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colonial British autocracy to the consultative system with direct District Board elections of today. Information and communications facilities have helped development in industry and commerce, and heightened alertness to internal contradictions which could thus be dealt with accordingly. Democratic system allows equal chance to all and prevents absolute authority by maintaining a balance of powers. Should we wish to maintain our free economy, we must have a compatible democratic system.
(iii) Demands of the new generation
Mr. Chairman, a new generation of businessmen and of the grass-roots has emerged in recent years. The young people have shown higher social consciousness and sense of political participation. There is a marked change in their social commitment and political consciousness which in turn encourage more political participation. This new generation is a political force that has speeded up the development of a more open government in terms of consultation and structure. These young people with proper encouragement and cultivation, may become future community leaders. But, to arouse their zeal, we need a fair and just system that allows people of all classes a chance of political participation and access to the core of authority. If political participation or the prospects of such participation is denied them, unrest and lack of confidence for the future will result. When the new generation has lost the enthusiasm for participation and commitment in public affairs, 'Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong' will become meaningless and hopeless. (2) Democratization is no cause for concern
Mr. Chairman, some people are worried that gradual democratization in Hong Kong will lead to social instability. In fact, their worries are quite unnecessary. The system of any society is bound to change as the society develops. Hong Kong has been undergoing constant changes to keep pace with social development. For example, ever since the riots in 1967, the centralized colonial government has gradually shaken off her colonial shell and taken steps towards local administration and a system of consultation. And, the reforms have safely survived the economic recession of 1974, the 1982 to 84 anxieties arising from the 1997 negotiations and the currency crises. So, with the common desire for stability, political reforms will not give rise to chaos as long as it goes at a gradual and steady pace.
The advent of 1997 demands that political and administrative talents representing different interests and classes join the power structure under a fair system, so that the people of Hong Kong may gain full powers to rule Hong Kong. I am concerned that if government reforms are not effected soon enough, the people of Hong Kong may not have enough time to get ready. Things would be in a mess if by the time of transfer, we
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do not have enough enlightened and experienced political talents to hold the reins of government.
Another matter of concern is whether the development of representative government dovetails with the basic law. This is not really a big problem. It actually depends on whether the Chinese and the British follow the wishes of the people of Hong Kong or each government's own value judgement when formulating the reforms. If decisions are made according to public opinions, I believe the result would be more or less the same whether the opinion poll among the six million people here is conducted by the Chinese or the British government. If there is a popular desire for democracy among the people of Hong Kong, I think representative government will further develop in this direction, and Beijing will likewise decide in favour of the wishes of the six million people. The outcome will, therefore, be the same, and the question of compatibility would not be a major problem.
(3) Suggestions
Mr. Chairman, government reforms should not be based on guesswork. China should not make a guess at whether the capitalists in Hong Kong are against direct Legislative Council election, and the Hong Kong British and the capitalists too should not guess whether the Chinese official are against direct election by reading their facial expression. All Government reforms should be based on need and reality. Basically, I have four suggestions to make:
(i) The Legislative Council should adopt a 4-4 system in 1988, i.e. the four groups of councillors the directly elected, the indirectly elected, those from the functional constituencies and the appointees should each occupy one-fourth of the seats.
(ii) By 1991, the arrangement should further develop into a 3-3 system, i.e. three groups of councillors--the directly elected, the indirectly elected and those from functional constituencies-should each occupy one-third of the seats.
(iii) A further review on the development of representative government
should be held in 1992.
(iv) In the 1987 review of the system of representative government, definite proposals on such issues as the relations between the Executive and the Legislative Councils and the powers of the governor should be made and submitted to the public for comment. (B) Localization of arts
Mr. Chairman, I have been Vice-Chairman of the Culture Select Committee and Chairman of the Performing Companies Sub-Committee for the last two years, responsible mainly for the Council's local arts activities. In the two years, the Committees have been working on the localization of arts which basically includes three aspects:
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196
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colonial British autocracy to the consultative system with direct District Board elections of today. Information and communications facilities have helped development in industry and commerce, and heightened alertness to internal contradictions which could thus be dealt with accordingly. Democratic system allows equal chance to all and prevents absolute authority by maintaining a balance of powers. Should we wish to maintain our free economy, we must have a compatible democratic system.
