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China could have insisted on the unconditional return of her territory, and Britain could have adopted the inflexible policy of the Falklands issue. Instead, the two countries set a world precedent which may well be followed by other nations internally divided by historical factors, religion, ideology, or interference. World tensions can only be reduced by negotiation in an foreign atmosphere of mutual trust, as this White Paper has so clearly shown.
The declaration promises to continue the present economic system. While I am not an advocate of blatant capitalism such as we have in Hong Kong, I realize that since Hong Kong has, unfortunately, been built on that foundation, it cannot be changed overnight without causing the whole structure to collapse. The White Paper also promises rights and freedoms, some of which exist at present only in proportion to the wealth of those who enjoy them. I will not go into detail but will just list briefly the areas I have in mind. I have found injustices in legal rights in the lower courts, in some labour laws, in arbitration, in the privileges and non-privileges of the civil service, in education, and in the care of the elderly, the sick, and the handicapped—to mention only a few. These are issues which the White Paper cannot rectify. They are also matters which must be rectified in the next thirteen years. However, the White Paper does point the way by which they can be rectified. I refer of course to the categorical statement that the legislature shall be constituted by election, and that the executive authorities shall be accountable to the legislature.
Let no one imagine that I am proposing, as some privileged among us have insinuated, that we want to offer 'free lunches'. In fact, what we object to is free and sumptuous banquets at taxpayers' expense for the privileged. The underprivileged, I know, would reject free lunches in favour of work and fair conditions.
We must therefore begin at once to make the promises of the White Paper come true. The Green Paper on local administration was obviously an attempt to pre-empt the recommendation of the White Paper on the issue of an elected legislature. The Hong Kong Government's bluff has been called, and it should now quietly shelve the Green Paper in favour of this White Paper, so that we may press ahead for a more just society, because prosperity depends upon stability; stability depends upon co-operation; and co-operation depends upon justice. Of these four, stability, prosperity, co-operation and justice, Hong Kong falls short on justice.
I congratulate China and Britain on this far-sighted declaration and look forward to the early initiation of a system that will result in its implementation before 1997.
Mr. Chairman, I support the Motion.
(Miss Cecilia L. Y. YEUNG arrived at 2.45 p.m.)
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MR. KENNETH T. C. Lo (in English):—Mr. Chairman, the question of the future of Hong Kong has been hanging over us for a long time. Ever since the visit of the Prime Minister Mrs. Margaret THATCHER to China two years ago, everyone realized that there must be some change, but understandably there were fears and doubts as to what the future might hold for us. There was intense speculation as to what the agreement between Britain and the People's Republic of China concerning Hong Kong would contain.
These doubts and uncertainties have affected every facet of life in Hong Kong. In particular, they have slowed down business activity and investment. It would take a bold entrepreneur to invest millions of dollars in starting a new project in a climate of political uncertainty.
We can now move forward again. Hong Kong can build on what has been achieved in the past. It is up to Hong Kong people, by their efforts, to achieve even greater prosperity in the future in a calm and stable political climate.
Mr. Chairman, I support the motion before the council.
(Mr. Frederick K. K. FUNG arrived at 2.50 p.m.)
DR. DENNY M. H. HUANG (in Cantonese):—Mr. Chairman, the draft agreement on the future of Hong Kong was initialled by the Chinese and British Governments in Beijing on 26 September. After studying the agreement, all elected members of the Council promptly issued a statement in the evening, expressing our warm welcome to the document. The draft agreement has cleared away the misgivings of the last three years over our future as it has not only assured that Hong Kong will enjoy a high degree of autonomy but also listed out in detail all the provisions.
It was touching to see so many people braving the rain to get a copy of the White Paper in the evening of 26th. Far more than 1,250,000 copies Government first intended to print were distributed, not counting the hundred thousands of copies also handed out by the Xin Hua News Agency and those carried by the newspapers. A District Officer who visited the squatter areas found that every household had a copy. In the last two weeks, the media were all talking about reactions to the agreement. It is obvious that Hong Kong people in their millions are extremely concerned about their future, and, just like the elected members of the Council, warmly welcome the agreement after a detailed study.
Hong Kong is a place with complicated political and social backgrounds and any measures affecting the public are bound to be opposed by some people. This historical Sino-British agreement on the return of the sovereignty of Hong Kong to China is no exception. Nevertheless, I should think anyone with a conscience would not deny that the agreement has met all the expectations and demands of Hong Kong people other than an independent Hong Kong.
