantling the Tam surname house on Yan Shou Street that I bought." Also, because educational activities in the county city had been deteriorating, I consulted Mr Lee Tam Yu to establish a senior primary school. Mr Tam Yu became the headmaster. In the fouth and fifth month, I agreed with Lee Wing Kwong, Wan Man Kai and Choi Kung Po to visit Yokohama, Tokyo, Kyoto and Kobe in Japan. In the eighth month we returned to Hong Kong. Early in the ninth month, I returned to the county to sacrifice at the ancestral hall and to inspect the senior primary school, the charity school, and the work on the library. On the next day, my fifth son was born. In the middle of the month I returned to Hong Kong, and then I went with Mr Lee Tam Yu to Guangzhou to visit an orphanage and a secondary teacher-training school. Right after that, I donated a large sum towards the building of a senior primary school that was affiliated t o the teacher-training school. In this year, I wound up the Yung Hang Native Bank. The reason for winding it up was that although the Yung Hang Native Bank was profitable, the manager was too agressive and lacked caution in his business.I was afraid that one day it might bring me a loss and that would not be worthwhile. So I declared that it would be closed, and after returning the share capital, there was a profit to distribute. After the Yung Hang Native Bank was closed, I also withdrew my shares from the Yung Hang Pawnshop. This was because although pawnshops were meant to to provide relief for the sudden needs of the poor, people who were engaged in this business i n Hong Kong usually went against this principle. When I was engaged in business, I did not want to invest in anything that went against my conscience. So I withdrew my shares. I also withdrew my shares from other pawnshops.I hope my descendants will pay attention to this. Since our founding ancestor Mr Cha Cheung settled in Xinhui in the early Qing dynasty, our lineage had expanded there. There were many descendants and the branches of the lineage were complex. If we did not have a genealogy that set out our generations, in time some people would be forgotten. So some people in the lineage suggested that a genealogy be compiled. My fifth younger brother Shek Fan was put in charge of this. It was completed after a year.
At ag e sixty-four, i n the year Kwai Hoi [1923], I employed Messrs. Mok Yuen Hing and Lai Chak Man to teach my sons and nephews Chinese. In the next year, they also taught them English. I also employed Mr Au Tai Tin to lecture on the classics and history for two hours every week. In the winter, my fifth daughter died in hospital. This year, I became a permanent council member of Hong Kong University. This was because I donated50,000 dollar s in addition to 2,500 dollars for the library.I was given
In Xinhui county city.
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for perpetuity four free places at the university that I could give to friends and relatives. I bought the former garrison office and the government building at Xinhui county city, which I demolished to turn into a school. Also, Chuen Yuk and Wing Kwong asked me to set up the Shiu On Wing Real Estate Company, Ltd.I was getting old. Several years earlier, I had put a limit on the business I had been conducting and I did not want to start a new business. However, this company was to build shops for rent on land leased from government for forty years, and it was easier to manage. I held a quarter of the shares. I also set up a vocational school in Xinhui county city, and asked nephew Shui Chau to serve as honorary headmaster, to be in charge of everything. In this year, in memory of ancestor Yuk Fong, I donated 500 dollars in his name to the Sai Nam Middle School in the county city.
In the Kap Tzi year [1924], I visited Europe and America, and while travelling I had the spare time to write down what happened to me year by year. This is recorded above. After Kap Tzi, at the end of every year, I continued to write down in the same manner what was worth noting or what I did or said during the year.I append these records below.
At age sixty-five, in the year Kap Tzi, in the first month, I transferred to the Cho Cheung Ancestral Trust the management of my shop properties in Xinhui county city at Tai Sun Street, South Gate Straight Street, Chan Wan Street, and Pig Sty Street in Honam, so that the rent might be credited to it. The charity school for poor children was also transferred to the Cho Cheung Ancestral Trust. The rent collected every year was to be used for expenses within th e lineage , for the maintenance o f the charit y school, and as scholarships for male and female descendants in the lineage. On th e eighteenth day of the fourth month that year, I went with the manager of the Bank of East Asia, Kan Tung Po, and its secretary, Kwong Choi Yam, on the Queen of Australia to attend the exhibiton in London, and while on this trip, I went around the world.I went first from Hon g Kong to Shanghai, to Kobe, Yokohama and Tokyo in Japan, I crossed the Pacific Ocean, reached Vancouver, at Victoria Street, changed into a car to go to San Francisco.I stayed ther e fo r ten days, and the n went t o Chicago, Washington and New York. At New York, I stayed for about a month, and then crossed the Atlantic to go to London to attend the exhibition. After eight or nine days, I went to the French capital Paris, Belgium, Holland, Hamburg in Germany, the Germa n capital Berlin, Lausanne and Innsbruck in Switzerland, and then from Marseilles i n France I took a boat to Port Said, went on the Suez Canal and the Red Sea to the island of Aden in Arabia. Then I took another boat across the Indian Ocean to go to Bombay. I stayed there for two days and took another car to Madras in India.I took a boat to reach Ceylon, and took a car to British Colombo. I took the French steamer Pa Shi La to reach Annam in one day. I stayed in Saigon for two days. On the 28th day of the ninth month I reached Hong Kong. On this trip, I took special note of commerce, schools and libraries. However, these are subjects beyond this essay and so I shall not elaborate. I have been feeling this year that in Hong Kong, students pay attention to English and neglect Chinese. Moreover, now that war is common on the mainland , the younge r generatio n wh o want t o continu e int o middl e schoo l afte r the y hav e
graduated from primary school find that there is no school that is suitable. So I decided to start a Chinese middle school in Hong Kong which should be a subsidiary of the Confucian Society . Its expenses would be taken care of by myself and three to fiv e colleagues. This will make it possible for the younger generation to study. In this year, I was made a Justice of the Peace.
At age sixty-six in the year Yuet Chau [1925], in the fifth month, a wave of strikes suddenly broke out. The whole of Hong Kong was shaken. Business became very quiet. Many who could not cope collapsed. As banks were institutions for the transfer o f finance they were particularly affected.I was chairman of the board of directors in the Yick On Native Bank, and so I found all matters rather taxing. Fortunately, in my daily business activities, I have always been in favour of caution. Moreover, I lead a frugal way of life, and so even in difficult situations, I have sailed through. It so happened that the few days of the strikes coincided with the opening ceremony of the King Tong Library in Xinhui county city. The Ping Shan new school that was under construction was also almost completed. Because transport was interrupted, I could only tell the people in charge to do the best they could. Towards the end of the year, because the senior middle school that I had established i n Xinhui county city had been rather boisterous and had succombed t o evil doctrines, and because I did not want to be known t o have donated toward s education onl y to harm other people's children, I decided to suspend it and to move into it the charity school for poor children. In the third month of the same year, Tung Nam Hing in Saigon opened for business. In the eleventh month, the Kwong Hing Company was set up. A ship was newly fitted ou t from England, known as Fu Shun*, to ply between various places in Sichuan.I had some shares in both. In the eleventh month, construction on the plot of land owned by the Yu Hing Company in Mong Kok was completed. The whole building was made of cement. Formerly, houses and staircases were made of wood. When there was a fire, there was no escape. Many people died from this . This was no way to protect one' s tenants. This was why in recent years, I advocated using cement in building. In this year, I continued to serve as chairman of the District Watch Committee.
At age sixty-seven, in the year Ping Yan [1926], the Confucian Association Middle School had been set up from the Kap Tzi year for two years. When the strikes broke out, the students were also involved. So, in spring this year, I asked the government to take over the school, and it was renamed the Government Chines e Middle School. This was so that students in Hong Kong could have a good Chinese school to go to.I also told my sons Ping Wah and Ping Fan to continue to study in this school. I continued to serve as a member of the school council, and I also donated some money towards scholarships. Mr Lee King Hong exerted himself in making this development possible. For some years, my house was not very suitable for my use. Moreover, the floor wa s made of wood and there were termites.I was also worried about fire hazards.I wanted to renovate it somewhat, but that cost several tens of thousands of dollars. I decided to rebuild it. So on the eleventh day of the twelfth month, I moved into No. 52 Robinson
642 tons, taken over by the Minsheng Co. in 1932.
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Road, and then we cleared the old building in preparation for the new one. My eighth daughter was born at this time. The carpentry school in Xinhui county city had been established for some yers, but in recent days, strikes on the mainland led to the unions interfering in the equipment of the school. For this reason, the school could not advance. The headmaster resigned and refused to continue. His successor was hard to find. So at the end of the year, I declared that it would be closed. In Hong Kong, I had always had three charity schools attached to the Confucian Association. Later, I saw that th e people in charge did not have the energy to manage them, and so I closed them.
At age sixty-eight, in the year Ting Mau [1927], towards the end of the year, my sons Ping Wah and Ping Fan graduated from the Chinese Middle School and at the same time matriculated int o Hong Kong University Chinese Department t o furthe r their studies. The politica l situation o n the mainlan d wa s changing unpredictably ; politicians counted extortion among their capabilities, so I was not optimistic abou t commerce there. The On Lung Native Bank was affected by the political situation and business had not been as good as it used to be. If I did not bring my shares there to an end, I was afraid I might be quite encumbered. So I declared that my interest there was at an end.
