Page 62 of 185
116
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
needs time to cultivate and take root, just like trees need time to grow. It is bad to try to help the shoots grow by pulling them upward but it is also unwise to suppress their normal growth. In the case of the development of government system in Hong Kong, Hong Kong has a very good background to introduce direct election. Please take a look at the neighbouring areas of Hong Kong. Direct elections are held in these areas including Macau. The economic development, social awareness, and education level of the people of Hong Kong are by no means inferior, so actually we may cast off the groundless fears and the underestimation of our abilities. We should take one step forward boldly and introduce direct election.
In addition, there are only ten years left from now to 1997. Therefore, we must grasp the time to let the people and the government of Hong Kong gradually adapt to and get familiar with the practice and system of direct election within these ten years. I believe that the introduction of a directly elected element to the Legislative Council in 1988 will not affect the operation of the Council, but may provide ample time for the practice of direct election and to review and improve some of the shortcomings. Moreover, administrative expertise may be fostered.
There are already a lot of discussions on topics like the problem of convergence and the impact of direct election on the economic development of Hong Kong. I do not wish to repeat here.
The basic principle of a representative government is that people elect their own representatives and the government is accountable to and monitored by the people. The fairest and the most direct way to achieve these aims is the introduction of direct election. Only with the introduction of direct election can a government, which is supported by and accountable to the people, gradually establish.
Lastly, I would like to voice the following points:
(1) I believe that people for or against the introduction of direct election in 1988 are motivated by the concerns over the future of Hong Kong. Therefore, I hope both parties may strengthen their communications and finally reach a consensus and agreement.
(2) I hope that people who still keep silent now will express their opinions on the Green Paper as soon as possible within the remaining consultation period.
(3) People should strive for their civic rights and get registered as a voter in order to carry out their duties of citizens.
(4) A point strays from the subject: at present, there is the appearance of sects in Hong Kong to hamper our young people. People should be on guard and pay more attention to their children's behaviours.
Mr. Chairman, with these words, I support the motion.
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
Page 62 of 185
117
MR. FREDERICK K. K. FUNG (in Cantonese):—Mr. Chairman, I remember in December last year when we held our annual conventional debate, I looked at direct election from the political, economic, and social points of view and the Green Paper was not published yet. I was sure with development in representative government, direct election in Legco. would be an inevitable result. I also agreed that in 1988 there should be some directly elected seats to Legco. and I would not like to repeat what I said half a year ago, I hope that our Secretariat would have that included in the paper to be submitted to the Survey Office. But I would like to add some points today. Basically, I think that in the next year if there would be partial direct election to Legco the appointed seats should first be eliminated because they are chosen from important people in the society who have already been included in the electoral colleges or the functional constituencies so the appointed seats in 1988 could be reduced and their seats be replaced by direct election on the district basis.
I suggest in 1988 Legco seats should be as follows:
12 seats from the functional constituencies
12 seats from the electoral college;
12 seats from direct election;
10 seats from appointment; and 10 seats from Official Members.
Basically, I think the operation of a government needs monitoring and equilibrium and a government with 3 bases would be a suitable one. The political structure of Hong Kong including Legco should gradually be aimed at a 3-tier structure. Since Legco has no real authority, I think it should be the monitoring body for the Governor, the Exco, and for various government departments and the Governor should no longer be the President of Legco. I would also like to analyse the problems in the 1988 direct election and what is the crux of the matter and how we are going to deal with that. I think we are facing two problems. First of all, they are the Basic Law and secondly the public opinion of Hong Kong. As to the Basic Law, many pro-China people as well as the Chinese officials said that since the Basic Law had not been formulated and if we had direct elections in 1988 it might not tie in with the Basic Law. Therefore, Hong Kong's political development should be held in abeyance until the Basic Law comes into being. I remember that in 1984 when the joint declaration was signed, the public supported this at large. People at that time agreed to the concept of one country, two systems, and Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong. I would like to discuss with you the issue on Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong and one country two system together with the Basic Law taking the lead, which may give rise to some contradictions leading to some confrontations. For one country, it means that after 1997, the sovereignty of Hong Kong will be reverted to China. Except sovereignty and defence, the local government consisted of local people will be responsible for the political, social, and economic policies. That is meant by one country, two systems. Under this situation, the sovereignty belongs to China, Hong Kong people would have the
Page 62 of 185
116
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
needs time to cultivate and take root, just like trees need time to grow. It is bad to try to help the shoots grow by pulling them upward but it is also unwise to suppress their normal growth. In the case of the development of government system in Hong Kong, Hong Kong has a very good background to introduce direct election. Please take a look at the neighbouring areas of Hong Kong. Direct elections are held in these areas including Macau. The economic development, social awareness and education level of the people of Hong Kong are by no means inferior, so actually we may cast off the groundless fears and the underestimation of our abilities. We should take one step forward boldly and introduce direct election.
