374
THE HONGKONG WEEKLY PRESS AND
LORD SALISBURY ON THE SITUA- | eign trade and navigation in order that the Yunnan market may not be dependent on the Tonkin route, which might at any time
TION IN THE FAR EAST.
[November 21, 1895.
"inithe uninterrupted succession of what I "should like to think is meant as friendly
criticism, no doubt for the benefit of its
Lord SALISBURY's statement that Eng | be closed against British goods by prohibi-¡ “ject, and not the particular fad of ideas
tive tariffs.
REPORTED GERMAN OCCUPATION İF QUEMOY.
i
"
of
37
land is prepared for any combination in the Far East, whether on a question of war or commerce, is a welcome assurance at the present time. It is general in its nature, certainly, and does not convey any very definite idea of the national policy, but it may nevertheless be taken as a declaration that England intends to hold her own in this part of the world. If the Premier had sounded a doubtful note, had spoken in a timid manner of threatening dangers, and had hinted at the necessity of sometimes sacrificing particular interests for the general welfare of the Empire there might have been some cause of uneasiness; but so far from that being the case, the tone of the declaration, vague as are its terms, is eminently satisfactory. British policy in the Far East has of late years been characterised by a disastrous feebleness; we may hope now for some dis- play of strength. In the event of war breaking out England would of course be roused to put forth all her energy and no doubt we would come out of the struggle the gainers. It is in the commercial struggle that our real danger lies, for other powers are intriguing to get exclusive advantages and to edge out British trade and industry. The British Government has shown little own arrangements from the beginning predecessors. He seems to have been lost
If the report of Germany's intention to occupy Quemoy be verified, it may be assumed that that island was selected in preference to Amoy in order to avoid possible complications that might have arisen from the seizure of a treaty port. We do not know that such complications would have been at all probable, but they; were certainly possible. At all the treaty ports diverse national interests have grown up, some or all of which might be affected by a foreign occupation. Stoppage of trade would affect all interests more or less, but as Germany is understood to be taking the action now attribute to her upon a friendly understanding with China it would not be chiculated to stop trade, even if i a treaty port were selected. But an island upon which no foreign interests have heen established, provided its situation is equally advantageous, will obviously be more convenient for Germany than one of the existing treaty ports rould have been for she will be at liberty to make her
nians,
inclination hitherto to cope with the situa-
unhampered by any of the restrictions tion, or, indeed, to grasp the idea that that she would have found at a treaty there was anything unusual in it, and the
port, where she would have had to British Legation at Peking is reported to have been to a large extent in blissful ignoradapt herself more or less to existing con- ditions. For instance, a foreign power ance of what was going on until public an- nouncements were made of definite advant-taking possession of a Chinese treaty port would have to make arrangements for the ages secured by our rivals. Latterly, how administration of the Chinese Customs, a ever, there has been a good deal of waking responsibility that might not be altogether up, the results of which we hope to see
welcome. She could not appropriate the ere long in the opening of new oppor- Customs revenue to her own use, nor would it tunities for trade As Well ALS in the
be altogether equitable to turn the Customs protection of all existing rights. Ro
establishment out and tell them to long as our own-commercial interests are
collect the revenue elsewhere, for there protected we may look on with equanimity might be no other print at which it could or friendly approval at the efforts of other he collected without risk of losing a great nations to promote the development of China.
