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COMMUNITY OF NATIONAL INTERESTS.
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THE HONGKONG WEEKLY PRESS AND
(Daily Press, January 7th.) M. GAUDIN DE VILLAINE bas proved some. what of an advocatus Dinholi for his own side in the French Chambers lately; and succeeded in so mixing up two entirely irrelevant subjects that both were reduced momentarily to the level of a comedy. The Government, he alleged, was carrying on a British policy abroad and an anti-Catholic policy at home. That the two were in any way sorrelated seemed so utterly absurd that a few words from M. CLEMENCEAU turned the whole force of M DE VILLAINE'S artillery against himself. But looking calmnly on the situation, is there any reason for suspecting that the work of France, even in carrying on British policy abroad, in any way acts disadvantageously to herself: The tame remark was made in England on the first announcement of the alliance, namely shat ngland was acting in the interest of France without adequate return, and M, DELCASSE appropriately commented on this. that the gentlemen who thought so were evidently unaware of the nature of a bargain. in supposing it could exist if it had only one side, or that advantages on one side were necessarily correlated with disasters on the other. The basis of the understanding come to on both sides was that there were a number of particulars in which the interests of the two countries were so thoroughly identical that it would be well to consider whether both could not be better advanced by amalgamating than by acting separately and independently; and avoiding that clashing on merely subsidiary details which had frequently interfered in preventing cordial union. From the very necessity of closing up the ranks these details had to take second place, but the result was a much more effective front: if France then were doing abroad England's work, she was pari passu urging on her own. This had been evidenced at Algeciras, where the united front shown by the two Powers had more than anything else been instrumental in dissipating the clouds of suspicion with regard to the future intentions of France that for a time hung over the political horizon of Europe. With regard to the religious question the people of England have all through refused to ok, upon the strife with the Vatican as having within it any religious element whatever; the Protestant people of England have long desired to be on better terms, religiously and socially, with the great Catholic people of France, but this rapprochement has always been prevented through the political machina. tions of the Vatican-80 far and so far only can the political tendencies be brought in contact, and it is only on this ground that English public opinion has ever ventured to discuss the French movement. Thus M. VILLAINE'S motion intended to hamper his government at home, and do dishonour to his country abroad, has bad the singular effect of hringing into pro minence the benefits already incident to both in the Accord. The question, to which he demanded a categorical answer yes or no, brought into still greater prominence his want of political sagacity which cannot but fail to react on the party he professes, no doubt truly, to represent. He wanted to know if there existed a military conven- tion with England? Of course if M. CLEMENCEAU had said yes, he would have told a deliberate untruth; and this was well known to M. DE VILLAINE's inspirers. If on the contrary he had sad no, he would have been guilty of a constructive lie. The
fact, of course, is that in the interest of the Alliance each nation is bound to do all it can by peaceful methods to uphold it; and if in the task it should honourably be called upon to oppose any infraction hy force, it would plainly have to take the risk of ulterior measures. This is a very different thing from AD offensive and defensive alliance, though the issue might eventually be the same. A similar question put likewise to embarrass the British Government was lately asked in the House of Commons regarding the imaginary case of Japan going to war with the United States, and was answered in a somewhat similar manner. Neither alliance was made with the intention of forcing either of the parties to it to enter into a war for the sole purpose of gratifying some whim of the other, so that the definite answer of yes or no could not be given until the whole case came actually under discussion. A govern ment is certainly entitled to take measures to defend itself again insidious attacks of such a nature, and in both cases the Governments found themselves supported by the commonsense of their legislatures.
