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I envisage therefore that during the coming year, the Urban Council will continue to strengthen its ties with all ten District Boards on the broad foundation which already exists, and to closely cooperate together to seek more innovative and better ways to serve and improve the living environment and life-style of our four million urban residents.
Mr. Chairman, I have much pleasure in supporting the motion.
MR. PETER C. K. CHAN (in English):— Mr. Chairman, before I go to my speech and with your permission, I laid on the table a document complied by seven of us which has been submitted to the Basic Law Drafting Committee and Basic Law Consultative Committee. We, the seven Councillors, are responsible for the compilation after having consulted all of you as colleagues of this Council. It does not represent the official view of this Council and it only reflects the views on the post 1997 set up. It has nothing to do with the forthcoming government review on local administration and other related issues. The document is in Chinese and the English translation is not yet available. In the past, Mr. LEE Chik-yuet always commented that my speech was prepared in English and this year I have prepared it in Chinese although it takes longer time. Funny enough, he delivered his speech in English today. But when I took a look at the translation of the English, there is one mistake made at the second last sentence in para. 3, I hope that has been corrected in the English version now.
(in Cantonese):—
Constitutional changes are perhaps the most controversial issue in the present transition period. Presently a not too healthy phenomenon has set in which sees advocates of direct and indirect elections opposing and suspecting, or even putting labels on each other. In tackling this issue, we should analyse the merits and demerits of direct and indirect elections in a cool-headed and objective manner, instead of suspecting the motives of the two groups of advocates. To reach a solution favourable to all of the people of Hong Kong, we must endeavour to secure the merits of both direct and indirect elections.
Some criticize that direct elections will lead to political instability, coming to power by supporters of 'free-lunches', rule by the grassroots, welfarism, swelling of the civil service and high tax rates that scare off capitalists, all detrimental to the prosperity of Hong Kong.
Direct elections are in fact a realization of democracy and good for 'the governing of Hong Kong by its people'. Errors or deviations in policies can be corrected in time if the people are left with the duties to govern themselves, monitor administration of the executive authorities and can directly express their views. Political stability depends on the system of government. If the legislature is constituted by direct elections and the chief executive elected by the legislature, party politics will arise. In a government consisting of a multitude of parties or ruled by a coalition, if a ‘vote of non-confidence' is returned by some of the parties, the ruling party will have to step down. When a different party comes to power, major changes of policies will follow. Thus many western countries that practise direct elections have adopted means to avoid political instability. For example, in the US which is regarded as the most democratic in the world, the chief executive is not elected by the legislature. The legislature cannot force the government to step down by a vote of non-confidence. In the case of West Germany for instance, the motion of non-confidence has to be supported by a majority of members of the legislature and coupled with nominations of candidates for the chief executive before the voting can take place. This provision effectively prevents the frequent stepping down of government and ensures continuation of policy.
Advocates of 'free lunches' only appear in welfare states. In the US, there is the provision that proposals by members of the legislature should not incur an increase in government expenditure, if the increase cannot be offset by increased taxation. From the examples of many countries, we see that direct elections may not necessarily result in rule by the grassroots, but rather by capitalists' agents. Thus we cannot say that those who oppose direct elections are advocating rule by a minority group, or those who advocate direct elections are advocating rule by the grassroots.
Direct elections will enable pressure groups to enter the legislature which may not be bad. But the pressure groups after entering the legislature must work hard to contribute constructive views in addition to criticisms. It will be better if the differences in views are aired through proper channels instead of leading to confrontation outside of government. Whether confrontation arises or not depends on how the future government by the people of Hong Kong resolves differences among the various strata. If only one of the strata is catered for while the others are neglected, confrontation will intensify. This has nothing to do with whether we have direct elections or not. Direct elections will return to the legislature different mixes of representatives. Dialogues among them will help reduce imbalance of interests.
Indirect elections, on the other hand, are not without merits. Indirect elections can avoid waste of resources on electoral exercises or totally unexpected electoral results. The concept of functional constituencies is basically accepted by all sectors of the society. In electing representatives to the functional constituencies, some of the organizations are adopting the one-man-one-vote method. Indirect elections can control which strata and professions to include in the legislature and their ratios, thereby avoiding over-representation of groups such as teachers and social workers, or under-representation of the industrial and commercial sectors and professionals. The most marked difference between Hong Kong and western countries is the government of Hong Kong is a local, not central, government. Defence and foreign affairs will be controlled by the central government. As the future SAR government
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HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
I envisage therefore that during the coming year, the Urban Council will continue to strengthen its ties with all ten District Boards on the broad foundation which already exists, and to closely cooperate together to seek more innovative and better ways to serve and improve the living environment and life-style of our four million urban residents.