At age sixty-nine, in the year Mo Shan [1928], my fifth younger brother Shek Fan and my old friend Ye e Chai both passed away. Feelings for my brothers and friend s wounded my heart. Moreover, at the Yick On and Cheung Wo Companies, I also lost my assistants.I was very much saddened when I thought of all this. This year, it was the Yick On Company's turn to provide a person to serve as a director of the Tung Wah Hospital on behalf of the banking sector, and so I asked my nephew Kang Yu to do it. I wanted to reorganize the schools run by the hospital and so I recommended Mr Chan Chiu Mei to be its honorary inspector of schools. His travelling expenses were to be paid by me and not to cost the hospital anything. Fortunately, my wish was granted. The schools were also somewhat improved, and the directors of that year were quite satisfied.I was quite gratified by this.
Libraries were a source of social education. The King Tong Library that I had established was making progress, but Hong Kong did not yet have a library of scale.I proposed t o the Chinese Chamber o f Commerce that it should se t up a library. Fortunately, that proposal wa s accepted.I donated 1,00 0 dollar s towards it s establishment.
In order to promote national scholarship and preserve the national essence, it was certainly necessary for the university to set up a Chinese Department. The university in Hong Kong and people who were enthusiastic towards this objective discussed this matter severa l times. Finally, as the government had intended, Chinese merchant s would donate 200,000 dollars to the government to set it up. So donations were asked for, and I donated10,000 dollars in order to expedite it. Many people nominated me to be treasurer.I accepted the post gladly.
In m y life, mos t o f my time wa s spent i n commerce an d littl e i n scholarship . However, it was thanks to Mr Kam Lan Shang's bookPrecious Aphorisms that I was able not to have caused any harm in my dealings with people. When I had time, I read it aloud. This book was becoming hard to find, an d so I reprinted 5,000 copies t o distribute to friends and colleagues.
The Hong Kong government this year announced tha t i t would finally abolis h improper temples.I had often suggested to government that I had often heard that these temples not only bred superstition but also hid many dirty things, and that unless strict measures were imposed to abolish them, supervision could not be destroyed and propriety maintained. Fortunately, the government had now determined to carry this out. No doubt this measure would be greatly beneficial to the people's intelligence.
In the seventh mont h thi s year, my new house was completed. On 2 7 th day I moved into the new house.
The Yu Hing Company was engaged in four business activities: (1) rebuilding the shops on An Kung Street an d Yat Dak Road i n Guangzhou; (2 ) building sixtee n Western-style houses on High Street; (3) withdrawing shares from Kwong Tai Cheung and buying into Ho Nam Warehouse; and (4) buying a few plots of farmland in Lower Village.
DOCUMENT IIL9 : Indian pioneers (source: Hong Kong Centenary Commemorative Talks, 1841-194L n.d. n.p., first published in the Radio Review, pp. 108-110)
India's contact with China goes back twenty-three centuries when Buddhism was introduced into China from India, and India's association, mainly economic, with the colony of Hong Kong dates from th e very date of the foundation o f the Colony i n 1841.
Prior to this year (1841) India n firms were carrying on business i n Macao an d Canton, th e pionee r i n recen t Indo-Chines e trad e bein g th e lat e Si r Jameshetj i Jeejeebhoy, Bart, a Parsee adventurer from India. In collaboration with the late Mr. Jardine, they carried on a lucrative trade between India and China, and the Parse e knight introduced into India Chinese bangles, glass bottles, silks, tea, cassia and sugar from China. He almost monopolised the bottle trade and even to this date his House is known in India as 'bottlewala' (owner of bottles). From India, they brought hand -woven cotton piecegoods, cotton yarn, spices, and unfortunately also opium.
This trade was continued by other Indians who followed in his footsteps, and they carried on trade from Canton an d Macao, but shifted t o Hong Kong as soon as the Colony was founded by Great Britain in 1841.
From 1841 to 1880, the firms which did a good deal of business in Hong Kong were N. Mody 6k Co. (1842), Abdoolally Ebrahim (1842), who are still carrying o n their business in the Colony and will celebrate their centenary next year, Ghandy 6k Co. (wit h whic h were associated th e brother s o f Sir Pherozshaw Mehta , th e grea t Indian leader of late nineties of the last century and early years of the present century), Currimbhoy Ebrahim & Co., D. Naoroji 6k Co., Cawasji Pallonji 6k Co., Bomanje e Karanjia 6 k Co. and others. Messrs. D. Naoroji 6 k Co. were the original owners an d pioneers of the ferry service beteen Hong Kong and Kowloon on the mainland, an d the later development of this effort is the present Star Ferry.
A Cit y o f Entrepreneur s
Messrs. Naoriji & Co. were pioneers in several other lines, as they were the principal bakers and general caterers in those days, and also owned one hotel called Parsi Hotel, Hong Kong. During this period the business of the Indian firms, amongst whom th e Parsees from India took almost the leading part, was mainly in the import of cotton yarn and cotton piecegoods, gunny bags and opium which were the staple product s imported from India even by all other non-Indian firms into Hong Kong.
But also during this period, the foundation was laid (in 1868) by an Indian fir m from Sindh (Hyderabad), Messrs. WassiamuU Asoomull 6k Co., of a business which was later to assume a great importance in the economic life of the Colony.
This firm, as did all Sindhi firms from India, engaged itself in the local sale and export of Chinse silk piece goods, raw silk, curios and several other Chinese products, and also sold Indian piece goods. They were not interested in other lines like grains, yarns, opium, cassia etc. They specialised in the line of silk, curios and other Chinese products which they exported in large quantities to all parts of the world includin g India. They had about fifty-two branche s throughout the world, and did and are still doing a large business in their specialised lines. The lead given by them was followed later by a large number of Sindhi firms which have grown up since in number, extent and importance in the Colony.
Passing on to the period from 188 0 onwards to the close of the century, we find further establishmen t o f Indian firms in Hong Kong . In this period, Mr . Hormusji Ruttonjee, th e founder o f the firm of Messrs. H. Ruttonjee 6 k Son, came to Hong Kong in 1884 and was followed in 1886 by Mr Hormusji Sorabji Kavarana. Both these gentlemen are fortunately alive . Mr Kavarana later shifted his centre of activities to Canton; but Mr. Ruttonjee, who at the age of about 21, first came as a clerk in the firm of Messrs. RE Davar 6k Co., wine and provision merchants, on a monthly salary of HK$13.00, remained in Hong Kong and made a large fortune by painstaking struggle, doggedness of purpose and transparent honesty. Within three years of his arrival, he founded hi s firm 'H. Ruttonjee 6 k Son' in 188 7 and the business of the firm i s still being carried on by his son and grandson in a very flourishing condition. Other firms of this period wer e M.P . Talati 6k Co., Sir Hormusji Mody a s Exchange Broker , Pohoomull Brother s and Tarachand 6 k Co., D. Chellaram, G.W . Ramchaud whos e successors are W. Boolchand, Kayamally 6k Co. and others which were the five other Indian firms to follow Messrs. Wassiamulls, who carried on their business along with others established earlier in Hong Kong.
Since the beginning of this century, especially from the second decade, the cotton and cotton yarn trade between India and China dwindled considerably owing to the competition of yarn from the United Kingdom, Japan and Shanghai. Up to the end of the las t century, the Chinese wer e using mainly the rougher count o f yarns whic h India produced.
But the introduction of finer counts from the United Kingdom and the cheape r prices of yarn made in Shanghai and Japan ultimately ousted Indian yarn from Hon g Kong (that is from the Chinese market served by Hong Kong), and the business of the Indian firms was greatly reduced, only to be revived since 1938.
But the foundation lai d by Messrs. WassiamuU Assomull 6k Co., bore fruit an d there was a rapid growth in the rise of these Indian firms from Sindh. Since about the time that the business in cotton, cotton yarn and cotton piecegoods and other lines, was lost by other Indian firms, the Sindhi firms kept up the pace of Indian business in silk in the Colony and today, they control, if they do not monopolise, the trade of the Colony in silk and curios.
The social and communal 'life' as such, as it is understood in the modern sense, is of a more recent origin amongst Indian residents of Hong Kong though a good deal of progress had been made by the colonial Indians (locally born). When the writer came here at the end of 1931, each of the religious sections of the community had its own organization and a joint and fuller 'life ' of the community as a whole had yet to be developed. This development, however, soon became apparent and from 1934 onwards there has been a tendency to combine the different sections of the Indian community together. In the sporting and literary spheres, these attempts were made earlier, as seen by the foundation o f an Indian School and an Indian Recreation Club. But outside these there were hardly any social gatherings of Indians to warrant the name, unless distinguished Indians passed through the Colony.
But from 193 4 onwards, almost every Indian felt th e need of promoting som e organization which would represent and combine all Indians, irrespective of creed and locality. In 1935 , an attempt was made to establish a merchants' chamber, but th e organizers felt th e time was inopportune an d postponed th e project. However, tha t gave a fillip for further intercours e and the idea was never given up. Ultimately on April 21, 1939, representatives of the Indian community met and decided to establish a central Indian organization, 'The Indian Association of Hong Kong 6k South China' which came into being on March 4, 1940.
The other organizations in the community are:
1.
Th e Khalsa diwan (or 'Gurudwara') for the Sikhs, which maintains a boarding house for travellers and destitutes.

