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expected that silver would for very long possess a widely different value on one side of the globe from that it possesses on the other.
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In relation to gold the probabilities are rather in favour of silver rising than falling in value, but in relation to commo- dities in China a gradual diminution in its purchasing power may be looked for until equilibrium shall have been re-established. All this, however, in no way derogates from the soundness of the bimetallic fixed ratio principle, namely, that a between gold and silver might be maintained, though it renders more and more improbable the restoration of the old ratio of 151 to 1. In the last annual report of the Shanghai Branch of the China Associa- tion the following sentence occurs:-"The danger to China and Japan-that is, to "their newly-born and growing industrial development is the reversion of Western "nations to bimetallism." If we may say so without disrespect, that sentence appears to us to be pure and unadulterated nonsense. It indicates an inability to distinguish be- tween the cause of bimetallism and the cause of silver inflation. The latter is desired by a limited section for their own personal profit and advantage, whereas bimetallism is a sound principle by the adoption of which trade all over the world would benefit. What is wanted is to have exchange between England and China and all other countries as steady as the exchange between London and Edinburgh. The question of the ratio is a matter of detail; but if the principle of bimetallism should ever be adopted we may take it that the ratio to be established will be much nearer two shillings to the dollar than four shillings.
THE BRITISH OFFICIAL AND THE PUBLIC.
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Mr. SWETTENHAM, in his excellent paper British rule in Malaya," recently read before the Royal Colonial Institute, devotes a very interesting chapter to "The British official and the public.' Mr. SWETTENHAM, himself an official, thinks that the English official has something to learn in his treat- meut of men of his own colour who approach him in his official capacity; he says that some British officials appear to acquire, in the course of their service, a habit of looking with suspicion on all their own countrymen who have any official dealings with them. A good many people who have had personal experience in the matter be ready to confirm Mr. SWETTENHAM'S impression as to the attitude adopted by British officials to the white man in auto- cratically governed territories, and will agree with him as to the desirability of its being altered. Great Britain has on the whole good reason to be proud of her civil servants, who in all parts of the Empire have rendered excellent service and kept themselves clean handed, but in Crown colonies and territories under a similar form of government there seems almost inevit ably to spring up a feeling of hostility between the officials and men of their own race in all matters of business and politics, even in cases where they are socially the best of friends. The explanation of this phenomenon may possibly be that having to deal for the most part with the wily but obse- quious native, in governing whoni a certain amount of overbearingness is necessary, the official when he has to deal with men of his own colour finds it difficult to suddenly adapt himself to different conditions. But whatever the explanation the fact remains, and unfortunately its effect is not entirely
THE HONGKONG WEEKLY PRESS AND
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[May 7, 1896.
sentimental but extends to more material | own, all their movements being directed by matters. "It is a curious fact," Mr. SWET the pulling of strings from Downing Street. TENHAM says, "that, so far as I know, We have never been able to acquiesce in "Crown colonies hardly ever produce really this theory of the effacement of the Minister, "rich colonists, while the constitutionally to which the last two holders of the office
tell governed colonies can them by have so complacently surrendered. The hundreds and thousands. I believe the result has been that, not being inclined, or reason is that in Crown colonies not being allowed, to exercise an influence "there is સ narrowness and
of for good, they have exercised an influence liberality in the treatment of bond fide for evil, and the effacement of the Minister "commercial undertakings that makes it has meant the effacement to a very great impossible to obtain much success, and in extent of British prestige in China. What- consequence the capital, the energy, and ever blame may be cast on Downing Street "the brains go elsewhere." We see sonie- for this painful state of affairs, an equal thing of this in the contrast between Hong- share must also be cast on the Ministers who kong and Shanghai, the former a Crown allowed themselves to be effaced. With the colony, the latter a self governing colony in advent of the present holder of the office we all but name.. Here we experience the trust a new era has dawned and that the narrowness and want of liberality to which British representative at Peking will hence- Mr. SWETTENHAM refers, while at Shanghai forth play that important part which Mr. the residents breath the air of freedom. The CURZON claims for diplomatists. consequence is that the pulse of commercial enterprise beats more fully at Shanghai than in Hongkong and in manufacturing industry the Crown colony is being left hopelessly in the rear. That is in part to be accounted for by other causes than the incubus of officialdom, but had the European com- munity been allowed a larger voice in shaping the fortunes of the colony from the commencement its commercial development would have proceeded more satisfactorily than it has done. Every Englishman must feel proud of the actual progress the colony has made, but at the same time it must be acknowledged that the progress has not been so great as it might have been. But it is never too late to mend, and we still hope to see the community allowed to manage its own local affairs.
