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(c) Without democracy and direct elections, Hong Kong did secure social stability and economic prosperity in the past. Once direct elections are launched with all their unforeseeable consequences, the capitalists could hardly rest assured to make long-term investment.
(d) Though Hong Kong practise neither democracy nor direct elections, the people are fully protected by the law and have a high degree of freedom. Moreover, the people of Hong Kong have only a weak civic concept, so it is inappropriate to introduce direct elections at this stage. These points may seem reasonable at first sight. In analysis, however, they are found to be either lacking in objective backing, or out of overworry. I shall try to consider direct elections from the political, economic and social angles, and try to answer the queries against them.
(a) From the angle of politics, direct elections and social stability are not necessarily related. Those who are opposed to direct elections, citing experiences of some developing countries, say that direct elections would intensify social contradictions and would even give rise to social unrest. Such a concept is in fact a serious logical fallacy. Unrest in many developing countries is caused by sharp racial, religious and class conflicts hidden in the society, and not because of the introduction of direct elections. On the contrary, very often it is the government's refusal to carry out democratic reform or its manipulations at direct elections that have brought about clashes between government and the people as well as social disturbances. As all the while there is neither sharp internal conflict nor strong class identification in the society of Hong Kong, it is indeed unnecessary overworry that gradual introduction of direct elections would damage social prosperity and stability.
There are yet some others who fear that direct elections would help advocates of 'free lunches' to gain power to boost social welfare. I think this is also an over-statement as the grass-roots class hardly has sufficient social resources to participate in direct elections. For many countries that practise direct elections, the system can only produce a limited proportion of grass-roots leaders. Moreover, in major constituencies, the candidates have to take care of the interests of all classes, and therefore will not put forth radical social policies. If the few who represent grass-roots interests implement, should they be elected, policies unfavourable to prosperity and stability, they will definitely not be re-elected in the next election.
(b) From the economic angle, some think that without democracy, Hong Kong in the past did very well economy-wise. Why should we introduce such untested factors as 'democracy' and 'direct elections'? To answer the query, I believe we have to look at the economic development in Hong Kong as a whole. Just as a local economist pointed out recently, the stage of economic development in a society must be matched with a corresponding political system. In other words, factors for the success
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in the past may not be sufficient support for future development. For decades, Hong Kong has been producing mainly labour-intensive products. During this stage of economic development, in spite of the big disparity between the rich and the poor, with improving livelihood, there is not strong discontent among the workers. At this stage, a powerful, basically elite government providing a stable social environment, adequate capital constructions and preferential investment terms is all the capitalists need to display their talents and to flexibly adapt to demands of overseas markets. However, in the 80's when Hong Kong enters a stage of 'economic transformation', we need the support of new techniques and corresponding capital constructions. It will be difficult for a government that practises conservative economic policies without a democratic foundation to mobilize sufficient social resources in support of such structural changes. A constant criticism from the industrial circles that government has failed to lend positive support to the development of hi-tech industries is just a case in point. At the stage of 'economic transformation' discontent of the people would intensify. Strong opposition to the public policies of the government in recent years indicates that the political pattern of the past could not adequately dispel such discontent.
To maintain the prosperity and stability of Hong Kong, and to ensure a smooth launch into a new economic stage, a democratic government that fully represents the interests of all classes must be established. Differences of interest among the classes may be settled by peaceful means in the council without resorting to sharp confrontation and dispute. At the early stage of economic transformation, a gradual democratic reform by way of phased increase of directly elected Legco seats is most appropriate.
(c) Lastly, judging from various social conditions, Hong Kong is ready for the introduction of direct elections. Some have criticized that the civic awareness of the people of Hong Kong is weak. Critics have even applied the experiences of the Urban Council and Regional Council elections to oppose to direct elections at this stage. I agree that the people of Hong Kong are generally not keen about politics. But this may be traced to the political culture of the Chinese and to the inadequate channels of participation under the existing political system. Comparing the first and second District Board elections, and also the first and second Urban Council elections by the constituencies, we may discover that the voters' political consciousness is much higher and the voting rates have obviously improved. This indicates that a gradual increase in directly elected seats in the Legislative Council is the best way to strengthen the people's civic awareness. Moreover, the education level of the people of Hong Kong is generally very high, and the mass media here are advanced. I can see no insurmountable difficulty in the gradual introduction of direct elections.
