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ment found themselves able to show a firmer front than they had before displayed, and while making it manifest that they were not unwilling to listen to any fair statement of grievances, and to apply such remedies as might be reasonable, they let it be known that thay were prepared to act firmly in the public interests and to take such steps as might be necessary for the restoration of order. This being once realised, it became possible to bring the strikers to reason and the trouble was adjusted in a far shorter time than appeared at first likely; while an attempt on the part of the one of the Internationl Labour Association leaders to foment further disturbance was followed by his prompt. arrest. This was so far satisfactory, but it still leaves an uncomfortable feeling that the public Services are dangerously in the hands of demagogues, and that there is little security against a recurrence of a similar strike either in France or elsewhere. At the same time there is, in the history of this matter, some encouragement to those who look with justifiable aversion upon anything in the form of a breach of public order, in one consideration. No doubt the adoption of a firmer attitude by the French Government had its influence in bringing the strike to an end; hut there were also other causes of a more permanent and reliable character which tended to this result. There could not fail to be the idea among the strikers that though the Government might (like anyone else when driven into a corner) be inclined to deal leniently so as to get over the immediate difficulty, it would not be very long before the Authorities would have matters again in hand, when in one way and another those who had brought about the disorder and who persisted in maintaining it would, after all, come off second hest, and might run the risk of losing their employment altogether. Not only this, but it would very soon hecom apparent to those who had joined in the movement that the labour associations coul not long support them, and that, after all, the weapon they had launched was something of a boomerang and was apt to recoil upon those who had launched it. In most strikes it is found that though the labour associa. tions can get up sufficient enthusiasm to start a strike, it is extremely difficult to keep it going on anything like a large scale after it has been put in force. Exactly the same state of things became apparent in a strike of a much less serious character, but still of the same nature, which was worked up among the employees of the Government Railways in the Colony of Natal. The caused a great deal of trouble for a few days, but gave in when they found the result of holding out longer would be that a number of them would lose their employment alto gether. This is a contingency which in one form or another must always face those who are employed by Government either in the Post Office or un Government Railways, aud it affords at least some security against capricious and unwarranted striking. This bearing of the subject cannot fail as time goes on to become apparent to the men themselves, who will then find some better means of seeking redress than resorting to measures which may cause a unjustifiable injury or even danger to the public, but are certain in the end to damage the strikers
themselves.
Gambling at the Alhambra, Shanghai, has been stopped. The reason why the proprietors resolved to comply with the insistent agitation that has been carried on, has not been officially divulged; but it is stated that the closing of the gambling saloon was in compliance with orders from Peking.
THE HONGKONG WEEKLY PRESS AND
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THE BOYCOTT IN CHINA
(Daily Press, June 25th.)
Japan's trade with China last year is known to have suffered rather severely on account of the boycott instituted at Cauton against Japanese products by way of retaliation for what the Chinese regarded as the humiliation of their Government by Japan in demanding
apology and an indemnity of $170,000 yen for the seizure of the steamer "Tatan-maru
an
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was
by Chinese gunboats near Macao with a consignment of arms which it "lleged were to be smuggled into China. The boycott movement initiated in Canton was reported to have spread to every trading centre in all ports of the world where Chinese merchants are settled, The Japanese press has from time to time told its renders of the very large sums which the Japanese steamship companies have suffered from loss of passenger traffic as a result of the boycott: but to get any. approximate idea of the total effect of the boycott on the general trade between the two countries has not been possible until now. The Japanese Finance Department has just issued its "Financial and Economic Annual" and from this very valuable compilation we are able to ascertain that Japan's exports to China in 1908 were about 25 per cent. less than in 1907; while her imports from China showed a falling off equal to about. six per cent. The total value of Japan's exports to China in 1908 was ven 77,745,792 showing a decline of yen 28,264,124 compar- ed with the returns for 1907; while Jaran's imports from China stood in 1908 at yen 63,783,961, which is less than the 1907 figure by yen 4.209,083. Together, then a drop of over thirty-two million yen is shown in Japan's trade with China in 1908 compared with the returns for 1907. But these figures do not include the trade with Hongkong. There are tables