(iii) Demands of the new generation
Mr. Chairman, a new generation of businessmen and of the grass- roots has emerged in recent years. The young people have shown higher social consciousness and sense of political participation. There is a marked change in their social commitment and political consciousness which in turn encourage more political participation. This new generation is a political force that has speeded up the development of a more open government in terms of consultation and structure. These young people with proper encouragement and cultivation, may become future community leaders. But, to arouse their zeal, we need a fair and just system that allows people of all classes a chance of political participation and access to the core of authority. If political participation or the prospects of such participation is denied them, unrest and lack of confidence for the future will result. When the new generation has lost the enthusiasm for participation and commitment in public affairs, 'Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong' will become meaningless and hopeless. (2) Democratization is no cause for concern
Mr. Chairman, some people are worried that gradual democratization in Hong Kong will lead to social instability. In fact, their worries are quite unnecessary. The system of any society is bound to change as the society develops. Hong Kong has been undergoing constant changes to keep pace with social development. For example, ever since the riots in 1967, the centralized colonial government has gradually shaken off her colonial shell and taken steps towards local administration and a system of consultation. And, the reforms have safely survived the economic recession of 1974, the 1982 to 84 anxieties arising from the 1997 negotiations and the currency crises. So, with the common desire for stability, political reforms will not give rise to chaos as long as it goes at a gradual and steady pace.
The advent of 1997 demands that political and administrative talents representing different interests and classes join the power structure under a fair system, so that the people of Hong Kong may gain full powers to rule Hong Kong. I am concerned that if government reforms are not effected soon enough, the people of Hong Kong may not have enough time to get ready. Things would be in a mess if by the time of transfer, we
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
Page 114 of 195
197
do not have enough enlightened and experienced political talents to hold the reins of government.
Another matter of concern is whether the development of representa- tive government dovetails with the basic law. This is not really a big problem. It actually depends on whether the Chinese and the British follow the wishes of the people of Hong Kong or each government's own value judgement when formulating the reforms. If decisions are made according to public opinions, I believe the result would be more or less the same whether the opinion poll among the six million people here is conducted by the Chinese or the British government. If there is a popular desire for democracy among the people of Hong Kong, I think representative government will further develop in this direction, and Beijing will likewise decide in favour of the wishes of the six million people. The outcome will, therefore, be the same, and the question of compatibility would not be a major problem.
(3) Suggestions
Mr. Chairman, government reforms should not be based on guesswork. China should not make a guess at whether the capitalists in Hong Kong are against direct Legislative Council election, and the Hong Kong British and the capitalists too should not guess whether the Chinese official are against direct election by reading their facial expression. All Government reforms should be based on need and reality. Basically, I have four suggestions to make:
(i) The Legislative Council should adopt a 4-4 system in 1988, i.e. the four groups of councillors the directly elected, the indirectly elected, those from the functional constituencies and the ap- pointees should each occupy one-fourth of the seats.
(ii) By 1991, the arrangement should further develop into a 3-3 system, i.e. three groups of councillors--the directly elected, the indirectly elected and those from functional constituencies-should each occupy one-third of the seats.
(iii) A further review on the development of representative government
should be held in 1992.
(iv) In the 1987 review of the system of representative government, definite proposals on such issues as the relations between the Executive and the Legislative Councils and the powers of the governor should be made and submitted to the public for comment. (B) Localization of arts
Mr. Chairman, I have been Vice-Chairman of the Culture Select Committee and Chairman of the Performing Companies Sub-Committee for the last two years, responsible mainly for the Council's local arts activities. In the two years, the Committees have been working on the localization of arts which basically includes three aspects:
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