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(c) Without democracy and direct elections, Hong Kong did secure social stability and economic prosperity in the past. Once direct elections are launched with all their unforeseeable consequences, the capitalists could hardly rest assured to make long-term investment.
(d) Though Hong Kong practise neither democracy nor direct elections, the people are fully protected by the law and have a high degree of freedom. Moreover, the people of Hong Kong have only a weak civic concept. so it is inappropriate to introduce direct elections at this stage. These points may seem reasonable at first sight. In analysis, however, they are found to be either lacking in objective backing, or out of overworry. I shall try to consider direct elections from the political, economic and social angles, and try to answer the queries against them.
(a) From the angle of politics, direct elections and social stability are not necessarily related. Those who are opposed to direct elections, citing experiences of some developing countries, say that direct elections would intensify social contradictions and would even give rise to social unrest. Such a concept is in fact a serious logical fallacy. Unrest in many developing countries is caused by sharp recial, religious and class conflicts hidden in the society, and not because of the introduction of direct elections. On the contrary, very often it is the government's refusal to carry out democratic reform or its manipulations at direct elections that have brought about clashes between government and the people as well as social disturbances. As all the while there is neither sharp internal conflict nor strong class identification in the society of Hong Kong, it is indeed unnecessary overworry that gradual introduction of direct elections would damage social prosperity and stability.
There are yet some others who fear that direct elections would help advocates of 'free lunches' to gain power to boost social welfare. I think this is also an over-statement as the grass-roots class hardly has sufficient social resources to participate in direct elections. For many countries that practise direct elections, the system can only produce a limited proportion of grass-roots leaders. Moreover, in major constituencies, the candidates have to take care of the interests of all classes, and therefore will not put forth radical social policies. If the few who represent grass- roots interests implement, should they be elected, policies unfavourable to prosperity and stability, they will definitely not be re-elected in the next election.
(b) From the economic angle, some think that without democracy, Hong Kong in the past did very well economy-wise. Why should we introduce such untested factors as 'democracy' and 'direct elections"? To answer the query, I believe we have to look at the economic development in Hong Kong as a whole. Just as a local economist pointed out recently, the stage of economic development in a society must be matched with a corresponding political system. In other words, factors for the success
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
Page 170 of 201
299
in the past may not be sufficient support for future development. For decades, Hong Kong has been producing mainly labour-intensive products. During this stage of economic development, in spite of the big disparity between the rich and the poor, with improving livelihood, there is not strong discontent among the workers. At this stage, a powerful, basically elite government providing a stable social environ- ment, adequate capital constructions and preferential investment terms is all the capitalists need to display their talents and to flexibly adapt to demands of overseas markets. However, in the 80's when Hong Kong enters a stage of 'economic transformation', we need the support of new techniques and corresponding capital constructions. It will be difficult for a government that practises conservative economic policies without a democratic foundation to mobilize sufficient social resources in support of such structural changes. A constant criticism from the industrial circles that government has failed to lend positive support to the development of hi-tech industries is just a case in point. At the stage of 'economic transformation' discontent of the people would intensify. Strong opposition to the public policies of the government in recent years indicates that the political pattern of the past could not adequately dispel such discontent.
To maintain the prosperity and stability of Hong Kong, and to ensure a smooth launch into a new economic stage, a democratic government that fully represents the interests of all classes must be established. Differences of interest among the classes may be settled by peaceful means in the council without resorting to sharp confrontation and dispute. At the early stage of economic transformation, a gradual democratic reform by way of phased increase of directly elected Legco seats is most appropriate.
(c) Lastly, judging from various social conditions, Hong Kong is ready for the introduction of direct elections. Some have criticized that the civic awareness of the people of Hong Kong is weak. Critics have even applied the experiences of the Urban Council and Regional Council elections to oppose to direct elections at this stage. I agree that the people of Hong Kong are generally not keen about politics. But this may be traced to the political culture of the Chinese and to the inadequate channels of participation under the existing political system. Comparing the first and second District Board elections, and also the first and second Urban Council elections by the constituencies, we may discover that the voters' political consciousness is much higher and the voting rates have obviously improved. This indicates that a gradual increase in directly elected seats in the Legislative Council is the best way to strengthen the people's civic awareness. Moreover, the education level of the people of Hong Kong is generally very high, and the mass media here are advanced. I can see no insurmountable difficulty in the gradual introduction of direct elections.
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