2.
Th e Hindu Association for the Hindus, which maintains a Crematorium and Cemetery, and a temple under construction.

3.
Th e Zoroastrian Club, which maintains a Parsee Cemetery.

4.
Th e Indian Muslim Society, mainly for Indian Muslims.

5.
Thre e Mosques, two of which maintain two cemeteries.

6.
Th e Sindhi Merchants Association 6k Club (for business purposes).

7.
Th e Indian Recreation Club (cricket, tennis, lawn bowls, and indoor games).

8.
Th e Kowloon Indian Tennis Club (tennis, hockey and indoor games, etc.)

9.
Th e Ellis Kadoorie Indian School.

10.
Th e Indian Ladies Club.


The general position of the Indians in Hong Kong is that of peace-loving and law-abiding citizens engaged mainly in trade, commerce and industry, co-operating wit h the government of the Colony and other communities for making the Colony's lif e fuller and richer.
CHAPTER FOU R


THE PEOPLED LIVELIHOOD IN THE 1920s AND 1930 s
When the First World War broke out, in 1914, Hong Kong had a population of 500,000. When the Japanese invaded Hong Kong in 1941, the population had surpassed 1,500,000. * I t was not at all easy fo r Hong Kon g to accommodate this very rapid increase in population, but a rapid increase in population was as much as asset for some as a liability for others. The general lo w standard of living for the many dislocated men, women and children, working intermittently at odd jobs, often in building construction, should not be confused with the steady income that was being received by an up-and-rising working class . And, in the midst of a thriving economy , the ver y genuin e bondag e o f servan t girl s tha t wa s permitte d b y time -honoured Chinese custom looked increasingly out of tune with humanitaria n ideals that the British home government found itself committed to. The social and economic needs of the dislocated, the bonded servant and the working class fitted into the Hong Kong social structure in very different ways, yet the political situation in China in the 1920s was such that for a while, their aspirations seemed united. Popular Chinese nationalism possibly reached its height in the 1920s, and for a time, especially during the general strike of 1925, it looked as if all other interests might be subsumed under the feeling that Chinese people in Hong Kong might stand up for their own interests.
In 192 2 an d 1925 , Hon g Kon g experience d industria l strike s o n a n unprecedented scale in its history. The strikes arose from very different origins. The 1922 strike , which involve d i n the main Hon g Kong' s seamen, was called primarily as the result of a dispute on wages. The strike demonstrated
Census figures for the Hong Kong population at various times are: 1921: 625,166; 1931: 840,473; and 1941: 1,639,337.
the ability of the seamen to bring Hong Kong trade to a standstill, and ended in victory for the strikers. The 1925 general strike, that lasted into 1926, was an expression of nationalist sentiments that traversed economic interests. It was part of a much larger series of events unfolding in Guangdong province and elsewhere in China, that involved China's relationship with the foreign powers, especially Japan and Britain. Mounting nationalism had been evident in China from the end of the First World War, and it became very much an integral part of the ideology of the nationalist government that was being built by Sun Yat-sen in Guangdong in the 1920s. This was the period when the Guomindang Party, under the leadership of Sun Yat-sen, was supported by the Comintern in its effort to defeat the warlords and unite China. Under the policy of the United Front , members of the Chinese Communist Part y cooperated wit h the Guomindang, many of them bein g active in China's labour movement. Nationalist sentiments took a drastic turn in 1925 when on 30 May, Chinese demonstrators were killed in Shanghai by the police in the International Settlement. Like the people of many other Chinese cities, a substantial numbe r of Chinese people i n Hong Kon g went on strik e in protest.
Subsequent events, especially another incident that involved firing on demonstrators i n Shameen, Guangzhou , complicate d th e situation. Afte r extensive negotiations that went on between the Hong Kong government and the Chinese government i n Guangzhou, the strike was brought to an end only in 1926. It is unclear if the strikers received what they demanded, but the strike, no doubt, left a strong impact on the Hong Kong government. By the 1930s , the Hong Kong government mad e serious effort i n various social reforms, which, in turn, set the course for some of its policies in the 1950s.
a. Food , Wages and Other Statistic s
At the end of the First World War, the price of rice rose substantially on the international market. Hong Kong was dependent on its supply of rice from abroad, and the Hong Kong government had good reasons to be alarmed. To face th e crisi s o f risin g price s i n 1919 , the Hon g Kon g governmen t purchased a substantial quantity of rice which it was prepared to sell at a loss. Supplies from Chin a provided relief , but the price of rice remaine d high throughout the 1920s.
Hong Kong's prosperity in the early 1920s allowed its people to weather the pressures of inflation. Hong Kong wages were higher than Guangzhou's and surrounding areas, which should be reason enough to explain the influx of population. Among the signs of prosperity were features that Hong Kong
had become used to: increasing government revenue and risin g land sales . A substantial portio n o f the government's incom e i n the 1920s, however , still came from taxes levied on opium. In 1920, over a quarter of the Hong Kong government's income came from opium; in 1925, about 11 percen t did.
DOCUMENT IV.al : The supply of rice, 1919 (source: Preliminary Report on th e Purchase and Sale of Rice by the Government of Hong Kong during the Year 1919, pp. 1-6,Sessional Papers, 1920)
From the beginning of last year it was realised that owing to the extensive purchases of rice that were being made to meet an abnormal situation in the Straits Settlement and Ceylon the Hong Kong rice market was sure to be affected. At the end of the year 1918 the Government received an intimation from the Secretary of State that owing to th e export s for m Indi a havin g bee n restricte d th e Colonie s mentione d wer e endeavouring to obtain rice from Siam, and the Secretary of State was informed o n the 4th January that the Government of Hong Kong had never contemplated officia l purchases of Siamese rice, but could not prevent local merchants from placing orders in Siam if the state of the market there was favourable. On the 13 th January information was received from the Government of Ceylon that arrangements had been made for the supply of rice to Ceylon which would not necessitate buying in Siam or French Indo-China.
Early in February Japan began to buy rice in large quantities in the Hong Kong market, while at the same time the Government of Indo-China fixed the amount of
rice for export as follows:
February�X March 120,00 0 ton s
April60,000 "
May60,000 "

