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stagnant economy, poor livelihood and social unrest. The question of what system to introduce in Hong Kong has not yet been settled. It is important that it should be in accord with the circumstances of Hong Kong and cater to the interests of different strata and of Hong Kong as a whole.
To safeguard the interests of different sectors, they should be allowed to elect representatives to the legislature to represent their say. Otherwise, the dissatisfaction of one group of people who feel they have been constantly suppressed may intensify to such an extent that social stability is seriously affected.
The full introduction of direct elections will make capitalists ill at ease as they fear that both their interests and confidence will suffer. But will other strata of the society rest assured if the government is run by capitalists alone? As far as I know, a number of financial groups have scattered their investments overseas and may leave Hong Kong any time. Hence I am for the idea of 'partial introduction of direct elections' for the Legislative Council—starting from 1988, one-fourth of the seats should be filled by representatives elected by various constituencies. The system should be reviewed in 1992, before the enactment of the Basic Law, to ascertain what effect the simultaneous introduction of direct and indirect elections has on the political, economic and social condition of Hong Kong. We may then decide what method of elections, direct or indirect, to adopt and also the ratio of directly and indirectly elected members, all to be incorporated into the Basic Law.
If by 1988 a minority one-fourth of the Legislative seats are to be returned by direct election, the political stability of Hong Kong will benefit. People need not worry about domination by 'those who are for free-lunches' or emergence of political parties. The middle and lower strata will be represented, while the interests of the industrial, commercial, educational, medical, financial, legal, social services, labour and engineering sectors etc. catered for through the election of representatives by their respective functional constituencies. In this way, the public will be concerned about the society, willing to take up their share of responsibility, participate in the administration and have more confidence in the territory both before and after 1997.
Those who are against direct elections are afraid of political confrontation. But if Hong Kong is administered by a handful of the elite, the great majority of the public will have no say whatsoever and confrontation will ensue. It is only that the venue for confrontation is shifted from the Councils to the street, i.e., political rivalry changes to social confrontation. This will be none too good for the stability and prosperity of Hong Kong. I firmly believe that to forestall confrontation, it is best to have a tolerant government, allowing people of different strata, different stands and views to come together for sensible discussions and frank exchanges of views.
As to how the chief executive of the post-1997 Special Administrative Region is to be selected, I am of the view that the following two principles have to be adhered to: (1) the chief executive must be trusted by all sides; (2) he must have the support of the Legislative Council which comprises representatives from the general public. It is not suitable for Hong Kong to introduce the US system of government whereby mistrust between the legislative and executive bodies and their attempts to contain each other very often hinder the implementation of policies and seriously affect administrative efficiency. A highly efficient executive body is of utmost importance to our economic development, and much is dependent on the sincere cooperation and mutual trust between the legislative and executive authorities. If the chief executive is elected by members of the Legislative Council from among themselves or is nominated and elected by the Legislative Council, he will have the support of the Legislative Council which widely and adequately represents the interests of all strata of the territory. The chief executive thus elected will naturally be trusted by all sides and his representativeness and authority unquestionable. Hence I suggest this simple and effective method of selecting the post-1997 chief executive. To adapt to future changes, the Legislative Council should in 1988 elect from among its members its president who will also take up the post of deputy governor.
I am against proposals of advisors or electoral groups which smack of mistrust of the Legislative Council. As the Legislative Council is already representative of the industrial and commercial sectors, various professions and the general public, why set up a joint committee to weaken its authority and representativeness? What we should do is strive for a Legislative Council that is authoritative, respected by and representative of the people, able to coordinate the interests of different sectors and safeguard economic development, as well as a highly efficient executive body trusted by the Legislative Council and the public.
(2) The value of Urban Council's existence
Mr. Chairman, I would like to go on to discuss the cause for existence of the Urban Council which I have never doubted. But recently many have expressed the view that the Urban Council should be dissolved and replaced by some other authorities. Of course so long as the public are provided with good urban services, it does not matter very much whether the Urban Council exists. But it is doubtful if after the Council has been dissolved, urban services can be maintained at a high standard and efficiently provided.
If the work of the Council is to be taken up by District Boards or municipal bodies, a number of district authorities have to be formed to implement policies. In such a small place as Hong Kong, if there are several district authorities each executing duties in its own way, contention with the central government may ensue which will be extremely harmful to the political stability of Hong Kong. There will be more boycotts, resulting in district chaos, waste of resources, lowering of efficiency and standards of services, to the detriment of the public.
