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(3) The first batch of Legislative Councillors elected by functional constituencies received great support from the public. Many talented persons were elected. Although they have not met the expectations of all the people, they have performed quite satisfactorily and proved to be well qualified for their job. It is alright to have such form of election again next year. Why should we trouble ourselves by arguing about a change in the structure? Why don't we consider the result and wait for the promulgation of the Basic Law before debating the issue? After all, the most important issues are stability and economic prosperity of Hong Kong.
For instance, when the Administration of President Corazon Aquino has got on to the right track, and foreign investors were considering investments in the Philippines so as to reestablish the country, a mutiny was initiated by a number of speculative politicians who scramble for power and profits. As a result, many people were killed or injured, and the people in general suffered. It in fact did no good to the nation. With the worries ahead, we have to take caution. I think these kinds of actions, which have brought calamities to the country and its people, are what we have to give deep thoughts to.
I support the motion.
DR. PHILIP C. K. Kwok (in English):—Mr. Chairman, just a few remarks.
1.
2.
3.
I think any further development in the Government Structure must make the convergence with the Basic Law of the SAR the primary objective. Therefore I absolutely disagree to making any significant changes in the present structure until the Basic Law is finalized. However, once the future structure is known we ought to make all the necessary changes as soon as possible to conform to it, so that the transition in 1997 would be as smooth as possible.
I view the introduction of direct election into the Legislative Council a significant change and I therefore oppose its introduction in 1988 for the reason given above.
Don't get me wrong. I strongly support the view that a percentage of the law-making body in the SAR Government should be by direct election. They ought to come from the regional constituencies and provide representation of their interests; and for such representatives to be meaningful and effective the percentage ought to be a significant one. Thus we are speaking of a major quantum jump, a major irreversible step. There is no room for initiating a minor adjustment on the present composition. It is impracticable to suggest opening up a few seats to test the response to and the consequence of direct election. One will end up creating a few super members in the Legco who may claim to represent one million people each. To me it is either 15 to 20 seats from direct election or nothing. All I am saying is wait, wait till we see where we are going, then full speed ahead!
With these remarks, I support the motion.
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
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MR. JOSEPH Y. S. CHAN (in Cantonese): Mr. Chairman, my views on the 1987 Review of Developments in Representative Government are as follows:
(1) Findings of an opinion survey in Southern District
In mid-July 1987, I conducted an opinion survey in the Southern District of Hong Kong Island. According to the information obtained, people have a strong wish to see the Legislative Council move a further step towards democracy by the inclusion of some directly elected seats so that people's interests can be directly represented and their views reflected. As regards the time to introduce direct elections, the survey shows no strong demand from the people. However, the figures show that more people are in favour of introducing direct elections in 1988. They are of the opinion that the later direct elections are introduced, the less desirable it would be and the more objections there would be.
(2) The authorities concerned should attach importance to public opinion and conform to reality in the review of the political system.
The authorities concerned should attach importance to public opinion and be responsive to public sentiments. In the assessment of public opinion, quality and quantity should carry equal weight. If the result of the opinion survey shows that the majority are in favour of introducing direct elections in 1988, the Government will have no grounds for rejecting such a proposal. Otherwise, it will be meaningless and worthless to carry out such a review. It will also undermine people's confidence in the Government. If the people gradually lose their confidence in the Government, it will inevitably lead to brain drain, outflow of capital and the emergence of a 'lame duck' government. If such were the case, it would be unfortunate for the people of Hong Kong.
On the other hand, we also fully understand that developments in Hong Kong's political system must not fail to converge with the government structure to be set up in July 1997. Otherwise, it will be detrimental to the proper implementation of the 'one country, two systems' policy and the high degree of autonomy as provided for in the Sino-British Joint Declaration. I feel that there should not be any confrontation or conflict between the public opinion obtained during the political review and the views of Hong Kong people on the Basic Law. On the contrary, they should complement each other and both Britain and China should attach due importance to them. I therefore propose that the result of the Opinion Survey should be submitted to the Sino-British Joint Liaison Group for in-depth study so that both parties may have a tacit understanding and agreement on this issue. This will enable the political system of Hong Kong to develop steadily in a peaceful atmosphere.