On the 28th of May the Secretary of State enquired whether the Government of Hong Kong was negotiating for the purchase of rice from Siam, and on the 5th June he suggested that in order to avoid competitive buying in Siam the Government shoul d prohibit import of rice from Siam on private account as had been done in Ceylon and the Straits Settlements. In reply the Secretary of State was informed that Hong Kong was an entrepot for a very large rice trade with all parts of the world, local firms buying as agents for all countries and buyers in foreign countries transhipping in Hong Kong. It was pointed out that if an embargo were to be placed on the importation of rice it would seem probable that the result would be to divert trade round the Colony without achieving the object in view, and that the result to the large rice trade in the Colony would be most serious. That arrangements had been made to have sufficient ric e for three months local consumption always in the Colony, estimated at about 27,000 tons. That carefu l watch was being kept on exports the endeavour being to prevent th e export o f abnormal amount s t o ordinary destination s an d t o limi t th e export s t o countries which did not normally draw on Hong Kong to the lowest limits. In these circumstances the opinion was expressed that it would be very inadvisable to impose restrictions on importation. The Secretary of State replied on the 11th June that the matter o f dealing with th e rice situation wa s left t o the discretion o f the Office r Administering the Government .
Before proceeding further i t will be convenient t o explain i n some detail th e paramount importance of the rice trade to the Colony of Hong Kong. Rice is much the largest commodity dealt with in the trade returns and a large number of ships is employed in bringing it to the Colony and in carrying it away after it has been dealt with. The handling of the cargoes both at the ships and on shore gives employment to a large portion of the floating population as well as to a large number of the coolie class. The companies and individuals who own godowns also derive great benefit from the storage of the rice while in course of preparation for export. For the year 1918 the value of rice imported was no less than �G12,904,321, while the exports for the same period wer e valued at �G11,608,509.
As has been often pointed out the Colony of Hong Kong is in the unique position among the great ports of the Empire of producing practically no raw materials, but on the other hand of possessing in its geographical situation and in its splendid harbou r unrivalled opportunities for dealing with an immense transhipment trade. It is in fact in the nature of a great wharf and godown where every class of goods can be handled expeditiously provide d th e machiner y fo r doin g s o is kept a t th e highes t pitc h o f efficiency and without any unnecessary restrictions retarding smooth working. Nothing could be more fatal to local trade than for an impression to be created i n the grea t markets of the world that the Hong Kong Authorities might place obstacles in the way of the quick despatch of cargoes, or interfere with contracts connected therewith .
With regard to the rice trade a step in the right direction was taken not long ago by the standardizing of rice by the Exporters and Dealers Association of Hong Kong in accordance with the repeated request of the California Rice Association. Prior to the adoption of this measure no limit was placed upon the amount of broken grains mixed with good whole rice, with the result that serious complaints came from America n buyers. It is expected that the action taken by the Exporters and Dealers Association will have the effect of restoring confidence among buyers in America and elsewhere, whereby this valuable trade will be retained in Hong Kong.
The bulk of the imported rice comes from Saigo n and Bangkok, an d i s usually packed i n single gunny bags of about 16 0 catties weight (213 lbs.), and, with th e exception of some shipments to Japan, is never re-exported from Hong Kong in the original bags. The principal grade of rice exported i s known a s 'Siam usual', and i s ordinarily made from a mixture of Siam rice and Saigon long rice in equal parts. Before mixing, the rice is screened so as to bring the amount of broken grains down to th e standard. In the case of brown rice, especially when the season is advanced, it is the custom to winnow the rice before packing as it generally contains a quantity of dust and husks. The America n marke t take s rice in 10 0 pounds double gunny bags an d sometimes i n double bag s of 240 pounds. The Cuba n marke t als o takes th e latte r packing, but shipments intended for South America are usually packed in double bags of 19 3 pounds gros s weight. I t i s this work o f standardizing an d re-packing , whic h makes the trad e of such importanc e an d gives employment t o the larg e number o f persons referred to.
There i s only one crop a year in Siam and Indo-China, the Siam crop being available in December and January and the Saigon crop about a month or so later. Rice is, however, exported from Hong Kong all the year round according to demand. Japan has been recently the largest customer, the United States of America comin g next. Until a short time ago shipments for the Cuban market went to the Pacific ports of the United States, and were transhipped thenc e to their destination; but latterl y Cuban buyers appear to have preferred to make direct shipments.
It will be clear from the account given in the foregoing paragraphs that the situation presented considerable difficulties, and the receipt of a telegram on the 14th June from
H.M. Charge d'Affaires a t Bangkok to the effect that the Government of Siam had prohibited the export of rice from Siam as from the 12th July except under licence did not tend to improve matters. The price of both Siam and Saigon rice continued to rise the former to $15 a picul and the latter $13 a picul, the poorer grades being rather less. To show how sensitive the feeling was in other countries it may be mentioned that on the 26th June a telegram was received form H.M. Minister at Tokyo stating that the Japanese Minister at Bangkok reported that transhipment of rice at Hong Kong was to be prohibited shortly and enquiring whether the report was correct. An assurance was given immediately that it was not intended to prohibit transhipment of rice at Hong Kong. At the same time acting on the report above quoted a Japanese firm was about to make arrangements to divert two ships loading in Saigon so that they would proceed to Japan direct without calling at Hong Kong. This was averted.
It was obvious that with a view to controlling the price and preserving the trade immediate actio n was necessary, and afte r som e discussion i t was decided t o call a meeting of the principal employers of labour to consider the whole question. After two meetings it was decided that the only feasible course was for the Government to purchase rice and, subject to the approval of the Councils, this situation was accepted by the Government.A telegram was sent to the British Consul at Saigon on the 1st July enquiring whethe r i t would be possible for the Governmen t o f Hong Kon g to buy Annam rice from the 1st August up to a maximum of five thousand tons a month for six months for the purpose of local consumption, and on the 4th July the Consu l suggested tha t th e best course would be for the Government t o approach the Foo d Controller at Singapore with a view to buying 27,500 tons of rice which he was willing to resell, the price being about $13 a picul (Saigon currency) f.o.b., the market price at the time being considerably higher. This suggestion was adopted, and on the1 lth July a telegram was received from the Colonial Secretary, Straits Settlements, stating that the Foo d Controller coul d sell 27,500 tons Saigon rice July allotment fo r Octobe r delivery at $13.30 Saigon dollars ex mill, and requesting the Government, if it wished for this rice, to remit to the British Consul at Saigon $1,500,000 Saigon dollars for the necessary advances.
The Officer Administering the Government thereupon summoned a meeting of the Unofficial Members of the Executive and Legislative Councils on the 15th July at which the Colonial Secretary and Mr. R.O. Hutchison were present, when it was decided to purchase the 27,500 tons of rice offered by the Food Controller, Singapore.
It was realised that the Government would have to face a considerable loss of money in giving effect to the decision to purchase rice, and it at once became apparent that the loss would be increased owing to the high rate of discount on the Hong Kong dollar at Saigon. The discount at first was 23-1/2 per cent, but on subsequent purchases was somewhat lower . The Treasurer arranged with th e Hong Kong and Shangha i Banking Corporation for the financing of the purchases in Saigon, and the Government is much indebted to that institution for the valuable assistance rendered in this matter and for the moderate rate of four per cent interest that has been charged on the overdraft. On the 26th July a telegram wa s received fro m the Colonial Secretary , Straits Settlements, to the effect that owing to an error the Food Controller had offered 27,500 tons whereas 13,75 0 tons only were available, the balance having been sold to th e Netherlands Indies . As no further supplie s could be got from Saigo n except at a prohibitive price it became necessary to make purchases locally and this was done to the extent of about 10,000 tons principally of broken rice to mix with the Saigon rice on arrival.
Mr. R.O. Hutchison was put in charge of the general control of the rice position and five of the leading Chinese rice merchants were invited to act on a Committee to arrange the purchase and price of rice for local consumption. Sufficient godown space was rented and everything was in order to begin sales on the 1st August.
Unfortunately at the end of July typhoon weather prevailed and it was impossible to convey rice across the harbour to Yaumati. The result was that a portion of the population started looting rice shops and a riot took place outside the Yaumati Police Station. The Naval Authorities lent the tug 'Cherub' and the Military Authorities the tug 'Omphale' on the 28th July, which made it possible to send some rice to Yaumati and Hunghom. With the exception of some looting no other disturbances occurred . The rice was guarded by military escorts for two days while being conveyed from th e tugs to the shops. In Victoria looting on a rather serious scale took place for about a week, and it became necessary t o start th e Government sale s of rice before th e organization was completed.