In addition, there are only ten years left from now to 1997. Therefore, we must grasp the time to let the people and the government of Hong Kong gradually adapt to and get familiar with the practice and system of direct election within these ten years. I believe that the introduction of a directly elected element to the Legislative Council in 1988 will not affect the operation of the Council, but may provide ample time for the practice of direct election and to review and imrpove some of the shortcomings. Moreover, administrative expertise may be fostered.
There are already a lot of discussions on topics like the problem of convergence and the impact of direct election on the economic development of Hong Kong. I do not wish to repeat here.
The basic principle of a representative government is that people elect their own representatives and the government is accountable to and monitored by the people. The fairest and the most direct way to achieve these aims is the introduction of direct election. Only with the introduction of direct election can a government, which is supported by and accountable to the people, gradually establish.
Lastly, I would like to voice the following points:
(1) I believe that people for or against the introduction of direct election in 1988 are motivated by the concerns over the future of Hong Kong. Therefore, I hope both parties may strengthen their communications and finally reach a consensus and agreement.
(2) I hope that people who still keep silent now will express their opinions on the Green Paper as soon as possible within the remaining consultation period.
(3) People should strive for their civic rights and get registered as a voter
in order to carry out their duties of citizens.
(4) A point strays from the subject: at present, there is the appearance of sects in Hong Kong to hamper our young people. People should be on guard and pay more attention to their children's behaviours.
Mr. Chairman, with these words, I support the motion.
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
Page 62 of 185
117
MR. FREDERICK K. K. FUNG (in Cantonese):—Mr. Chairman, I remember in December last year when we held our annual conventional debate, I looked at direct election from the political, economic and social points of view and the Green Paper was not published yet. I was sure with development in representa- tive government, direct election in Legco. would be an inevitable result. I also agreed that in 1988 there should be some directly elected seats to Legco. and I would not like to repeat what I said half a year ago, I hope that our Secretariat would have that included in the paper to be submitted to the Survey Office. But I would like to add some points today. Basically I think that in the next year if there would be partial direct election to Legco the appointed seats should first be eliminated because they are chosen from important people in the society who have already been included in the electoral colleges or the functional con- stituencies so the appointed seats in 1988 could be reduced and their seats be replaced by direct election on the district basis.
I suggest in 1988 Legco seats should be as follows:
12 seats from the functional constituencies
12 seats from the electoral college;
12 seats from direct election;
10 seats from appointment; and 10 seats from Official Members.
Basically I think the operation of a government needs monitoring and equilibrium and a government with 3 bases would be a suitable one. The political structure of Hong Kong including Legco should gradually be aimed at a 3-tier structure. Since Legco has no real authority, I think it should be the monitoring body for the Governor, the Exco and for various government departments and the Governor should no longer be the President of Legco. I would also like to analyse the problems in the 1988 direct election and what is the crux of the matter and how we are going to deal with that. I think we are facing two problems. First of all, they are the Basic Law and secondly the public opinion of Hong Kong. As to the Basic Law many pro-China people as well as the Chinese officials said that since the Basic Law had not been formulated and if we had direct elections in 1988 it might not tie in with the Basic Law. Therefore Hong Kong's political development should be held in abeyance until the Basic Law comes into being. I remember that in 1984 when the joint declaration was signed, the public supported this at large. People at that time agreed to the concept of one country, two systems, and Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong. I would like to discuss with you the issue on Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong and one country two system together with the Basic Law taking the lead, which may give rise to some contradictions leading to some confrontations. For one country, it means that after 1997, the sovereignty of Hong Kong will be reverted to China. Except sovereignty and defence, the local government consisted of local people will be responsible for the political, social and economic policies. That is meant by one country, two systems. Under this situation, the sovereignty belongs to China, Hong Kong people would have the
No comments yet.
Private notes are available after approval.