July 10, 1905.J
22
CHINA OVERLAND TRADE REPORT.
■hipping. Spanish shipping was} not
seems the more likely. Russia seems in excluded, because of the special Treaty of the throes of revolution, and the shocking Paris, by which America undertook that scenes at Odessa have a striking resem- Spanish shipping should enjoy equal blance to the reign of terror " that advantages with -American shipping in accompanied a bygone revolution elsewhere. respect of tariff duties on Philippine In both instances, it was and is the masses imports. That undertaking was for ten against the classes, and there can be years, and at the end of 1908, two years but one outcome, if human nature has and a half hence, American shipping will not changed, or if its capacity to endure have a monopoly. For in the matter of the injustice and oppression has not been British representations, the American abnormally strengthened. There is the Government replied that their obligations story that it began with the official shooting | under the most-favoured-nation clause could of a seaman who had presented his comrades' not take precedeuce of a special treaty.prayer for better food. His act might have As Lord LANSDOWNE expressed it, it did been contrary to naval ideas of discipline; not preclude America from making, by he may even have discharged his mission in treaty
with another Power, for value a truculent manner; but however he did it, received, special arrangements entitling summary execution was neither right nor that Power exceptional privileges politic, especially at such a time, and with or advantages." This meant that the ex- such conditions prevailing. If that story ception made in the case of Spain did not be true, and if it be the fact that the naval justify the British or any other claims to authorities, afraid of the trouble spreading, quality of treatment; and, as recently have disarmed (“disabled,' our telegram announced in a Daily Press telegram, there said) the other vessels and left the place to the is no longer any hope of inducing the mercy of the mutineers, then we are enabled American Government to take any other view to gain some idea of the mental helplessness Many who are interested in the carrying and desperate folly of an officialdom that is tradie, believe that the extension of the advancing to its doom. Such a position, American coastwise laws to the commerce
with two big warships absolutely in the control of outlaws, would probably call for foreign intervention. If this be necessary, we hope that the interveners will not do more than see that the two rebel ships are
from As the prevented
working mischief on innocent ceutrals. It would be a mistake for the Powers to meddle with Russian interual
to
between the United States and the Philip pines, involving the carriage of all freight in American bottoms, will lead to a serious increase in freight charges, which, they say, may not improbably be doubled. now law does not come into force until July next year, and the favoured treatment Great Britain applied for could not be claimed, and would cerainly be withdrawn, two and a half years later, when the Spanish agreement terminates, Lord LANs- DOWNE was of opinion that there was no reason to be seriously disappointed; that, in fact, the grapes, if not sour, were very small. This is no doubt a very philo wophical way of regarding matters, but it might be carried too far. It seems clear that British shipping must lose its Philippine trade; but in the cases of the Marshall Islands, and the Canaries, there are openings for greater firmness. In the
affairs. Either the autocracy-bureaucracy must win, or it must lose. No outside interference, such as was attempted_at Paris, can cure the ills of Russia. The uation must "dree its ain weird"; and will probably be worse before it can be better. One thing seems clear. Although there are all the causes, and all the symptoms, of genuine and general revolution, the inal contents do not appear to have discovered any competent leaders or any concerted plan. It says much for the strength of the ir feelings that so much has been done all over the Empire without this necessary
ANGLO-JAPANESE RELATIONS.
(Daily Press, 6th July.) The emphatic declaration which was made by Mr. CHAMBERLAIN in favour of a per-
case of the former, Australia's threat to organisation. penalise German trade would undoubtedly help to make the German Government as amenable to reason as it has proved. In the case of Spain, which has decided to shut out foreign shipping from the Canaries, more information should be forthcoming before loug. The visit of KING ALFONSO, and his reception, may make the Spanish Government's decision less adamant.
If not, there is always the weapon of retalia- tion, and so far as we can see, the number
of those willing to resort to such a step is increasing.