portion of it. Even at Quenoy the Ger We have already urged this view in re- ference to the reported Russia designs on Manchuria, and would urge it also in regard to a Geripan occupation of Amoy, of which there have recently been some reports, The development of Tonkin by the French has brought very substantial advantages to this colony and to British trade, and we should expect the same from the establish ment of a German colony in our neighbour- hood. England cannot look favourably on French aggrandisement in the East, how ever, liceuse although as
yet it been found impossible to shut out Brit ish trade that is the declared aim and object of French statesmen. Russia also is inclined to shut up any territory she may become possessed of against foreign trade. From a Germany more enlightened poliey might be expected and if she should become possessed of a colony on the China coast it would probably be administered on the lines of Hongkong and Singapore. But in cach and every case in which foreign powers secure advantages in China, whether of a territorial or other nature, it is essential that England should see that they do not prejudice her interests, that she is not excluded from any existing markets or trade routes, and that there is no playing fast and loose with the favoured nation clause. With Lord SALISBURY'S declaration before us we are entitled to expect that that will be Eugland's future policy, and, amongst other things, that the West River will be opened to for-
has
assuming they take the place, may deem it reasonable to make some, arrange ments with the Chinese Government for the protection of the revenue of the latter, similar to the arrangements made by Hong kong and Magao for the prevention of opium smuggling; but that would be a small matter compared to the administration of the Customs establishment of a treaty port. The primary object of Germany in securing territory on the China coast is no doubt to use it as a coaling and repairing station for her Heet, but it will almost inevitably become a trading station as well, and if Quemoy be the point selected a good deal of the trade there, for it may be taken for granted that of Amoy may be expected to be transferred it would be made a free port and as such would grow into a distributing centre similar to Hongkong
SIR NICHOLAS ('CON › R.
The report of the speeches made at the banquet given to Sir. NICHOLAS O'CONOR at Tientsin, though they do not con- tain much substance, will be read with interest, especially that of the Minister, which may be regarded as his fare well address, not to the Tientsin com- munity only, but.
to his nationals throughout China. His Excellency says the cucouragement and support of the British residents at Tientsin has been grateful
:
the author, which has been pretty well uninterrupted for the last thirty years." By this we understand His Excellency to refer to the press comments to which he in common with his predecessors has been subjected. These comments, which were of a very favourable nature at the commence- ment of his own tenure of the office of British Minister, underwent a change as it was seen that the hopes entertained of vigorous latterly, in view of the almost total eclipse of and successful action were unfulfilled, and British influence, became markedly hostile, and, we think, with reason. Recent events have shown that the policy pursued by England during the period of thirty years mentioned by Sir NICHOLAS O'CONOR, the policy of giving in and of trying to curry favour with the Chinese, has been a radically mistaken one. Had Sir HARRY PARKES lived we might have seen a change, but his tenure of the office was too brief to make any appreciable break in the continuity of the policy. When Sir NICHOLAS O'COÑOR came on the scene it was thought that there might be a change, but he appears to have the inadvisability or impossibility of giving been even more strongly impressed with China a much needed shaking up than his in hopeless and helpless contemplation of the huge inert mass instead of trying to
move
it and get some good out of it. Judicious pressure exercised on the Chinese Government would have been as whole- some for China itself as it would have been advantageous to foreign interests, but
the attitude of the British Government and that of a child afraid to touch a strange animal its representatives at Peking has resembled forfear it might bite. Sir NICHOLAS O'CONOR has been no exception to the rule and must share in the general condemnation. He de- serves indeed a larger measure of it than any of his predecessors, for no British Minis foresigned a treaty providing for the despatch ter, either in China or elsewhere, has ever be- of periodical tribute missions from a British possession to a foreign power, but that is what he did in the case of Burmah.
The demonstration made at Tientsin in
Sir NICHOLAS O'CONOR's honour appears to have been based on personal rather than public grounds. The retiring Minister
seems to have made friends of all with whom
he has come in contact and to a man who is personally liked a partial judgment is often extended. Especially is this the case in small communities like those in the Far East, where the diverse elements that
to form the public judgment on public men in larger communities are to a great extent lacking and personal friendship counts for more than it ought to do. If there was anything to be said in favour of Sir NICHOLAS O'CONOR's administration of his important office, any triumph to be recorded, we should have expected it to be brought into prominence at the Tientsin banquet. But what do we find? When there is nothing to be said on a subject on which it would seem that something should be said it is a common trick of oratory to get over the difficulty by declaring that it. So it would take too long to say i the Tientsin Chairman, in proposing the toast of the evening, said he did not pro- pose to give at length a list of Sir NICHOLAS O'CONOR's services because it would run to too great length. Mr. COUSINS would have conferred a benefit on readers in the South if he had stated some of the services he re-
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