Hence I am of the opinion that it is not suitable for Hong Kong to have district policy making authorities. The present three-tiered system—consisting of the Executive and Legislative Councils, Urban and Regional Councils, and
Page 133 of 201
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Page 133 of 201
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stagnant economy, poor livelihood and social unrest. The question of what system to introduce in Hong Kong has not yet been settled. It is important that it should be in accord with the circumstances of Hong Kong and cater to the interests of different strata and of Hong Kong as a whole.
To safeguard the interests of different sectors, they should be allowed to elect representatives to the legislature to represent their say. Otherwise, the dissatisfaction of one group of people who feel they have been constantly suppressed may intensify to such an extent that social stability is seriously
affected.
The full introduction of direct elections will make capitalists ill at ease as they fear that both their interests and confidence will suffer. But will other strata of the society rest assured if the government is run by capitalists alone? As far as I know, a number of financial groups have scattered their investments overseas and may leave Hong Kong any time. Hence I am for the idea of 'partial introduction of direct elections' for the Legislative Council-starting from 1988, one-fourth of the seats should be filled by representatives elected by various constituencies. The system should be reviewed in 1992, before the enactment of the Basic Law, to ascertain what effect the simultaneous introduction of direct and indirect elections has on the political, economic and social condition of Hong Kong. We may then decide what method of elections, direct or indirect, to adopt and also the ratio of directly and indirectly elected members, all to be incorporated into the Basic Law.
If by 1988 a minority one-fourth of the Legislative seats are to be returned by direct election, the political stability of Hong Kong will benefit. People need not worry about domination by 'those who are for free-lunches' or emergence of political parties. The middle and lower strata will be represented, while the interests of the industrial, commercial, educational, medical, financial, legal, social services, labour and engineering sectors etc. catered for through the election of representatives by their respective functional constituencies. In this way, the public will be concerned about the society, willing to take up their share of responsibility, participate in the administration and have more confidence in the territory both before and after 1997.
Those who are against direct elections are afraid of political confrontation. But if Hong Kong is administered by a handful of the elite, the great majority of the public will have no say whatsoever and confrontation will ensue. It is only that the venue for confrontation is shifted from the Councils to the street, i.e., political rivalry changes to social confrontation. This will be none too good for the stability and prosperity of Hong Kong. I firmly believe that to forestall confrontation, it is best to have a tolerant government, allowing people of different strata, different stands and views to come together for sensible discussions and frank exchanges of views.
As to how the chief executive of the post-1997 Special Administrative Region is to be selected, I am of the view that the following two principles have to be
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
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adhered to: (1) the chief executive must be trusted by all sides; (2) he must have the support of the Legislative Council which comprises representatives from the general public. It is not suitable for Hong Kong to introduce the US system of government whereby mistrust between the legislative and executive bodies and their attempts to contain each other very often hinder the implementation of policies and seriously affect administrative efficiency. A highly efficient executive body is of utmost importance to our economic development, and much is dependent on the sincere cooperation and mutual trust between the legislative and executive authorities. If the chief executive is elected by members of the Legislative Council from among themselves or is nominated and elected by the Legislative Council, he will have the support of the Legislative Council which widely and adequately represents the interests of all strata of the territory. The chief executive thus elected will naturally be trusted by all sides and his representativeness and authority unquestionable. Hence I suggest this simple and effective method of selecting the post-1997 chief executive. To adapt to future changes, the Legislative Council should in 1988 elect from among its members its president who will also take up the post of deputy governor.
I am against proposals of advisors or electoral groups which smack of mistrust of the Legislative Council. As the Legislative Council is already representative of the industrial and commercial sectors, various professions and the general public, why set up a joint committee to weaken its authority and representativeness? What we should do is strive for a Legislative Council that is authoritative, respected by and representative of the people, able to coordinate the interests of different sectors and safeguard economic development, as well as a highly different executive body trusted by the Legislative Council and the public.
(2) The value of Urban Council's existence
Mr. Chairman, I would like to go on to discuss the cause for existence of the Urban Council which I have never doubted. But recently many have expressed the view that the Urban Council should be dissolved and replaced by some other authorities. Of course so long as the public are provided with good urban services, it does not matter very much whether the Urban Council exists. But it is doubtful if after the Council has been dissolved, urban services can be maintained at a high standard and efficiently provided.
If the work of the Council is to be taken up by District Boards or municipal bodies, a number of district authorities have to be formed to implement policies. In such a small place as Hong Kong, if there are several district authorities each executing duties in its own way, contention with the central government may ensue which will be extremely harmful to the political stability of Hong Kong. There will be more boycotts, resulting in district chaos, waste of resources, lowering of efficiency and standards of services, to the detriment of the public.
Hence I am of the opinion that it is not suitable for Hong Kong to have district policy making authorities. The present three-tiered system-consisting of the Executive and Legislative Councils, Urban and Regional Councils, and
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