But the incident in the French Chamber has not heen without its practical issue, for it has
both utions thinking whether a still further development of the community of interests hotween the two might not he found advan- tageous to both in the long run. The suggestion comes from the Times corres. indent. In the recent outturu of events France and England have found their financial policies so nearly ideatical that an undoubted evil to both was caused by a financial measure on the part of England in preserving her own credit. England had to raise the rate of discount to an abnormal rate. The measure was not taken against
set
France, who suffered nearly as much inccn. venience from it as did England herself. Now if England, the writer suggests, had had a financial as well as a political accord with France, the raising of the rate would have been superfluous, or its incidence would have been greatly reduced to the no small benefit of both countries. Why should not such a thing be possible? Theoretically there could be no objection to such a course, but here again the making of a hard and fast rule might caused untold ruin if either should temporarily lose its head. This then, would be another instance of the truism we have mentioned, that agreements which leave no room for the exercise of discretion on either side are in no case to be recommended between nations,—as in them- selves bound to lead to the very differences they were presumed to render impossible. The very best insurance against such an untoward event is the community of in- trest, not the fact of the agreement in words; and with this community of interests
knowledged and felt by both, details of the exact course to be taken in altogether un- foreseen and unforeseeable emergencies may well be left to the discretion of the moment A law devised to cover every emergency which may possibly happen is bound to break down when put to the actual test of experience. And this must ever be the case with artificial accords made like swivels to suit all emergencies.
والسر
of.
While a gang of coolies were carrying out Pxcavation work at the Protestant cemetery, Happy Valley, on Monday, for the purpose levelling the burial ground, a mass of earth slid away from the hillside carrying one of the men
with it. In the descent he' was struck on the
head by a large stone. A piesha was promptly procured and he was despatched for hospital, bat died on the way.
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[January 12, 1908.
CHINA ASSOCIATION, HONGKONG. (1)
(Daily Press, January 8th.)
It is almost unfair to the eloquent speech - of the CHAIRMAN of the Hongkong China Association to subject it to any sort of analysis. Such speeches are perhaps not
to staud it. meant
The compound is delightful: the mental chemist may find its components thin. It enjoys the qualities and defects of a typical "editorial", in which the writer lays down one or two obvialities, as a Highlandman is supposed to lay down a couple of swords, and shows his agility and skill by dancing over and about them without touching them. As Mr. BALLOCH hinted, Mr. MURRAY STEWART perhaps had excellent reasons for not wanting to touch them. This analogy brings us back to the point that it is perhaps unfair to the oration to dissect it. The analyst, were he also a phrasemaker, might describe it as a fine monologue full of pretty but not always trustworthy analogues. "alliteration's Someone has emphasised artful aid "; Mr. STEWART's analogiatic arguments were also artful; but we fear that a severe logician would say they were no more conclusive than if they had been merely alliterative. Risking the unfairness already admitted, we will dwell on a few of his points.
We fancy we shall find examples where his own weapons might be turned against himself. Analogisms are the edged tools of logic. Harping on what is now familiarly mentioned as the Customs Edict, the CHAIRMAN remarked that a true Chinese patriot would not have begun a scheme of reforms by tackling the Customs; he would have tackled first some other of the departments that sadly require amend meat.
From his point of view, which we, of course, share, that is quite right; but the Chinese would not have to seek far for pretty analogies with which to upset it. They might compare the Customs to a next-egg. "Let us take this excellent egg, so admirably and kindly fashioned by the foreigner", they could argue, “and let us put it in the nest of our dilatory hen, so that she will more easily realize her obligation in the matter". They could also, by using Mr. STEWArt's evidently favourite style of argument, recall how it is better for the 'prentice hand to begin work on an ́article "started" for him by the skilled journey. man than it is for him to begin operations on a block of raw material. On this same subject of the Customs Edict, the CHAIR- WAN seems to have misunderstood some at least of the critics of the Association's attitude. For ourselves we never quite got rid of the feeling that too much was madə of the incident. The fuss was too great seeing that it was motives, mor› than acts, that were protasted against. The Chair- MAN himself refers to motives; he believes that the assurance; subsequent to the pother wer· “probably meant to be" an insult to foreigners. There, we honestly believe, the verbal fandangoist has made a miss-step: it is fortunate perhaps that the swords he danced over are somewhat blunted. With regard to that Custom Elict, we felt no alarm: our position was exactly similar to Mr. Murray Stewart's ́ with regard to the Opium Edict. We took the motives for granted; if Mandarindom's motives could kill, there would be very few living specimens of the foreign devil to be found in China. But they don't, so we decided (to use the CHAIRMAN's own words as applied to the Opium Edict) that "when they have shown that they are in earnest
it may perhaps be well for the British Government to take some
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