It will be convenient to deal now with other measures taken to obtain supplies of rice. The July crop in the New Territories was a good one, and in order to ensure that the rice did not go into Kuangtung all export except to Hong Kong was prohibited, and it was notified tha t the Government would be prepared to buy rice at $10.14 a picul. It has been th e custom for th e New Territories t o export thei r rice and bu y cheaper rice in Hong Kong for their own use. In the abnormal conditions prevailing this year this practice had to be abandoned.
An endeavour wa s made to obtain rice fro m Kuangtung, and afte r muc h correspondence the Government at Canton permitted the export of 10,000 piculs of Wuhu rice by the Kuangtung Food Relief Association to the Tung Wah Hospital a t Hong Kong at a price of $6.70 a picul. The Tung Wah Directors showed great energy in erecting a number of matsheds in Victoria, Shaukiwan and Aberdeen where many thousands of very poor people were supplied free of cost with a mixture of boiled rice and salt, known a s congee, twice a day. This system of relief continued for severa l weeks and was most useful in preventing a great deal of distress.
An attemp t wa s also made t o get rice from th e Hunan Provinc e o f Chinavia Shanghai. H.M. Minister at Peking and the Consul at Changsha did all they could, and th e Government a t Peking wa s favourable t o the project, but owing t o th e stipulations for the Governor of Hunan the price demanded was prohibitive so that the offers made had to be refused.
The Indian Government sanctioned the export of 3,750 tons of rice from Rangoon and this rice has recently arrived in the Colony. Through the generosity of the firm of Messrs. Nemazee ck Co., about two-thirds of this rice is being carried free of freight t o Hong Kong.
The rice purchased was divided into three classes under the designations Hon g Kong No. 1, No.2 and No. 3, and the recommendation of the committee to fix the price of the three grades at 20, 16 and 12-1/2 cents a catty respectively was adopted. These prices were altered a few days later to suit the usage of Chinese buyers to 5 catties= $1,7 catties= $ 1, and 9 catties= $ 1, and before the end of August the price was further reduced to 5-1/2 catties= $1, 7-1/7(sic)= $1, and 10 catties =$1. No.1 rice was Saigon round or long, No.2 a mixture of Saigon round or long with an equal amount of broken rice, and No.3 a mixture of one-fifth Saigo n round or long with four-fifths broke n rice.
Sales of Government rice took place up to the 3rd September as follows:
No.1 2,85 3 piculs
No.2 8,83 8"
No. 3 56,12 4"
About the 3rd September sales suddenly ceased and it was found that rice had begun to come into the Colony from Kuangtung. An excellent quality was thus available for consumption in the Colony at the comparatively low price of $8 a picul.
In view, however, o f the appearanc e o f this rice on the market, the questio n immediately arose as to what was to be done with the rice imported by the Government and bought locally. Some of the latter already showed signs of deterioration and it was decided to sell the rice bought in the New Territories at $8 a picul and to make enquiries as to the best markets in which to sell all the remainder with the exception of a few thousand tons . Japan had cease d t o buy any rice i n Hong Kong and th e Strait s Settlements did not require any. The sterling value of the dollar had continued rising so that the price to be obtained in countries with a gold standard was becoming less when reckoned in dollars. Eventually arrangements were made to sell 10,000 tons on consignment to America and about the same amount locally. A careful examinatio n of the rice stored in the godowns in Victoria showed that much of it was discoloured and full of weevils, but notwithstanding this prices were obtained which were quite good considering the state of the market. In fact the sales were made just m time to avert very serious losses indeed owing to the rice becoming practically unsaleable.
On 19t h September an Ordinance was passed providing for the acquisition an d disposal of rice by the Hon g Kong Government, an d for validating act s previousl y done.
The situation dealt with in this report is happily without precedent in the history of the Colony, and this is not surprising. Only events of a most unusual character could produce such a crisis. First, a world shortage of cereals combined with a partial failure of the rice crop in Siam, one of the principal producing areas; secondly, an abnormal trade situation in Indo-Chma leading to such a rise in exchange rates as to make the price of rice m the currency of the Colony almost prohibitive; thirdly, the increase in the sterling value of silver during the critical period from about 18 pence to 75 pence an ounce; and lastly, the unexpected arrival m the Colony of abundant supplies of good and cheap rice from a source supposed to be closed, which rendered the large supplies of rice bought under adverse conditions useless for the immediate purpose for which they were intended.
DOCUMENT IV.a2 : The cost o f labour , 192 0 (source : Economic Resourc e Committee, Hong Kong, Factory, Home and Cottage Industries Sub-committee, 'Th e Report, with Minutes of Proceedings, Appendices and Illustrated Memo on Sericulture, Pig-breeding, Tobacco, Cotton, Fruit and Vegetable Growing', 1920 , pp. xiv- xvi, Sessional Papers, 1921)
It has been our endeavour to ascertain how the cost of labour compared in Hong Kong with that in Canton, and to this end Question S was framed in the following terms:-
What i s the cos t of labour compared with labou r to be obtained on th e
mainland and Canton and its vicinities?
With only very few exceptions the answers received force us to the conclusio n that wages all round are higher in Hong Kong than in Canton and the mainland.A British firm tabulated the comparative wages hereunder reproduced:-
Hong Kong Canto n Mainlan d
50 cents to 90 cents 5 0 cents to 70 cents 4 0 cents to60 cents
The knitting factories definitely assert that wages are twice as much here as in Canton. The foregoing statements go to prove the correctness of the view taken by the members of the Sub-Committe e a s expressed i n th e followin g Resolution , propose d b y Mr . Andrew Beattie, and seconded by Mr. Chow Shou-son, and unanimously adopted at a meeting held soon after their appointment: -
That, i n view o f the increase d advantage s which will obtain a s soon a s a stable government is instituted in South China, it behoves the Authorities in
Hong Kong to very carefully watc h the situation. We believe when settle d conditions exis t i n Kwangtung advantages for conducting factories wil l be superior (considering all circumstances) to Hong Kong, labour, land rentals and building conditions all being on a much lower basis.
The evidence given by Mr. Yip Woon-nam, late manager of the Loong Kee Match Factory, now out of operation, and that voluntarily tendered by Mr. Chow Shou-son, when examined by us establishes beyond a doubt the advantages afforded by Canton in the matter of wages as against Hong Kong.
The percentage of increase in the cost of labour during the last ten years has been on the whole not under 20 %, but in several cases as high even as 50 %. Three Chinese machinery shops record varying rates of increase of wages. Our considered opinion is that all things considered the average rate of increase is approximately 35 %. A loca l tobacco factory, probably the largest employers of labour in this particular branch of industry, pay wages equivalent to an increase of 50 %. By contrast with the Philippines, it is interesting to observe how the question o f exchange operates in the matter o f wages. The tobacc o factory a t Yaumati having experienc e o f conditions i n th e Philippines, states:
The only comparison we have is that of our Manila competitors and owing to the high rate of exchange our labour costs are practically the same as theirs.
On the other hand, if exchange between Hong Kong and the Philippines should attain to its normal pre-war level it stands to reason that imported cigars and cigarettes from the Philippines would cost in dollars so much more. High exchange is, therefore, not an unmixed blessing for the local tobacco industry.
It has to be observed that higher wages do not obtain in Hong Kong alone. The same rati o o f increase has been maintained o n th e mainland . I n such branches o f industries as oil-pressing, wine-distilling, and iron-mongering, the increases have been substantial. They vary from 30 to 50 per cent.
On th e whole the reasons assigned have been two,viz-, higher rent and highe r cost of living. The lower cost of rice today as compared with the cost prevailing a few months ago has not shown any tendency to lower the cost of wages.
In probably no other direction than a sufficiency o f housing accommodation at cheap rentals for the working classes can the general tendency towards increases i n wages be satisfactorily checked . In this connection, we would like the Committe e appointed by the Imperial Government,
take the opportunity o f observing that , whil e we have not regarded th e investigation of housing questions as within the terms of our reference, w e have been impressed in the course of our enquiries with the urgent importance to the future industrial development of the Colony of the provision of increased and improve d housin g accommodatio n fo r th e workin g classe s o n a considerable scale.
In many cases no answer was returned to our direct question as to�X What control do the guilds exercise on labour generally?
A large proportion of the industries report that they are not affected by the influence s of guilds known to be existing, but recent events regarding the tendency of the labour question show considerable influence of the guilds.
DOCUMENT IV*a3 : Financial and other statistics, 1897-1926 (source: 'Financial
and other statistics showing the development of Hong Kong during the thirty years 1897-1926', Sessional Papers, 1921, pp. 111-119 )
Table 4. 1 Population
Year Tota l civil populatio n
897 243,565 898 239,210 899 252,405 900 277,740 901 290,124 902 303,116 903 317,130 904 352,487 905 370,325 906 318,304 907 323,280 908 329,650 909 337,160 910 344,180 911 464,277 912 467,777 913 489,114 914 501,304 915 509,160 916 529,010 917 535,100 918 561,500 919 598,100 920 648,150 921 686,680 922 662,200 923 681,800 924 799,550 925 874,420 926 874,420
Table 4. 2
Revenue of the Hon g Kon g Governmen t
Year Revenue
1897 $2,687,000
1898 2,918,000
1899 3,610,000
1900 4,203,000
1901 4,214,000
1902 4,901,000
1903 5,239,000
1904 6,809,000
1905 6,918,000
1906 7,035,000
1907 6,602,000
1908 6,104,000
1909 6,823,000
1910 6,961,000
1911 7,497,000
1912 8,181,000
1913 8,512,000
1914 11,007,000
1915 11,786,000
1916 13,833,000
1917 15,058,000
1918 18,665,000
1919 16,525,000
1920 14,690,000
1921 17,728,000
1922 22,291,000
1923 24,784,000
1924 24,210,000
1925 23,244,000
1926 21,132,000
Table 4. 3
Revenue Derive d from Opium , Liquor an d Tobacco
Opium Liquo r duties Tobacc o dutie s
1914 $2,819,00 0 $657,00 0
1915 3,812,00 0 627,00 0
1916 4,929,00 0 794,00 0 $211,000
1917 5,274,00 0 781,00 0 500,000