(3) Composition of the Legislative Council
Mr. Chairman, if the majority of the public wants to have some directly elected seats in the Legislative Council in 1988 and the Government opines that it is feasible after careful consideration, I think that there should not be any major changes in the composition of the Legislative Council, which should be as follows:
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(3) The first batch of Legislative Councillors elected by functional con- stituencies received great support from the public. Many talented persons were elected. Although they have not met the expectations of all the people, they have performed quite satisfactorily and proved to be well qualified for their job. It is alright to have such form of elction again next year. Why should we trouble ourselves by arguing about a change in the structure? Why don't we consider the result and wait for the promulgation of the Basic Law before debating the issue? After all, the most important issues are stability and economic prosperity of Hong Kong.
For instance, when the Administration of President Corazon Aquino has got on to the right track, and foreign investors were considering investments in the Philippines so as to reestablish the country, a mutiny was initiated by a number of speculative politicians who scramble for power and profits. As a result, many people were killed or injuried, and the people in general suffered. It in fact did no good to the nation. With the worries ahead, we have to take caution. I think these kinds of actions, which have brought calamities to the country and its people, are what we have to give deep thoughts to.
I support the motion.
DR. PHILIP C. K. Kwok (in English):—Mr. Chairman, just a few remarks.
1.
2.
3.
I think any further development in the Government Structure must make the convergence with the Basic law of the SAR the primary objective. Therefore I absolutely disagree to making any significant changes in the present structure until the Basic Law is finalized. However, once the future structure is known we ought to make all the necessary changes as soon as possible to conform to it, so that the transition in 1997 would be as smooth as possible.
I view the introduction of direct election into the Legislative Council a significant change and I therefore oppose its introduction in 1988 for the reason given above.
Don't get me wrong. I strongly support the view that a percentage of the law making body in the SAR Government should be by direct election. They ought to come from the regional constituencies and provide representation of their interests; and for such representative to be meaning- ful and effective the percentage ought to be a significant one. Thus we are speaking of a major quantum jump, a major irreversible step. There is no room for initiating a minor adjustment on the present composition. It is impracticable to suggest opening up a few seats to test the response to and the consequence of direct election. One will end up creating a few super members in the Legco who may claim to represent one million people each. To me it is either 15 to 20 seats from direct election or nothing. All I am saying is wait, wait till we see where we are going, then full speed ahead!
With these remarks, I support the motion.
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
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109
MR. JOSEPH Y. S. CHAN (in Cantonese): Mr. Chairman, my views on the 1987 Review of Developments in Representative Government are as follows:
(1) Findings of an opinion survey in Southern District
In mid-July 1987, I conducted an opinion survey in the Southern District of Hong Kong Island. According to the information obtained, people have a strong wish to see the Legislative Council move a further step towards democracy by the inclusion of some directly elected seats so that people's interests can be directly represented and their views reflected. As regards the time to introduce direct elections, the survey shows no strong demand from the people. However, the figures show that more people are in favour of introducing direct elections in 1988. They are of the opinion that the later direct elections are introduced, the less desirable it would be and the more objections there would be. (2) The authorities concerned should attach importance to public opinion and
conform to reality in the review of the political system.
The authorities concerned should attach importance to public opinion and be responsive to public sentiments. In the assessement of public opinion, quality and quantity should carry equal weight. If the result of the opinion survey shows that the majority are in favour of introducing direct elections in 1988, the Government will have no grounds for rejecting such a proposal. Otherwise, it will be meaningless and worthless to carry out such a review. It will also undermine people's confidence in the Government. If the people gradually lose their confidence in the Government, it will inevitably lead to brain drain, outflow of capital and the emergence of a 'lame duck' government. If such were the case, it would be unfortunate for the people of Hong Kong.
On the other hand, we also fully understand that developments in Hong Kong's political system must not fail to converge with the government structure to be set up in July 1997. Otherwise, it will be detrimental to the proper implementation of the 'one country, two systems' policy and the high degree of autonomy as provided for in the Sino-British Joint Declaration. I feel that there should not be any confrontation or conflict between the public opinion obtained during the political review and the veiws of Hong Kong people on the Basic Law. On the contrary, they should complement each other and both Britain and China should attach due importance to them. I therefore propose that the result of the Opinion Survey should be submitted to the Sino-British Joint Liaison Group for in-depth study so that both parties may have a tacit understanding and agreement on this issue. This will enable the political system of Hong Kong to develop steadily in a peaceful atomsphere.
(3) Composition of the Legislative Council
Mr. Chairman, if the majority of the public wants to have some directly elected seats in the Legislative Council in 1988 and the Government opines that it is feasible after careful consideration, I think that there should not be any major changes in the composition of the Legislative Council, which should be as follows:
No comments yet.
Private notes are available after approval.