Mr. Chairman, I have much pleasure in supporting the motion.
MR. PETER C. K. CHAN (in English):— Mr. Chairman, before I go to my speech and with your permission, I laid on the table a document complied by seven of us which has been submitted to the Basic Law Drafting Committee and Basic Law Consultative Committee. We, the seven Councillors, are responsible for the compilation after having consulted all of you as colleague of this Council. It does not represent the official view of this Council and it only reflects the views on the post 1997 set up. It has nothing to do with the forthcoming government review on local administration and other related issue. The document is in Chinese and the English translation is not yet available. In the past, Mr. LEE Chik-yuet always commented that my speech was prepared in English and this year I have prepared it in Chinese although it takes longer time. Funny enough, he delivered his speech in English today. But when I took a look at the translation of the English, there is one mistake made at the second last sentence in para. 3, I hope that has been corrected in the English version now.
(in Cantonese):—
Constitutional changes are perhaps the most controversial issue in the present transition period. Presently a not too healthy phenomenon has set in which sees advocates of direct and indirect elections opposing and suspecting, or even putting labels on each other. In tackling this issue, we should analyse the merits and demerits of direct and indirect elections in a cool-headed and objective manner, instead of suspecting the motives of the two groups of advocates. To reach a solution favourable to all of the people of Hong Kong, we must endeavour to secure the merits of both direct and indirect elections.
Some criticize that direct elections will lead to political instability, coming to power by supporters of 'free-lunches', rule by the grassroots, welfarism, swelling of the civil service and high tax rates that scare off capitalists, all detrimental to the prosperity of Hong Kong.
Direct elections are in fact a realization of democracy and good for 'the governing of Hong Kong by its people'. Errors or deviations in policies can be corrected in time if the people are left with the duties to govern themselves, monitor administration of the executive authorities and can directly express their views. Political stability depends on the system of government. If the legislature is constituted by direct elections and the chief executive elected by the legislature, party politics will arise. In a government consisting of a
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
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multitude of parties or ruled by a coalition, if a ‘vote of non-confidence' is returned by some of the parties, the ruling party will have to step down. When a different party comes to power, major changes of policies will follow. Thus many western countries that practise direct elections have adopted means to avoid political instability. For example, in the US which is regarded as the most democratic in the world, the chief executive is not elected by the legislature. The legislature cannot force the government to step down by a vote of non- confidence. In the case of West Germany for instance, the motion of non- confidence has to be supported by a majority of members of the legislature and coupled with nominations of candidates for the chief executive before the voting can take place. This provision effectively prevents the frequent stepping down of government and ensures continuation of policy.
Advocates of 'free lunches' only appear in welfare states. In the US, there is the provision that proposals by members of the legislature should not incur an increase in government expenditure, if the increase cannot be offset by increased taxation. From the examples of many countries, we see that direct elections may not necessarily result in rule by the grassroots, but rather by capitalists' agents. Thus we cannot say that those who oppose direct elections are advocating rule by a minority group, or those who advocate direct elections are advocating rule by the grassroots.
Direct elections will enable pressure groups to enter the legislature which may not be bad. But the pressure groups after entering the legislature must work hard to contribute constructive views in addition to criticisms. It will be better if the differences in views are aired through proper channels instead of leading to confrontation outside of government. Whether confrontation arises or not depends on how the future government by the people of Hong Kong resolves differences among the various strata. If only one of the strata is catered for while the other are neglected, confrontation will intensify. This has nothing to do with whether we have direct elections or not. Direct elections will return to the legislaturc different mixes of representatives. Dialogues among them will help reduce imbalance of interests.
Indirect elections, on the other hand, are not without merits. Indirect elections can avoid waste of resources on electoral exercises or totally unexpected electoral results. The concept of functional constituences is basically accepted by all sectors of the society. In electing representatives to the functional constituencies, some of the organizations are adopting the one-man- one-vote method. Indirect elections can control which strata and professions to include in the legislature and their ratios, thereby avoiding over-representation of groups such as teachers and social workers, or under-representation of the industrial and commercial sectors and professionals. The most marked difference between Hong Kong and western countries is the government of Hong Kong is a local, not central, government. Defence and foreign affairs will be controlled by the central government. As the future SAR government
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