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DIPLOMA:ISTS AND THEIR
INFLUENCE.
At the annual banquet of the Association of Chambers of Commerce of the United Kingdom the toast of "The Foreign Minis ters was proposed by Mr. Cenzox. The "outside world," he said, “knew little of the "real character and value of the diplo- "matists' labours. Too often they deserved the credit while the statesmen and poli- "ticians-au ephemeral and discredited race-reaped the glory. The representa "tives of foreign countries were in truth the "accredited plenipotentiaries of the greatest of all sovereigns and the noblest of all "courts-the court of international peace. "Those only who were in the inner circle of foreign affairs could realize the extent to which foreign complications were composed and foreign dangers averted by the silent "and subtle influence of those gentlemen "whose presence was little seen in public, "and whose names were, perhaps, not too "well known, but who, in reality and in the
background, while Parliaments blundered "and newspapers inflamed, were the sure "and silent instruments drawing together "the hearts of nations by invisible but
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But there is another point in Mr. CUR- zox's remarks that suggests reflection. İs it a fact that, while Parliaments blunder and newspapers influence, diplomatists are the sure and silent instruments drawing together the hearts of nations by invisible but golden cords? Is it not rather the fact that the estrangements of nations are due mainly to the folly and ineptitude of their diplomatists? If some enterprising and industrions student would undertake to write a history of treaties, tracing the effects of their stipulations when brought into operation, the makers of the majority of· them would come in for little credit and much blame. In former times, less enlight- ened than the present, the nations were at the mercy of their rulers and potentates and the Ministers appointed by these, but the time has arrived when the common sense of the public should be brought to bear, and is in a measure being brought to bear, upon the conduct of diplomatic negotiations. When "newspapers inflame" it is generally because the information avail- able to them is imperfect and misleading; make all the facts public and inflammatory writing will become harmless and the good sense of the nation may be trusted to arrive at sound conclusions. This principle could of course have no application` in semi-civilized countries, but as between such nations as England and the United States it is intolerable that the risk of war should be incurred by the blundering of incompetent or ill-informed officials. The true. history of the Venezuelan question, as set out by Mr. HENRY NORMAN in his article in Cosmopolis
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and he gives chapter and verse for all his statements-appears to be a history of blundering from beginning to end, insomuch that whereas Lord SALISBURY wrote on the 26th November last that "The Schomburgk "line was proclaimed as the irreducible boundary of the colony in October, 1886. As regards the rest, that which "lies within the so-called Schomburgk line, Her Majesty's Government do not con- sider that the rights of Great Britain are 'golden cords." What the Under Secretary
open to question;" it was within three of State said with reference to the Furcign months semi-officially announced that "This Ministers accredited to the Court of St.
country is now perfectly willing to refer James he would presumably be prepared to to arbitration the title to all unsettled say with reference to the Ministers repre- territory, discarding the Schomburgk line, seating his own country at Foreign Courts. "but excluding the settled districts." The But how would his remarks apply in the case concession was not made in any spirit of of Peking? Have the British Ministers at backing down," but simply because it was that Court exercised the influence Mr.discovered that the Schomburgk line was CURZON claims for diplomatists in general? not legally defensible as an indication of According to their own account, or, perhaps dominion and empire on the part of Great we should say, according to the excuses put Britain. When blunders such as this are forward for them by their friends, in recent brought to light, it is time some permanent years, at all events, they have not been allowed court of international arbitration was set up to exercise any influence at all; they have as a protection against the warlike conse been mere automata with no will of their quences that might otherwise ensue from
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