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China could have insisted on the unconditional return of her territory, and Britain could have adopted the inflexible policy of the Falklands issue. Instead. the two countries set a world precedent which may well be followed by other nations internally divided by historical factors, religion, ideology, or interference. World tensions can only be reduced by negotiation in an foreign atmosphere of mutual trust, as this White Paper has so clearly shown.
The declaration promises to continue the present economic system. While I am not an advocate of blatant capitalism such as we have in Hong Kong, I realize that since Hong Kong has, unfortunately, been built on that foundation. it cannot be changed overnight without causing the whole structure to collapse. The White Paper also promises rights and freedoms, some of which exist at present only in proportion to the wealth of those who enjoy them. I will not go into detail but will just list briefly the areas I have in mind. I have found injustices in legal rights in the lower courts, in some labour laws, in arbitration, in the privileges and non-privileges of the civil service, in education, and in the care of the elderly, the sick, and the handicapped-to mention only a few. These are issues which the White Paper cannot rectify. They are also matters which must be rectified in the next thirteen years. However, the White Paper does point the way by which they can be rectified. I refer of course to the categorical statement that the legislature shall be constituted by election, and that the executive authorities shall be accountable to the legislature.
Let no one imagine that I am proposing, as some privileged among us have insinuated, that we want to offer 'free lunches'. In fact, what we object to is free and sumptuous banquets at taxpayers' expense for the privileged. The underprivileged, I know, would reject free lunches in favour of work and fair conditions.
We must therefore begin at once to make the promises of the White Paper come true. The Green Paper on local administration was obviously an attempt to pre-empt the recommendation of the White Paper on the issue of an elected legislature. The Hong Kong Government's bluff has been called, and it should now quietly shelve the Green Paper in favour of this White Paper, so that we may press ahead for a more just society, because prosperity depends upon stability; stability depends upon co-operation; and co-operation depends upon justice. Of these four, stability, prosperity, co-operation and justice, Hong Kong falls short on justice.
I congratulate China and Britain on this far-sighted declaration and look forward to the early initiation of a system that will result in its implementation before 1997.
Mr. Chairman, I support the Motion.
(Miss Cecilia L. Y. YEUNG arrived at 2.45 p.m.)
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
Page 95 of 233
153
MR. KENNETH T. C. Lo (in English):—Mr. Chairman, the question of the future of Hong Kong has been hanging over us for a long time. Ever since the visit of the Prime Minister Mrs. Margaret THATCHER to China two years ago, everyone realized that there must be some change, but understandably there were fears and doubts as to what the future might hold for us. There was intense as to what the agreement between Britain and the People Republic speculation of China concerning Hong Kong would contain.
These doubts and uncertainties have affected every facet of life in Hong Kong. In particular, they have slowed down business activity and investment. It would take a bold entrepreneur to invest millions of dollars in starting a new project in a climate of political uncertainty.
We can now move forward again. Hong Kong can build on what has been achieved in the past. It is up to Hong Kong people, by their efforts, to achieve even greater prosperity in the future in a calm and stable political climate.
Mr. Chairman, I support the motion before the council.
(Mr. Frederick K. K. FUNG arrived at 2.50 p.m.)
DR. DENNY M. H. HUANG (in Cantonese):-Mr. Chairman, the draft agreement on the future of Hong Kong was initialled by the Chinese and British Governments in Beijing on 26 September. After studying the agreement, all elected members of the Council promptly issued a statement in the evening, expressing our warm welcome to the document. The draft agreement has cleared away the misgivings of the last three years over our future as it has not only assured that Hong Kong will enjoy a high degree of autonomy but also listed out in detail all the provisions.
It was touching to see so many people braving the rain to get a copy of the White Paper in the evening of 26th. Far more than 1 250 000 copies Government first intended to print were distributed, not counting the hundred thousands of copies also handed out by the Xin Hua News Agency and those carried by the newspapers. A District Officer who visited the squatter areas found that every household had a copy. In the last two weeks, the media were all talking about reactions to the agreement. It is obvious that Hong Kong people in their millions are extremely concerned about their future, and, just like the elected members of the Council, warmly welcome the agreement after a detailed study.
Hong Kong is a place with complicated political and social backgrounds and any measures affecting the public are bound to be opposed by some people. This historical Sino-British agreement on the return of the sovereignty of Hong Kong to China is no exception. Nevertheless, I should think anyone with a conscience would not deny that the agreement has met all the expectations and demands of Hong Kong people other than an independent Hong Kong.
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