Page 77 of 182
146
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
Article 23 of the draft Basic Law clearly defines the various kinds of residents in the future Special Administrative Region. However, the question of dual nationality remains untouched. This issue will have significant implications on the operations of the SAR as the draft provides that the future Chief Executive, members of the Executive Council, President of the Legislative Council and principal officials are to be Chinese nationals.
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
Speech by Mr. Paul YOUNG
Page 77 of 182
147
Appendix B
Dr. Tu, Colleague, Ladies and Gentleman, I am pleased and thank you for the opportunity to comment individually on the Draft Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China. Much professional fine combing has been aired since the 'Draft' was made public in April 1988 for solicitation of opinions. I shall therefore not comment directly on the contents of the 'Draft' but use a family as an example perhaps somewhat oversimplified, to parallel Hong Kong's position and highlight a few areas that I hope may have some bearing on the future Basic Law.
Although the Basic Law draft does not specifically rule it out, the People's Republic of China's Nationality Law however does not accept dual nationality. This has led to concerns that Hong Kong people who are holding foreign passports are likely to be banned from holding the above positions in the SAR Government. This must be clarified. I do not think it will be in Hong Kong's interest to disqualify the dual passport holders from participating in Government.
I furthermore urge that the preservation of the freedom of participation by all Hong Kong residents-Chinese or non-Chinese alike in all aspects of our community. Hong Kong is an international city; much of its success depends on its pragmatic approach and its multinational nature. By denying the non-Chinese residents the right to participate fully will force Hong Kong to give up one of its greater advantages.
The role of the English language too needs to be preserved. According to the present draft, the English will only be given a secondary status. This will depart from the present practice here and, I believe, such a change will be detrimental to Hong Kong's economy and create difficulties with our legal system.
Lastly I would like to comment on the structure of the future Government-a subject which has caused most discussions and is still far from reaching a general consensus.
I am not opposed to the principle of universal adult suffrage. However, I believe what we need in 1997 is a system which has evolved from our present executive-led government, with legislators elected in a way that is representative of a broad range of economic and social interest. That is why I favour the concept of a Grand Electoral College (despite the ambiguity that surrounds its composition) and the maintenance of the functional constituencies system in the Legislative Council for the time being.
However, it is not to say this should be the permanent solution for Hong Kong. In time I hope a formula can be found which will enable the SAR Government to have a broader support base.
Hong Kong is now in a unique chapter of its history, a time when our present thinking can guide the systems which will be in place for the next 50 years. Given this enormous task, the onus must be on us to ensure that whilst we seek to reserve what is good in the present system, we must also allow flexibility for the system to develop according to changing circumstances in the next 50 years.
One could envisage the trauma experienced by a hard working native wife and her economically productive offsprings when their foreign father together with the elder of her native land jointly informed them that a considered and favourable arrangement has been made for the foreign father to leave the native land and that the rest of family is to join their large and alien native family.
Under this integration, varied reactions naturally arise amongst and between the large family of the native land, the mother and the offsprings. Successful integration of this mother and her offsprings into the larger native family depends on practices in: mutual learnings and understanding, tolerance with open mind (rules of self restrain), recognition and acceptance of their individual rights (universally declared) and family contribution as an independent unit.
Goals and rules that are excessively biased towards individual material gains and consumptions will only bring about progressive degradation of the family unit, her environment and ultimately social chaos. The Basic Law or for a better name the HKSAR Municipal Constitution and its Annex should therefore be so constituted as to enable its populace unqualified municipal autonomy to ultimately democratically select their leaders, uphold human dignity hence its rights, freedom of movement and speech, and augment the international ambience of HKSAR while preserving its prosperity and stability.
With this remarks, I support the motion.
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY THE GOVERNMENT PRINTER, HONG KONG
Page 77 of 182
146
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
Article 23 of the draft Basic Law clearly defines the various kinds of residents in the future Special Administrative Region. However, the question of dual
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
the operations of the SAR as the draft provides that the future Chief Executive, nationality remains untouched. This issue will have significant implications on Speech by Mr. Paul YOUNG members of the Executive Council, President of the Legislative Council and
principal officials are to be Chinese nationals.
Page 77 of 182
147
Appendix B
Dr. Tu, Colleague, Ladies and Gentleman, I am pleased and thank you for the opportunity to comment individually on the Draft Basic Law of the Hong Kong Although the Basic Law draft does not specifically rule it out, the People's professional fine combing has been aired since the 'Draft' was made public in Special Administrative Region of the Peoples' Republic of China. Much Republic of China's Nationality Law however does not accept dual nationality. April 1988 for solicitation of opinions. I shall therefore not comment directly This has led to concerns that Hong Kong people who are holding foreign the contents of the 'Draft' but use a family as an example perhaps somewhat passports are likely to be banned from holding the above positions in the oversimplified, to parallel Hong Kong's position and highlight a few areas that I SAR Government. This must be clarified. I do not think it will be in Hong hope may have some bearing on the future Basic Law. Kong's interest to disqualify the dual passport holders from participating
in Government.
I furthermore urge that the preservation of the freedom of participation by all Hong Kong residents-Chinese or non-Chinese alike in all aspects of our community. Hong Kong is an international city; much of its success depends on its pragmatic approach and its multinational nature. By denying the non- Chinese residents the right to participate fully will force Hong Kong to give up one of its greater advantages.
The role of the English language too needs to be preserved. According to the present draft, the English will only be given a secondary status. This will depart from the present practice here and, I believe, such a change will be detrimental to Hong Kong's economy and create difficulties with our legal system.
Lastly I would like to comment on the structure of the future Government-a subject which has caused most discussions and is still far from reaching a general consensus.
I am not opposed to the principle of universal adult suffrage. However 1 believe what we need in 1997 is a system which has evolved from our present executive-led government, with legislators elected in a way that is representative of a broad range of economic and social interest. That is why I favour the concept of a Grand Electoral College (despite the ambiguity that surrounds its composition) and the maintainence of the functional constituencies system in the Legislative Council for the time being.
However it is not to say this should be the permanent solution for Hong Kong. In time I hope a formula can be found which will enable the SAR Government to have a broader support base.
Hong Kong is now in a unique chapter of its history, a time when our present thinking can guide the systems which will be in place for the next 50 years. Given this enomorous task, the onus must be on us to ensure that whilst we seek to reserve what is good in the present system, we must also allow flexibility for the system to develop according to changing circumstances in the next 50 years.
One could envisaged the trauma experienced by a hard working native wife and her economically productive offsprings when their foreign father together with the elder of her native land jointly informed them that a considered and favourable arrangement has been made for the foreign father to leave the native land and that the rest of family is to join their large and alien native family.
Under this integration, varied reactions naturally arise amongst and between the large family of the native land, the mother and the offsprings. Successful integration of this mother and her offsprings into the larger native family depends on practices in: mutual learnings and understanding, tolerance with open mind (rules of self restrain), recognition and acceptance of their individual rights (universally declared) and family contribution as an independent unit.
Goals and rules that are excessively baised towards individual material gains and consumptions will only bring about progressive degradation of the family unit, her environment and ultimately social chaos. The Basic Law or for a better name the HKSAR Municipal Constitution and its Annex should therefore be so constituted as to enable its populace unqualified municipal autonomy to ultimately democratically select their leaders, uphold human dignity hence its rights, freedom of movement and speech, and augment the international ambience of HKSAR while preserving its prosperity and stability.
With this remarks, I support the motion.
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY THE GOVERNMENT PRINTER, HONG KONG
No comments yet.
Private notes are available after approval.