(Table 4.3 cont )
(Table 4.3 cont)
1918 1919 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 8,047,000 6,106,000 3,941,000 3,484,000 5,067,000 4,946,000 4,460,000 2,568,000 2,140,000
715,000 740,000 780,000 1,041,000 1,197,000 1,240,000 1,229,000 1,141,000 1,186,000 545,000 619,000 632,000 1,062,000 1,475,000 1,829,000 2,007,000 1,797,000 1,835,000
Table 4. 4 Land Sale Figures for the Years 1919-1926, Illustrative of the Land Boom
1919 $ 264,000
1920 556,000
1921 1,634,000
1922 2,722,000
1923 3,489,000
1924 1,909,000
1925 570,000
1926 286,000


b. Th e Strikes of the 1920s
The seamen's strike in 1922 was brought about by the breakdown of wage negotiation. The progress of this strike demonstrated a strategy that could be followed by the general strike of 1925-26. The strikers would leave Hong Kong, return to China, where much sympathy and support would be given by the Guangdong governmen t an d Chines e unions . Hon g Kong' s trad e would be paralysed.
This strategy wa s effectiv e onl y i n the 1920s , whe n th e Chines e revolutionary government in Guangdong was interested in enlisting workers' support i n favour o f it s Norther n Expedition .After 1927 , whe n th e Guomindang was firmly established in Nanjing, Guangdong ceased to be a viable retreat for Hong Kong's workers.
Chen Ta, the writer of Document IV. b1 below, was a social scientist who wrot e extensivel y abou t th e condition s o f Chinese workers. Den g Zhongxia, the writer of Document IV. b2, was a Chinese labour organizer and a member of the Chinese Communist Party.
DOCUMENT IV . bl: Seamen' s strike in Hong Kong (source: Ta Chen, 'Shippin g strike in Hong Kong', Monthly Labour Review, May 1922)
In recent years commodity prices in this colony have advanced faster than in any of the othe r commercia l citie s i n China. Fo r instance, the cos t of polished rice i n Shanghai has increased 12 5 per cent since 1914, but in Hong Kong it has increased 155 per cent. Being an industrial centre, in order to meet the daily needs of its 528,090 inhabitants, the colony imports necessaries from other towns; these include fowls from Wuchow, Kwangsi, beef and pork from Canton, fruits and fish from Swatow, and textiles and clothin g material from Shanghai . Freight charges an d customs duties on thes e goods make th e cos t of living relatively higher i n Hon g Kong, which has worke d hardship on its labouring classes.
Repeated triumph s of labour in recent strikes have given Hong Kong's seame n courage and confidence in their present struggle for a fair compensation for their toil. During the year 1921 a successful strike occurred in almost every important industry in Canton. The printers' strike of last December left the whole city without newspapers for three days and compelled the publishers and newspaper companies to grant their employees a 40 percent increase over the prevailing wages. About60,000 worker s in some 100 trades in Hong Kong are unionized, some following the rules of craft guilds while others have adopted those of labour unions. Fully 30,000 of them are natives of Canton, wh o hav e bee n i n constant touc h wit h labou r condition s i n thei r hom e community and who are prime movers in the present strike.
Ever since the Hong Kong strike of April 1920 , which involved 9,000 workers, local labourers have been dissatisfied wit h capitalists. This class feeling was greatly intensified when toward the end of last year foreign seamen in the colony, who already had a comparatively higher scale of wages, were granted a further increase of about 15 per cent, whereas most of the Chinese were still paid at pre-war rates. Because of this discrimination the Chinese seamen had a general grievance against the shipowners. In a recent intervie w the president o f the Chinese Seamen' s Union summarized th e situation accurately when he said: 'The Chinese have taken a stand against deprivation of their rights, rough treatment, 14 hours' work a day, and an existence bordering on semistarvation. The majority of these men have families averaging three or four persons, and they find it impossible to live on $20 a month, and are therefore determined to obtain a minimum of $29.50 a month.'
Extent of the strike
Since the shipping companies had twice refused to consider the seamen's demands for a wage increase, the Chinese Seamen's Union presented its third petition on January 12 and demanded a reply within 24 hours. Failing again to receive a satisfactory answer, 1,500 deck hands and stokers 'downed tools' on the morning of January 13 .A wee k later the number o f strikers reached 6,50 0 and shortly after th e Chinese New Year (Jan. 27), i t grew to about30,000, includin g pilots, tallymen, lightermen, carriers , stevedores, wharf coolies, cargo labourers, and coal coolies, in addition to the dec k hands and stokers already mentioned. When on February 1 the British Governor of Hong Kong proclaimed the Chinese Seamen's Union an unlawful society, a general sympathetic strik e was declared, whic h increase d th e strikers to about50,000, an d included cooks, domestics, bakers, pastry men, office boys , delivery men, dairymen , tramway employees, ricksha and chair coolies, bank clerks, compositors, newspape r employees, printers, cable company employees, and employees of shipbuilding an d repairing yards.
Up t o the middle of February, 16 6 steamers carrying 280,404 tons of shipping were held up in the port of Hong Kong. This tie-up of cargo caused direct losses of about $5,000,000 to shipping companies.
At first the strikers were almost all Cantonese. Seamen and coolies from Shanghai and Ningpo, Chekiang, who had their own unions, did not join. Gradually, however, they refused t o take jobs which were vacated by their Cantonese comrades. As th e shipping companies were sustaining heavy losses by having their ships tied up in Hong kong, they recruited Filipino coolies from Manila and Ningpo coolies from Shangha i at from $1 to $1.20 a day. But this small number of recruits did not materially improve the shipping situation.
Most of the strikers were sent by their union to Canton, partl y because of th e relatively cheaper living there and partly in order to prevent possible disorder or violence in Hong Kong. During the strike each striker whether he belonged to the union or not received a subsidy from it varying from 45 cents to $ 1 a day, as the union had raised about $300,000 to sustain the strike. Voluntary contributions came from many parts of the country. Railway workers of the Peking-Hankow, Tientsin-Pukow, Peking-Mukden and Peking-Suiyuan lines contributed one day's pay. Seamens' unions in Tientsin and Shanghai held mas s meetings t o solicit contributions o n behalf o f the Hon g Kon g strikers. The Returne d Labourers ' Union , togethe r wit h th e Labourers ' League o f Shanghai, sent telegrams of sympathy and relief funds to Hong Kong.
Dissolution of the Seamen's Union
On January 16, the strike had assumed such alarming proportions that the Hong Kong Government deeme d it necessaryto declare martial law in the colony and to place armed military and naval guards at important points to preserve order and to demand passes of those going in and out of the territory. Fearing that scamps might disturb the peace and the strikers be blamed for it, the Seamen's Union organized 8 squads of 10 men each, under a captain, to patrol the streets.
Gradually the actions of the strikers went beyond the control of their leaders and cases of improper picketing and intimidation were alleged to have occurred. On February 1, the Hong Kong Government declared the Seamen's Union an unlawful organizatio n with an explanatory note stating that 'the order in council was made not because the members of the Seamen's Union had struck for higher wages, but because attempt s had been made by the union to paralyse the life of the colony by creating strikes in other employment s o f workmen who themselves had no grievances against thei r employers. Were this permitted it would cause widespread distress by interfering with the food supplies of the community and with the carrying on of essential services.'
Two days later, two other Chinese labour organizations were declared unlawful on similar grounds. However, evidence of coercive persuasion and intimidation to induce a sympathetic strike seemed meagre. Disapproval of the Hong Kong Government' s action was expressed by The China Press, a leading American daily in Shanghai (Feb. 5, 1922) in these words:
.. . Immediately after the governor of Hong Kong issued his order the police raided the Seamen's Union's headquarters, seizing the office furniture, books, and papers, and closing the premises and putting them under a police guard. This i s exactly th e kind o f procedure that , formerly , Englishme n wer e accustomed t o associat e with th e police o f czardom and th e autocrati c Hohenzollern regime. Not so many years ago English workingmen fought a long and strenuous battle to obtain th e legal right t o strike and they no w possess that right. Combination of workmen to secure better conditions fo r themselves from employer s is the only constitutional method the y possess, and the united strike is the only effective way for attaining better conditions.

