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States Government has allowed itself to be deceived in a similar fashion by the Chinese representative at Washington. It must, of course, in fairness be admitted that diploma- tic usages demanded that the persons of the Ambassadors should continue to be respect- ed as before, in spite of the shameful violation of these usages by the Imperial clique and its followers at Peking. But that after re- peated lessons any government should con- tinue to put any credence in Chinese assur- ances, contrary to all indications of their untrustworthiness, merits nothing less than the "profound indignation" of which Dr. MORRISON Writes. We cannot fix the blame of the lying and deception entirely on the Chinese Ministers themselves, unless we can
definitely prove that they actually invented the stories and edicts. If we can so prove, steps must be taken without delay to get rid of these culprits; if not, the question of how to treat the disseminators of such fic- tions at the command of their own central authorities is a difficult one and cannot summarily be answered. A Minister at a foreign court who acts by instructions is not a free agent and cannot be punished even if he knowingly deceives, except by a request for his removal. The real blame in the matter lies on those who court deception by preferring the version from an already dis- credited source to the urgent representations of those whose duty it is to be well in- formed. Sir CLAUDE MACDONALD has suf- fered throughout his tenure of office at Peking by the unwillingness of the British Government to pay due heed to his state- ments. Even had they done so early in this year they would have been in possession of a very small part of the facts. The Intelli- gence Department in China as in South Africa has been miserably neglected, and
what little work it has done has been ren- dered nugatory by the incredible folly of those at home. If with a reorganisation of China no amelioration comes of the system by which we keep in touch with Chinese affairs, one more lesson will have been wasted.
1
AN UNFOUNDED SCARE IN
HONGKONG.
THE HONGKONG WEEKLY PRESS AND
A LESSON FROM HISTORY.
(Daily Press, 10th September.) In spite of the numerous alarming rumours current in the Colony during last week the Feast of Lanterns on Saturday passed off in perfect quiet, and there was no call to put into execution the measures prepared to quell an outbreak. We have reason to believe that the authorities were fully ready to deal with any trouble, and not only were the troops all available, but also had there been any necessity the warships in the har. bour could have landed a strong force and some Maxims. Really the prospect of any riot in the Colony must be very small. The Chinese have too much at stake and know better than to favour any disturbers of the peace. The bad characters among them have been well looked after of late, and though the coolie class is inclined to be aggressive-particularly those engaged in coaling work, whose conduct is causing grave difficulties the mass of the native population is on its best behaviour. There is no doubt that last week's large crop of rumours alarmed the more nervous of the residents, but nothing at all to justify their apprehensions took place on Saturday night. In fact the City was much quieter than it was on the recent Emperor's Birthday. No news from Canton is yet to hand, but it may be presumed from the mere fact of silence that all has passed off well.
(Contributed.) “
"History repeats itself;" which, after all, is but another way of saying that, granted similar con- ditions, human beings will act very much at one time as at another. In 1858 the position of affairs in China was not unlike what it is at the mo- ment, and the actors were not altogether dis- similar; substituting Kiying for Li Hung chang, we seem to be going over the old ground. Nor was the external position so very unlike. Russia then was contemplating her great coup by which she gained possession of Primorsk; as she is to-day contemplating another step, which shall give her control of the remainder of the great province of Manchuria, with its concomit ant, the command of the entire eastern seaboard of Asia, north of 40 deg. north latitude. Then she had conceived a platonic affection for the United States, as to-day she professes to have for France; and she seems with equal adroitness to have on each occasion turned to her own ad- vantage her momentary liaison, equally regard- less of the after feelings of either. In one respect there is, however, a great difference te be noted. Forty-two years ago the vast country west of the Mississippi was still mainly un settled, and the development of the Pacific slope had hardly begun. On principle the American Government had adopted a policy of abstention from European politics, and was concentrating its efforts towards the development of its great estate. It wanted trade with China, not as a field for the development of its own commerce, but as the source whence it derived tea and many other commodities which the States required in their ordinary everyday life. Political ascendency outside the limits of the American continent was rigidly forbid den to the American statesman. In 1900, of course, all this is changed: the United States have entered the community of nations, and are even more keen than their neighbours in pushing openings for their export trade. Still some of the principles survive amongst a large and important class of the population, and as the States are in the throes of a Presidential Election it behoves the Government carefully to avoid any measures likely to be distasteful to any large section of the electorate. The Go- vernment has already rendered the most impor- tant assistance to the other Powers, when it found that that assistance was actually needed, and it is probable that if that free and ready assistance given in the first instance had not come to hand the world would have had to avenge the greatest political crime ever per- petrated. The present attitude of the United States is, therefore, one readily comprehensible, and is undoubtedly taken up in good faith. Having said so much, it is however the more interesting to look back the forty odd years, and note how old traditions are potent in driving the States along similar lines. The most severe comment on the then attitude of the States which we have seen comes from a French source-the Marquis de Moges. Speaking of Baron Gros's embassy and its meeting with the American Minister, he says: Baron Gros could not have desired a colleague who had his interests more sincerely at heart, or who could have exhibited greater courtesy, but this was all it amounted to. The Government of the Union had instructed their envoy to remain a simple spectator of the struggle; to be present at the operations against the Chinese, but to take no part in them.