in the "Financial and Economic Aunual" which show the value of the trade with the various countries of the world from 1895 down to 1908, and we observe that since 1895 the export of Japanese commodities to Hong kong has never been as low as it was in 1908, when it showed a decline of six million yen compared with the returns of 1907, and nine million yen compared with the figures for 1906. Imports from Hong- kong, however, showed substantial improve- ment, their value being set down as yen 1.115,530 compared with yen 820,610 in 1907. Adding the net decline of trade with Hongkong to that of China we get a total drop in 1908 of about thirty-eight million yen. It is not possible, however, to get it down to the boycott entirely. There is, in fact, no mention ofthe word "Boycott" in the official review of economic conditions, which merely states that “shout March or April our exports to South China suffered generally from dulness of trade" (the boycott started in March), and coming to the month of August we are told that "the depreciation of silver still went on and the trade with Chins remained inactive." But we can safely attribute the bulk of the loss of trade with
"
more
China to the " boycott," which does not appear to be at an end yet. Though the Chinese papers have of late made no re- ference to the subject, we have it on the authority of a leading Japanese paper that
there is no sign whatever of a placable mood towards Japan on the part of the southern Chinese." From Melbourne to Yokohama, it says, the boycott of Japanese vessels is practically effective. "Under the Japanese flag no Chinaman will walk the deck or ship his goods," and our contem- porary, the Asahi Shimbun, estimates the loss
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[June 26, 1909.
the
at over a million yen annually—on ; Australian line alone presumably. The Asahi comes to the conclusion that remon-
strances to Peking ouly accentuate the situation, as the Cantonese are habitually hostile to the Manchu dynasty, and it sug- gests that the southern Chinese may be placated by (1) Japan's recognition of China's title to Pratas Island; (2) not only must all claim for compensation to Mr. NISHIZAWA be foregone, but also an indem- nity must be paid to China on account of the guano and phosphates hitherto removed from the Island; and (3) Japan must agree to waive the Tatsu Maru indemnity of 170,000 yen, which has not yet been paid by Chias, All these things the Asahi regards as trifles compared with the heavy and continuous loss which the boycott representa. For a paper of the Asahi's standing in Japan, this is a remarkable change of front, but, after all, the gulf between these proposals and the present attitude of the Japanese Govern- ment does not seem a wide one. The neglect of the Government for fifteen months to obtain from China the indeinuity she agreed to pay for the seizure of the "Tatsu-maru would seem to indicate that Japan is satis- fied with the mere promise to pay. As regards Pratas Island. Japan has never claimed that the island belongs to herself, but has simply hesitated to acknowledge China's right to oust Japanese subjects from the island until China furnishes conclusive proof of ownership. When that is done it is possible that Japan may be prepared to waive the claim for disturbance, but it is unlikely, we think, that Japan will feel disposed to offer an indemnity for the guano removed from the island before the protest was made by China. The Pratas Island Question seems some way from settlement yet, but it is by no means improbable that when the basis of a settle-
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ment is reached Јарад, especially if supported by the public Press, will make an effort to include in it some pacificatory arrangement which will end the boycott and restore normal conditions of trade between the two countries.
RANDOM REFLECTIONS. Apparently we haven't reached the last word on the Upium Question yet. Thousands of words were scattered in the Legislative Council on Thursday, and when gathered in the Press they ran to columns of solid type, which made the butterfly reader shudder and turn to another page. The burden of all the critical speeches attached to the word "substantial," and do other on Thursday was what significance is to be people give the same meaning that we do? The ordinary man would say that substantial in dicates something large or solid and if he refer to the dictionary he will find quite a number of definitions given, none of which, however, should prove embarrassing. For in
stance, Webster's first series of definitions are substantial-belonging to substance, actually These include-not seeming or imaginary; not existing, real. The next lot will suit as better. illusite; real, solid, true, veritable. There are three other lists given, but I think the two will be enough to go on with.
We all hope, of course, that the Imperial Government's grant-in-aid will not be imaginary veritable; something substantial. The point is or illusive, but something real, solid, true and
whether it will come up to our expecta- tions or not. And probably we shall not be disappointed if we make up our minds not to be disappointed. he philosophy may not be acceptable to some. It may be that the great Roman Marcus Aurelius talked in some such own and ask you to make it yours. manner, but I give you the philosophy as my It will work all right.
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I could not help reflecting on the very different audiences which` were seen in the
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