ODESSA,
It
(Daily Press 5th July.) We have been told that Russia was ripe for revolution, that revolution was actually breaking out. We have also been told that the disturbances were merely incidental to the war, that the real revolutionaries bad nothing to do with them, and that no historical changes were at all likely to take place. The recent startling news from Odessa does not settle the point for us. may be that the crushing reverses suffered by the Russian army and navy has upset the mental balance of the rank and file; or it may be that the mutiny is one more feature of a widespread feeling, that the twen who have murdered their officers seized two big warships, and opened fire ou the troops sent to arrest them, are actuated by the popular discontent with those set in authority over them. For our part, the latter
maent alliance between Great Britain and
Japan must have come as a surprise to many who have become accustomed to a traditional halting policy with respect to all
matters in the
Far East. There are
15
For some
and that public opinion in England does not require a very great amount of further education to bring it to the point of accepting an understanding with Japan of a permanent character as, at all events prima facie, a desirable measure. time past feeling has certainly run in this direction, but in matters of this kind the British public is much averse to being hur- ried; and SO definite an utterance as that which has been made was scarcely expected from any high quarter. What is proposed is a
"mutual defensive under-
standing between Japan and Great Britain" which would mean an understanding that they would jointly withstand any attempts which would have the effect of threatening Japan on the one hand or India on the other-in other words an agreement. to join together in preventing the sacroach- ments of Russia or any other nation (if oge should appear) desirous of following in her footsteps.
The suggestion seems to have been received on the whole favourably, if we may judge by the comments upon it which appeared in The Times and other leading British papers. As has from time to time been indicated in these columns, the drift of events has been clearly in this direction, though it scarcely seened that an idea of the kind would take definite shape so soop as has proved to be the case. In these days events march rapidly, and it may now be taken that the question of some such alliance as is proposed will before long be taken into serious consideration—and, indeed, there is every probability that in some form it will be acted upon. The benefits of such a combination were pointed out some time ago in the practical suggestion that, by such an arrangement, England would gain the advantage of a large number of valuable troops in case of necessity, while Japan would secure the support of the British Navy. To this it was objected that the mere fact of England's acknowledging that she might be dependent for troops upon a foreign country, was an admission of weakness unworthy of an Empire claiming a dominant position in the
world. That there is something in this argument, it is impossible to deny; but it is equally impossible to ignore that, in the event of any great struggle arising with respect to India, the want of a sufficiently large army would undoubtedly be severely felt. The question is one of plain fact, not of sentiment, and it would be a great mis take to throw aside a means of remedying & great defect in our means of defence in Asia, should the occasion arise, on the probably few politicians who would venture grounds that it would be very desirable that upon so definite a atement of their views as such a defect did not exist. It is not to be was made by the member for Kirwinghau; overlooked that for many years past pre- but Mr. CHAMBERLAIN is nothing unless cisely the same state of matters has been decisive. This quality has been the secret of recognised, and acquiesced in,, as applying to Great Britain's position in respect to any his success and, it must also be admitted, to some extent of his failures.
serious hostilities in Europe. Of late there public opinion is fairly made up, the has been a commendable attempt to increase politician who will boldly declare and the number and efficiency of the army, but maintain it carries all before him; but for years it was an accepted axiom that the case stands very differently when a England was not in a position to take part problem is still in the balance and the public in any great European war without allies; require some further information before and, though this idea may have gone some- It is, what turther than the actual facts War- finally making up their minds. therefore, a question of much interest ranted, it cannot be denied that there was & substantial foundation for it. Taking whether the utterances of Mr. CHAMBERLAIN
this into consideration it may not, after all, at the Liberal Union Club will conduce to bring about a permanent alliance with be so serious a matter that the existence of Japan, or whether it may not prove that a similar state of affairs should be recognised the suggestion made in so definite a manuer in the present day as a fact which we bare
Ou the whole, to face in was a little premature.
regar to maintaining our
When once
however, there is good reason to hope that in this instauce, at all events, Mr. CHAMBERLAIN has not
erred by being two much in advance of his hearers;
supremacy in Asia.
The main question, however, to be con- sidered is whether there is sufficient common interest between Japan and Great Britain
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