Demands and efforts to arbitrate
Shortly afte r th e strik e was declared, th e seamen' s demands were presented t o th e Governor of Hong Kong for a settlement. The rates of increase demanded by the strikers were based upon the prevailing scale of wages, of which the following is an example:
Monthly wag e
Baker $22-2 5
Boatswain 25-3 5
Carpenter 25-3 0
Compradore 30-3 5
Cook 20-2 5
Deck stewar d 20-2 5
Dollar examiner * 2 5
Fireman 40-6 5
Kitchen helpe r 20-3 0
Letter carrier 20-2 2
Oiler 28-3 1
Sailor 22-2 5
Servant 20-3 0
Waiter 10-1 5

# Detecto r o f counterfeit money .
The above table shows the monthly wages of a Chinese crew on an ocean-going steamer. It is reported that th e highest monthly wage of a Chinese seaman i s $65 which i s not quite one-fourth tha t of an European employe e of the same rank on another steamer .
On January 17, E.R. Hallifax, Secretary for Chinese Affairs, issued a proclamation setting forth th e shipowners' terms of settlement. The increase s demanded an d th e terms offered are shown below:
Type of steamer Increase s Shipowners ' Differenc e demanded term s
per cent per cent per cent
1. Coastwise steamer s 35.0 15.0 20.0
2.
Chinese rive r steamer s 32.5 25.0 7.5

3.
Other Chines e steamer s 32.5 25.0 7.5

4.
Canton, Macao & Hong Kong 25.0 15.0 10.0 Co. steamers (British )

5.
Other Britis h steamer s 25.0 15.0 10.0


(taking scale of 4 as base) 6. Java line s 17.5 12.0 5.5 7. Pacific line s 17.5 7.5 10.0 8. European line s 17.5 7.5 10.0 9. Australian line s 20.0 10.0 10.0
Since there was too much discrepancy between th e shipowners' terms and th e strikers' original demands, the Chinese Seamen' s Union o n January 2 7 passed fou r regulations modifying their demands:
1.Fo r the time being the arrangement shall be as follows:
(a)
A n increase of 40 per cent shall be given for wages under $15 a month.

(b)
A n increase of 30 per cent for wages under $25.

(c)
A n increase of 20 per cent for wages over $25.


Resolution 4(b) mus t be first recognized i n respect of these arrangements. If , however, these arrangements are recognized by the shipowners, all seamen will return to work at once and leave resolution 4 to be considered by an arbitration board.
2.
Th e arbitration board shall be established in Canton.

3.
Th e arbitration board shall consist of the following:

(a)
Representativ e of the Canton Government.

(b)
Representativ e of the British consul general.

(c)
Representativ e of the European shipowners.

(d)
Representativ e of the Chinese shipowners.

(e)
Representativ e of the Chinese seamen.




The number of the members of this board shall be decided by the Chinese an d British Governments after due consideration, and this board shall have the full power to settle this strike.
4. Th e Seamen's Union will lay the following eight demands before the board for consideration:
(a)
Th e increase shall be 30 per cent for all monthly wages over $30, and 40 per cent for those under $30.

(b)
N o seaman who returns to work after the strike shall be dismissed or degraded for any reason.

(c)
Th e increas e shall be applied to all steamers at present anchored at Hong Kong or en route to Hong Kong from other ports.

(d)
Al l seamen shall be employed through the union, so that no commission is to be paid to the compradores.

(e)
N o agreement in connection with the employment of the seamen shall have effect unless the Chinese Seamen's Union has been a witness to it.

(f)
N o seaman or officer of the Seamen's Union in Hong Kong shall be banished for any charge which has no proof.

(g)
Th e full increase shall be retroactive to January 1, 1922.

(h)
N o discrimination shall be practised against Chinese seamen after they have returned to work and they shall be in no way maltreated.



Terms of the agreement
Mediators along the line suggested by the strikers were appointed and held frequen t meetings in Hong Kong and Canton. They reached an agreement on March 5, the
terms of which were as follows:
Type of steame r Terms of Strikers' Difference
settlement original
demands
per cen t per cen t per cen t
1. Coastwise steamer s 20.0 35.0 15.0
2. Chinese rive r steamer s 30.0 32.5 2.5
3. Other Chines e steamer s 30.0 32.5 2.5
4. Canton, Macao & Hon g Kon g 20.0 25.0 5.0
Co. steamers (British )
5. Other Britis h steamer s 20.0 25.0 5.0
(taking scale of 4 a s base)
6. Java Line s 15.0 17.5 2.5
7. Pacific line s 15.0 17.5 2.5
8. European line s 15.0 17.5 2.5
9. Australian line s 15.0 20.0 5.0

On March 6 a gazette extraordinary was issued by the Hong Kong Government rescinding the order in council of February 1 which declared the Chinese Seamen' s Union an unlawful society. Immediately a fife and drum band led thousands of Chinese seamen in a parade to celebrate their 'victory' and to replace the signboard at their old headquarters. Firecrackers and a feast completed their memorable celebration.

