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HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
In conclusion, I think that the Draft Basic Law for Solicitation of Opinions is a guard against the future Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. If fully reflects the distrust of the Basic Law Drafting Committee in the people of Hong Kong and the contradiction between the two in terms of political viewpoint, with the Basic Law Drafting Committee unwilling to give up its own views.
Under the present circumstances, the issue of one country, I believe, constitutes no problem anymore since it has already been solved with the signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration. The question that follows is how to materialize the principles of two systems and Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong in a real democratic way—a problem which, in my opinion, has not been dealt with properly. In recent years, the words and deeds of some Chinese leaders and the political comments they made on Hong Kong continuously deal a blow at the confidence of the people of Hong Kong in establishing a democratic government and having Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong in the future. If practice is the only way to show the truth, then what does the work of implementation of the past two years prove? And what criteria are shown to the people of Hong Kong?
I was very happy when the Sino-British Joint Declaration was made known in 1984. My hands trembled with joy and excitement when I held the 2 copies of the Joint Declaration, one printed by China and the other by Britain, obtained from the District Office and the Bank of China. There are 2 reasons for it. Firstly, the Sino-British Joint Declaration solves our problem. China can resume its sovereignty over Hong Kong, bringing an end to the foreign rule over Hong Kong which has lasted for 140 years. Secondly, people from Mainland China told me that there will be a new hope for us after 1997. Hong Kong will no longer be administered by a colonial government, but a democratic one. Such kind of joy and excitement, however, was dampened repeatedly these years. In fact, the Chinese history of the past 140 years is one written by blood and tears. The problem we have to face now is how to progressively unify Mainland China, Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan. Theoretically, the principle of one country, two systems is feasible, but how should we put it into practice? Do those who put it into practice have the ability to unify China? Do they have confidence in their own tribesmen who are also Chinese? And would they really empower these tribesmen who are also Chinese to administer the place? If the serving officials in power cannot give affirmative answers to these questions, I am afraid we will not be able to have Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong in the future. If positive actions are taken, it is believed that unification of the Chinese nation is just round the corner.
(Mr. Paul Young left the meeting at 4:35 p.m.)
MR. LEE CHIK-YUET (in Cantonese):—Madam Chairman, to the people of Hong Kong, the ‘Draft Basic Law Of The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
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Of The People’s Republic Of China (For Solicitation Of Opinions)’ (hereinafter referred to as ‘the Draft’) is a constitutional document. The Draft covers a fairly wide range of aspects; it comes in ten chapters which contain a total of 172 Articles, complete with preamble and annexes. Structurally, it is compact and well-organized, and has tackled numerous technical legal problems. It will be impossible to discuss each Article in depth at this meeting. But if we just pick out a few articles for discussion, then we cannot see the wood for the trees. Yet if we discuss in generalities, we cannot see the trees for the wood. So as a compromise, today I am going to ‘look at the trees by having a bird’s-eye view of the wood’. I shall be taking an overall view of the wood but at the same time selecting some trees that are representative for detailed appreciation.
The Compromise Alternative
The ‘compromise alternative’ for the political system of the future Hong Kong Special Administrative Region has recently become a hot topic. Several leading Chinese side members of the Basic Law Drafting Committee have again come a long way to Hong Kong to solicit opinions with this ‘compromise alternative’ in mind. This has led to a general mobilization in Hong Kong’s political circles and numerous ‘compromise alternatives’ have been proposed. Of the eight or ten alternatives that have so far been put forward, the one that gets the most attention is the so-called ‘compromise on time alternative’ (known as ‘time alternative’ for short). Being regarded as ‘a ray of hope in the East’, its main idea is to adopt each of the various alternatives as a stage in the development of the political system, and to proceed gradually from one stage to another. My initial thought is that the ‘time alternative’ is worth considering, but there are certain prerequisite conditions to be met:
(1) A higher ideal for democracy must be set as the final target. I am pleased to notice that the various sectors in Hong Kong do not seem to have much dispute over this point. It looks as if all sectors agree that Hong Kong’s future political system will finally become one under which all members of the legislature and the Chief Executive will be elected by all the voters of Hong Kong on a one-person-one-vote basis.
(2) Time is to be used as the only element to link up the various alternatives, and no obstruction whatsoever should be imposed to hinder the development of democracy. In fact, those who propose the adoption of the so-called ‘initiation point’ are giving verbal agreement that the goal of one-person-one-vote democracy should ultimately be reached, but are at heart hoping that it will come to a premature end or never reach its final stage. Come to think of it, to expect a legislature with the majority of members elected by non-democratic procedures to support a democratic proposal by a two-thirds majority is just as impossible as negotiating with a tiger for its skin. This is similar to the case of the ‘Young Plan’. This plan, which was proposed after the 2nd World War by the then Governor of Hong Kong, ended in failure because it had met with opposition from a group of Exco and Legco members elected by non-democratic procedures.
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Page 67 of 182
126
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
In conclusion, I think that the Draft Basic Law for Solicitation of Opinions is a guard against the future Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. If fully reflects the distrust of the Basic Law Drafting Committee in the people of Hong Kong and the contradiction between the two in terms of political viewpoint, with the Basic Law Drafting Committee unwilling to give up its own views.
Under the present circumstances, the issue of one country, I believe, con- stitutes no problem anymore since it has already been solved with the signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration. The question that follows is how to materialize the principles of two systems and Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong in a real democratic way--a problem which, in my opinion, has not been dealt with properly. In recent years, the words and deeds of some Chinese leaders and the political comments they made on Hong Kong continuously deal a blow at the confidence of the people of Hong Kong in establishing a democratic government and having Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong in the future. If practice is the only way to show the truth, then what does the work of implementation of the past two years prove? And what criteria are shown to the people of Hong Kong?
I was very happy when the Sino-British Joint Declaration was made known in 1984. My hands trembled with joy and excitement when I told the 2 copies of the Joint Declaration, one printed by China and the other by Britain, obtained from the District Office and the Bank of China. There are 2 reasons for it. Firstly, the Sino-British Joint Declaration solves our problem. China can resume its sovereignty over Hong Kong, bringing an end to the foreign rule over Hong Kong which has lasted for 140 years. Secondly, people from Mainland China told me that there will be a new hope for us after 1997. Hong Kong will no longer be administered by a colonial government, but a democratic one. Such kind of joy and excitement, however, was dampened repeatedly these years. In fact, the Chinese history of the past 140 years is one written by blood and tears. The problem we have to fact now is how to progressively unify Mainland China, Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan. Theore- tically, the principle of one country, two systems is feasible, but how should we put it into practice? Do those who put it into practice have the ability to unify China? Do they have confidence in their own tribesmen who are also Chinese? And would they really empower these tribesmen who are also Chinese? And would they really empower these tribesmen to administer the place? If the serving officials in power cannot give affirmative answers to these questions, I am afraid we will not be able to have Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong in the future. If positive actions are taken, it is believed that unification of the Chinese nation is just round the corner.
(Mr. Paul Young left the meeting at 4.35 p.m.)
MR. LEE CHIK-YUET (in Cantonese):-Madam Chairman, to the people of Hong Kong, the 'Draft Basic Law Of The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
Page 67 of 182
127
Of The People's Republic Of China (For Solicitation Of Opinions)' (hereinafter referred to as 'the Draft') is a constitutional decument. The Draft covers a fairly wide range of aspects; it comes in ten chapters which contain a total of 172 Articles, complete with preamble and annexes. Structurally, it is compact and well-organized, and has tackled numerous technical legal problems. It will be impossible to diccuss each Article in depth at this meeting. But if we just pick out a few articles for discussion, then we cannot see the wood for the trees. Yet if we discuss in generalities, we cannot see the trees for the wood. So as a compromise, today I am going to 'look at the trees by having a bird's-eye view of the wood'. I shall be taking an overall view of the wood but at the same time selecting some trees that are representative for detailed appreciation.
The Compromise Alternative
The 'compromise alternative' for the political system of the future Hong Kong Special Administrative Region has recently become a hot topic. Several leading Chinese side members of the Basic Law Drafting Committee have again come a long way to Hong Kong to solicit opinions with this 'compromise alternative' in mind. This has led to a general mobilization in Hong Kong's political circles and numerous 'compromise alternatives' have been proposed. Of the eight or ten alternatives that have so far been put forward, the one that gets the most attention is the so-called 'compromise on time alternative' (known as 'time alternative' for short). Being regarded as ‘a ray of hope in the East', its main idea is to adopt each of the various alternatives as a stage in the development of the political stystem, and to proceed gradually from one stage to another. My initial thought is that the 'time alternative' is worth considering, but there are certain prerequisite conditions to be met:
(1) A higher ideal for democracy must be set as the final target. I am pleased to notice that the various sectors in Hong Kong do not seem to have much dispute over this point. It looks as if all sectors agree that Hong Kong's future political system will finally become one under which all members of the legislature and the Chief Executive will be elected by all the voters of Hong Kong on a one-person-one-vote basis.
(2) Time is to be used as the only element to link up the various alternatives, and no obstruction whatsoever should be imposed to hinder the develop- ment of democracy. In fact, those who propose the adoption of the so-called 'initiation point' are giving verbal agreement that the goal of one-person-one-vote democracy should ultimately be reached, but are at heart hoping that it will come to a premature end or never reach its final stage. Come to think of it, to expect a legislature with the majority of members elected by non-democratic procedures to support a democratic proposal by a two-thirds majority is just as impossible as negotiating with a tiger for its skin. This is similar to the case of the 'Young Plan'. This plan, which was proposed after the 2nd World War by the then Governor of Hong Kong, ended in failure because it had met with opposition from a group of Exco and Legco members elected by non-democratic procedures.
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