Möteshibar 10, 3906.]
|
it doubtful whether it will be possible for the Dock Board to find the full amount of the interest payable on the cost of expropria tion, and also in the cost of the new works which are urgently required to bring the facilities of the port up to date, and prevent the Colony losing its position as a port of call and also a commercial collecting and distributing centre. When the new large Craving Dock is completed the Board will have to meet interest charges on a debt which will amount approximately to five millions sterling. To provide interest at four per cent. on a capital of five millions sterling requiries an annual sum of, say, $1,700,000, and, unless during the next five years there is a considerable expansion of the revenues of the Board, it will not be possible for it to pay its way, and the Colonial revenues will probably have to bear a charge of some $200,000 à year to cover the deficit. No expansion of revenue, the Governor Bays, can be looked for from increased charges at the Wharves and Docks, as these have already reached a point beyond which an increase would certainly mean a loss. His Excellency proceeded to refer in his dispatch to the urgency of certain large public works at Singapore and Penang. Then, after alluding to the fact that in the Estimates for this year the Government have to face a deficit of $675,881, His Excellency goes on to say that, taking a dis- passiouate view of all the circumstances, it is impossible to regard without apprebenl sion the financial future. of the Colony. "The ports must remain as they are present free porta, that freedom being an essentia condition of their continued existence, and, with the proposed Stamp Bill now before the Legislature, and upon the passing of which the estimate of revenue for next year is based, direct taxation will be pushed as far as it is likely to be remunerativo.". While the Governor entertains no doubt of the ultimate financial stability of the Colony, he foresees that for the next ten years or so the ordinary services must be severely, pinched, if not to some extent suspended and there will be no margin for works urgently required in the public interest if the Military contribution is to continue to be based, as at present, on gross revenue. Sir JOHN ANDERSON, in a convincing despatch, asks His Majesty's Government to free from taxation for Military contribu tion at least all capital expenditures for special services required to maintain and promote the progress of the Colony. In freeing the special taxation for Loan Works, and in claiming contribution only on the net return, of reproductive works, this principle, Sir JOHN ANDERSON points out, has already been conceded, and the Colony now asks that it may be extended to works of even more vital importance to the welfare of the Settlements, though they do not yield a direct return, and that His Majesty Govern- ment may be pleased to allow a rebate on the Military contribution equal to 25 per vent of the Colony's special services Budget The Secretary of State for the Colonies however, says that His Majesty's Govern ment cannot agree to the suggestion that revenue raised for the purpose of paying interest on loans for certain purposes should be exempted from assessment to Military contribution"; "if in isolated cases exemption has been agreed to, His Majesty's Goveru ment, 'the Secretary of State says, have never been able to assent to any general departure from the principles, which have, with the full agreement of the Colony, regulated the Military contribution, and His Majesty's Government is of opinion that the arguments wilvaged by the Governor of the
CHINA OVERLAND TRADE REPORT. Straits Settlements strike at the root of the principle on which all Military contributions paid by the Eastern colonies are at present assessed, and these arguments cannot be admitted without giving up the whole system of assessment both in the Straits Settlements and elsewhere.
C
The despatch further states that the principle underlying the institution of the Colonial Military contribution is that the Colony should pay the whole cost of it land defence though, as a matter of fact, it does not appear to have been doing so.
In this respect the Straits d› not stand on the same footing as Hongkong, for it was never intended that Hongkong should hear the whole cost of the garrison here. However, it does not follow that because the Colony of the Straits Settlements has failet to obtain a reduction of its Military contri- bution, that Hongkong would be unsuccess- ful to the same extent, if it is driven by a sacrifice of the opium revenue to make ao appeal to the Imperial Government. We note that His Majesty's Government allow that the precise methods on which the contribution is assessed are perhaps subjects for considération, for they were settled by mutual agreement and are capable also of readjustment, if necessary, by mutual agree- meut." On the strength of this confession His Excellency the Governor of Hongkong. can certainly hope for the consideration of his valuable suggestion, that a better means to attain the object Mr. CHAMBERLAIN had in view would be to take the difference between ordinary revenue and ordinary expenditure which, together with the estimated revenue from land sales, is the margin or balance available for capital expenditure on Public Works Extra ordinary-and to devote half of it to Military_contribution and half to Public Works Extraordinary. The advantage of this method is that it would not prevent progress and development ia times of nancial depression like the present, as the existing method doe, and the Colonial Office, we fancy, would be hard put to it to find any reasonable objection to advance against the suggested change in the in- cidence of the tax.