Effects of the strike
During the strike, namely between January 13 and March 5, there was a complete paralysis of industrial life in Hong Kong. The manager of a leading restaurant was compelled personally to attend to the provision of food for resident visitors there. Boy scouts operated the electric elevators and acted as messengers. High class Europeans performed their own personal services. Children carried lunches into the city to their elders. Privately owned cars were impressed for public use, and Government employees of British birth volunteered for janitor service in government buildings.
Ships having no southern Chinese crews were able to come and go as usual, but the strike of the coal coolies and stevedores rendered i t almost impossible to mov e freight, and cargoes generally were either left in idle ships or carried on to other ports. No river steamers were running and trade with the interior was out of the question.
The importatio n of food stuffs being stopped temporarily, prices in Hong Kon g rose suddenly. Describing business conditions during the strike, an eyewitness says: 'The Chinese shops as well as European are mostly only partially open. The banks are functioning with armed volunteers within the vestibule. The business houses are staffed as usual but are partially depleted of their Chinese employees, and there is an absence of transactions. A few straggling rickshas and chairs are the only visible evidence of public vehicular traffic '
On the whole, the strike was carried on in an orderly manner. Only on March 4 was a case of violence noted. After the dissolution of the Seamen's Union, the strike situation became more serious and the Hong Kong Government closed the passenger traffic of the Canton-Kowloon Railway in order to prevent more strikers from leaving the colony. On March 4, about 2,000 domestics decided to go on foot to Canton. On reaching th e Kowloon frontier, the y broke through th e Britis h cordon without th e required passes. As the strikers refused to come back, a warning shot was fired. This proving ineffective, several volleys were fired which killed three strikers and wounded eight. The Seamen's Union now demands a satisfactory and just settlement of this case.
DOCUMENT IV . b2 : Th e genera l strik e o f 1925-2 6 (source : Deng Zhongxia , Zhongguozhigongyundongshi, 1919-192 6 (Ahistory of Chinese trade unionism, 1919-1926, published in 1930)
Preparation
The Hong Kong-Guangzhou strike was brought about as a protest against the May 30th Incident in Shanghai. It continued for as long as two years, and it became the last bastion of the anti-imperialist tide since the May 30th.
The Hong Kong-Guangzhou strik e could not be started immediately afte r th e May 30th Incident in Shanghai because at the time in Guangzhou there was the Liu-Yang War. Guangzhou was in a state of war, and so when the All China General Union received the news of the May 30th Incident, it could only hold a mass meeting and not decide on the strike in Hong Kong and Guangzhou. Nevertheless, the Al l China Genera l Unio n wa s prepared t o call for th e strik e i n response t o event s i n Shanghai immediately after the end of the war. Consequently, while the war was going on, it had sent representatives to Hong Kong to prepare for action.
The situation in Hong Kong at the time was as follows: although there were more than a hundred unions in Hong Kong, they were either 'yellow unions' or trade guilds. Although w e had som e influenc e i n the th e Seamen' s Union, especiall y sinc e Li n Weimin and Su Zhaozheng joined the Chinese Communist Party, the chairman of the union was an extreme rightist. At the time, there were barely ten Communist Part y members in Hong Kong, and most of them were the lowest dock labourers. There were several more Communist Youth League members than Part y members, but mos t of those were students. Clearly, from our own subjective assessment, we could not predict with confidence whether the strike could be organized. So when we promoted th e strike, we did it from both the top and the bottom ends. On the one hand, we distributed leaflets i n the factories, and , on the other hand, w e approached th e leader s of th e unions.
At the time, anti-imperialism was riding high in Shanghai and it provided much impetus for workers in Hong Kong. In a few days time, our promotion brought results, for the feeling for the strike continued to intensify. The trouble we had to face was that the Hong Kong unions were not united. At th e time, they were divided int o thre e groups. Firstly, the faction around the General Association of Labour of Hong Kong consisted of over seventy unions, mostly handicraft. Within this faction, the Seamen's union was a major union. Secondly, the faction around the Chinese Labour General Association included over thirty unions. Again, most of these were handicraft unions. Only the Tramway Workers' Union was an important union in this faction. Thirdly , about twenty unions did not belong to any faction. Mos t of these were big unions, such as engineers, loading workers, coal and charcoal and foreign goods. Under suc h circumstances, how could the strike be united? Fortunately, in the Second All China Labour Congress, the All China General Union had been established. The Hong Kong unions had taken part in the All China Labour Congress and so they showed som e trust in the representatives of the All China General Union. So when the All China General Union called a meeting of representatives of the trade unions, in the meeting it passed the decision to strike unopposed, and also adopted the communique t o be issued for the strike as well as the strikers' demands. A day later, a second joint meeting was held and decided on the name and membership of the united command for th e strike, which was called the Hong Kong Confederation of Labour.
As I said, the Hong Kong trade unions were either yello w unions' or trade guilds. Why did these 'yellow' union leaders agree to the strike? They did because they had their own intentions and wishes. These 'yellow' union leaders were really people who had no occupation. They lived on the union fees they collected. They believed tha t taking part in the strike did not go against their interests, because, they thought afte r the strike, leadership would rest in their hands. They would enjoy on the one hand the vanity of being patriotic, and, on the other hand, als o the pratical benefit of taking a slice of the strike expenses. We knew this at the time, and so when we approache d these 'yellow' union leaders in Hong Kong about the strike, we took a tolerating attitude in their fight over what positions to occupy in the strike leadership. We did this because at the time, if we wanted the strike in Hong Kong to succeed, we had to have the m involved. Without them, the strike would be sabotaged. We wanted the strike to take place, and s o we had t o adop t th e policy o f tolerating thes e people. Nevertheless , when i t came to the crunch, the 'yellow' union leaders were afraid, an d they raise d many difficult questions: First, there was the question of food and lodging for strikers, for they said before the end of the Liu-Yang War, how could the strikers find food and accommodation. We told them that within three days the war would be over, and that food and accommodation in Guangzhou would prove no problem. Indeed, news came the next day that Liu and Yang had been put down. However, the 'yellow' union leaders still did not believe we had a grasp on the problem of food and lodging, and they wanted to send representatives to Guangzhou to negotiate. Because after the Liu-Yang War, the Guangdong government on the advice of the Communist Party was in support of the strike in Hong Kong, the Hong Kong union representatives were given satisfactory assurance. Second, how should we handle the question of the Hong Kong government obstructing the exit from Hong Kong? They said, the Hong Kong government would impose a curfew and stop the train so that strikers could not leave. What could we do about that? We said, if the train stopped, there were several routes by sea and overland that we could take to reach Guangzhou. In the unlikely event that the Hong Kon g government would block all transport, by sea or on land, and we rioted, we had th e support and sympathy of all workers the world over. Finally came the third question . The 'yellow' union leaders raised the question of the strike schedule. They suggested that the strike should be staggered; it was clear that they were afraid of striking. We demanded that all workers strike at the same time. During the meeting, they reluctantly accepted ou r proposal, but w e expected thes e 'yellow ' union leader s t o be slow i n implementing the decision. At thi s critical moment, on that night, the Communis t Party corps decided in its meeting that the strike should be initiated by unions tha t were under our direction (seamen, tramway, Chinese and English type-setting, foreign employees*), so that the hands of the 'yellow' unions would be forced. So, this great historic Hong Kong- Guangzhou strike began, on the night of 19th June.
Chinese domestic workers employed i n European residence s


The outbreak of the strike
Before the strike began, the Hong Kong unions jointly presented a document to the Hong Kong government, explainin g th e reasons for the strike and listin g out thei r demands. There were two sections. Under the first section, the document stated it s support for the seventeen conditions made by the Shanghai Federation of Workers-Merchants-Students. Under th e second section, i t made six demands on the Hon g Kong government: (1 ) politica l freedom , (2 ) equalit y befor e th e law , (3 ) popula r election, (4) labour legislation, (5) rent reduction, and (6) freedom of residence.
When the strike was announced, the gist of what was said was as follows: