1988 — Page 52

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HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL

History shows us that in almost all former colonies, the local elite took over the powers of the colonials because they had the privilege of education and had held position during the colonial era. This should not happen in Hong Kong because for the past ten years everyone in Hong Kong has had at least nine years of free education, and most have reached at least Form 5 standard. Within the next decade these young people will be quite capable of understanding that a strong economy and the welfare of the people must go hand in hand, and they are not likely to recognize claims by any self-styled elite to be more capable of monopolizing power. It is not democracy, but the lack of democracy, that has caused unrest in our neighbouring countries.

It may be idealistic, but I would like to see in Hong Kong a form of democracy that operates without the western style of party rule. I see nothing wrong of course in people joining political organizations, but I prefer to see legislators chosen for their dedication and high principles rather than for their political party membership. Loyalty to a party line can lead to disloyalty to the public. Moreover, as the ruling party chooses its own loyal members to the executive or cabinet, the public are deprived of the best brains of the opposition party.

I hope that in the years before and after 1997 we may educate our young people to take up office with the sole intention of building up our economy for the welfare of the whole community, and not to get power or position. Hong Kong has an excellent opportunity to set an example to the world of a peaceful transfer of power to a democratic system.

I beg to move.

MR. STEPHEN M. L. LAU seconded the motion (in Cantonese): Madam Chairman, views of Urban Councillors have always been attached great importance to. At the Council's monthly meeting today, fellow councillors have the opportunity to express their personal opinion on the Draft Basic Law in order to build up a prosperous and bright future.

Madam Chairman, I second the motion.

MR. HILTON CHEONG-LEEN (in Cantonese): In the Preamble of the Draft Basic Law, it is stated 'that under the principle of "one country, two systems", socialist system and policies will not be practised in Hong Kong.'

Hong Kong people view this principle from two aspects:

one, that Hong Kong's capitalistic system should be preserved; and

two, that individual rights which exist in Hong Kong, either under common law or statutory law, should equally be respected and preserved. Many professionals, managerial staff and entrepreneurs are emigrating from Hong Kong because they are concerned that the 'One Country--Two Systems' principle will not work sufficiently to their liking after 1997.

HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL

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In order to keep confidence going and stem this outflow between now and 1997, it is essential that among other things the Draft Basic Law when it is presented to the National People's Congress for adoption should meet with the acceptance and approval of the great majority of Hong Kong people. Otherwise the rate of emigration could get even worse.

I believe that the Chinese Government is sincerely exerting its best efforts to consult Hong Kong people in the drafting of the Basic Law.

It is important that the Basic Law Consultative Committees and the Basic Law Drafting Committee after studying the various views and suggestions received during the consultation period, should arrive at a consensus or strong majority view on key aspects of the Draft.

One of the key aspects has to do with the political structure. Once the Draft Basic Law is adopted by the National People's Congress in 1990, Hong Kong will have seven years to evolve its political structure so that there will be maximum continuity and minimum disruption of the Hong Kong political system when sovereignty is returned to China in 1997.

Within the Basic Law Consultative Committee there are broadly speaking two views on the election of the Chief Executive in the early years of establishment of the HKSAR Government: one is by universal franchise, and the other is through a Grand Electoral College.

My own view is evolutionary in nature, which is that in the early years of the formation of the HKSAR Government, the election of the Chief Executive should be by an electoral college of between 600–1,000 delegates coming from all walks of life. However, each candidate to be validly nominated should secure the written support of at least one-tenth of the members of the electoral college. The term of office should be for 5 years.

My preference therefore is somewhat similar to Alternative 1 of Annex I in the Draft Basic Law. However, with the passage of time and in line with the views of the community as a whole I would go along with the proposal that the Chief Executive would be elected later on by universal suffrage.

Since the term of office of the Chief Executive would be five years, it is difficult to see how the Chief Executive could be a member of the Legislature where the term of office is proposed to be four years.

However, in order to keep a close link between the executive and the legislature, it is essential that about three-quarters of the Executive Council should be members of the legislature.

As regards the composition of the legislature, I believe the right proportion or balance by 1997 of elected members should be one-third coming from the functional constituencies, one-third directly elected, and one-third from different electoral colleges such as the Urban Council, the Regional Council, District Boards, statutory bodies, voluntary organizations, etc.

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