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[September 15, 1900.
The
had been furnished with such credentials. To this the Commissioners gave a point-blank denial; it was true they allowed that such credentials had been produced, but they had been forged by the Commissioners themselves. Then arose a difference between the four plenipotentiaries at the time present in the Gulf, England and France on the one side, represented by Lord Elgin and Baron Gros; and Russia and the United States on the other, represented by Admiral Poutistine and Mr. Reed. allied plenipotentiaries continued positive in their refusal, while the other two declard them- selves quite prepared to treat. Strengthened by this false attitude, Chinese-like the com- missioners were equally determined in their refusal to communicate with the Emperor, and the first capture of the Taku Forts and the storming of Tientsin followed. Convinced of the folly of holding out on so untenable a ground, the Chinese Government in the end sent down two properly accredited plenipo tentiaries, in conjunction with whom the by no means exacting clauses of the original treaty of Tientsin were finally arranged.
One strange episode which occurred during the progress of the negotiations casts a lurid glare on a very similar incident within the last few weeks. As we have already mentioned Kiying was one of the commissioners who had concluded the treaty of Nanking. For a time the wily statesman desired to pose as the friend of progress, and more than once attended the social functions of the new Colonial Government in Hongkong. Essaying to sit on the fence, he wrote a characteristic despatch to the Emperor: "When your slave did the barbarians the hon. our of asking them to dine with him at the Bogue or at Macao, ten, twenty or even thirty of their chiefs and leading men accepted his invitation. When afterwards your slavo has had occasion to go to their residences, or on board their ships, the barbarians came and sat down round him and vied with each other in offering him food and wine. To gain their goodwill your servant could not do otherwise than acceed.
We
At the time when there was friendly intercourse between foreigners and China, several barbarians were received by us on the footing of a certain equality; but now that these relations have ceased to exist, it is more than ever our duty to repel the barbarians and keep them at a distance," &c. The Emperor had never forgiven Kiying the task he had assigned him, and soon displayed his ingratitude by degrading his once trusted official. The sur- prise of the plenipotentiaries may therefore be imagined when Riying suddenly appeared at the conference, and offered his services. That Kiying intended to atone for the past by making as much mischief as possible was soon apparent, no sooner had he appeared in Tientsin than the attitude of all became altered. The people hitherto civil became insolent: Sir Michael Seymour was insulted in the suburbs, several English officers were mobbed and had stones thrown at them, and it was very evident that the old policy was being tried again, and the Court, foiled elsewhere, was pre- pared to make the appeal to the mob. are most anxious to do everything, but you see for yourself the people are uncon trollable; what can we do "Unfortunately for poor old Kiying his "Memorial" had been dis- covered amongst other incriminating papers on the capture of Canton, and was now produced to his unexpecting gaze! The effect was in- stantaneous; Kiying disappeared on the moment, and returned abashed to Peking, where the time at least; indeed till the Americans Emperor showed his gratitude by at once order- could, without expense to themselves, reap ing him to commit suicide, and taking care a share of the advantages won by Anglo- that the order was duly carried ont. Could we French shot and shell." Under the peculiar not trace the similarity in present conditions, circumstances of the case this attack was hardly we should be at a loss to understand how closely, of how a perfectly conceivably friendly piece of selves. The equally strange 'desire of Russia even to details, events have been repeating them. generous, and we only give it as an indication policy came to be viewed by a friendly outsider. and the United States to gloss over what can- But the policy had wider results, and it is to not be looked on by any right minded man as them that we would wish to draw attention. other than a gross insult, in the attempt of the Unable to arrange affairs satisfactorily in the deeply compromised Li Hung-chang to fores south, the Allied fleets had gone north to the his unwelcome presence on the scene, would not Gulf of Pechili, where they expected to find be explicable did we not understand that each properly accredited Commissioners on behalf in its way had very similar ends to gain in 1900 of the Emperor to deal with. They found in to those that influenced both in 1858. Similarly deed commissioners-Tan, Viceroy of Chihli, Li's career, not unlike in many respects that of and two assistants Tsung and Wu. The the old Kiying, explains his feverish desire to Ambassadors pointed out that Kiying and interfere. Like Kiying, he has himself sat on Ilipu, who had concluded the treaties of 1842," the fence, and has with strange success posed to
in the mean-
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