THE CHA GING EAST.
(Daily Press, November 7th. The tenour of an article which recently appeared in a London contemporary upon the state of affairs in Tonkin seems to indicate that there is a tendency in France as elsewhere to over-estimate the effects which have been produced upon the Oriental mind by the recent success of Japan in war with a European Power. After review- ing the various opin ons expressed in French papers with respect to the disturbances which have ar seo, and more especially the attempt to poison the French troops at Hanoi, the writer lays it down, in a some what e cathedra style, that "the true reason for all the manifestations of unrest and of the obvious nervousness of Europeans in Indo-China is the spread of the spirit of independence and racial pride consequent on the victories in Japan and the awakening of China." That the former is one of the reasons, few will be inclined to deny. The spectacle of one of the greatest European Powers being repulsed by th resolute action of the Japanese must necessarily have hid a great effect upon the minds of all Asiatic nations, who have for many years seen the contrary conclusion tall conflicts between Europe ins and Asiatics, but it does not follow that they would jump to the conclu. sion that in all cases similar results might
323
be confidently looked for. It may be doubted whether this case alone would have both sufficient to routeuy serious anti-föreign feeling in China, if it were not co-incident with the other cause of probably much more potency, which i vaguely indiosted by the expression "the awakening of China." What that precisely means, speaking generally, it is somewhat difficult to my, but so far as relations between China and foreign ́Powers are concerned, it may be taken to mean that China is aware that with the object lesson of the Rosso-Japanese War before it no European nation la likely to pursue a policy East, not only on account of the direct of cdaquest in any direction in the Far
risk involved, but in coosidɔration also of the responsibilities which it would have to assume, even if successful. This fact had
WS
of
long before the Japanese war been fully gras pel by some of the foreign Powers, thouga it certainly was overlooked by Russia; and this, though it became emphasised by the Russo-Japanese war, was not in reality a new element in diplomatic relations between. China and foreign nations. Its real im- porta ce is with those who have already, like France, assumed the responsibilities of a dominant nation in the East, and who naturally feel that those responsibilities are increased by recent events; and have no desire to follow the mistake which made by Russia, through under-estimating the possible strength of opponents who might formerly be easily defied. In this frame of mind the French are likely to exag- gerate the importance of incidents, which might quite possibly have arisen in the natural course of events without any Japan- ese war or awakening of China having preceded them This is really what seems to have been the case in the incidents that have occurred, and the point at which they have practical significence is that which is reluctantly recognised in Franc, namely that maintaining aupremoy in distant parts and more especially in the Far East, is likely in the future to be a more onerous and expensive task than it has been in the past. Even as things were formerly, there has been a good, dea of misapprehension as to the question of expense. The apparently elby conqueata and establishment Colonies by Great Britain in many parts of the world, have been looked upon as a thing which any nation might do which hai a fancy that way; but it is beginning to be discovered that both expenditure and administrative power of a special kind are required to conduct Colonial“. enterprise to success. The review of the position to which we have alluded con- cludes with the observation that
* the French Government while sensibly refusing to be drawu into a panic, are fully aware of the condition of affairs, as is shown by the fact that the Colonial garrison has been consulerably enforce !"; aud this is, no doubt, a step which is absolutely ne cessary, though one scarcely likely to be popular in France. In addition to taking obvious precautions of this nature it is necessary in the present day to study the wants and feelings of the people governed in the Far East with more care and dis- crimination than has hitherto been the case. While it is fatal merely to follow the lines of the government or rather misgovernment to which they have b en accustomed, it is still necessary to be careful in introducing changes to consult their wishes, feelings, and special requirements.
This it is possible to do to a far greater extent than was possible when so few were acquainted with the language and customs ofinstern people.. With the increase of this knowledge and with the willingness shown by the now
$
No comments yet.
Private notes are available after approval.