Page 82 of 233
128
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
their own interests? If they voice opinions according to their own functional groups, other bodies might attack them, and we definitely do not want to see this happening. Fourthly, I believe that the definition of functional groups will define the various classes in our community who are eligible to be elected and who have no chance to become elected, is this something we would like to see in Hong Kong, should we emphasize this in Hong Kong? We do not want to create any sense of class consciousness in Hong Kong, that is why we feel that we should delete this approach.
I would like to comment on electoral college, there are two meaning here, it has a sense of indirect election and it also helps to present views of the geographical areas. They also present two problems, firstly, indirect election means that the general public will elect somebody to represent themselves and this representative will then elect among representatives somebody who is going to be a decision-maker. However, we see that there is also the appointment system in between and one-third of the seats will come from direct appointment, which means that indirect election will only provide two-thirds of the seats. Now if the seats cannot be evenly divided geographically and then the purpose of such seats being able to represent geographical constituencies will lead to fight between various geographic areas. For an instance, my geographic area would like to have a certain seats but yours would also like to have the seat and the two of us will fight over it. Although the constituencies basically agree to what is proposed but I think that there is something wrong at the suggested implementation method. For indirect election, firstly, I think we should have a gradual development from one third appointed to completely elected and secondly, from six seats, the system should develop to such an extent that each D.B. should have one seat.
Now I want to talk about prosperity, stability and our restraints. On what do we build our prosperity and stability? We have prosperity, we must depend on the commercial, industrial sectors, and the elite. This is clearly dealt with in the representative government system proposed. Of course we want to have stability and I am quite sure that, if only based on the commercial, industrial sector and also the elite, we cannot have stability. Stability depends on the involvement of everybody. There is no such thing in the political system, because of the time element, some of my views will not be dealt with in great details, I will make a photocopy of what I have to say and give it to the Secretary.
(Mr. B. A. BERNACCHI arrived at this point-3.31 p.m.)
MR. LEE CHIK-YUET (in Cantonese):-Mr. Chairman, it is said that the more truth is debated, the clearer it emerges. In the case of our debate on the Green Paper on Representative Government, this axiom holds good only if we eliminate the many fallacies some of which are plain to everyone while some others are deceptive and must be exposed.
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
Page 82 of 233
129
The Green Paper does not realistically examine the shortcomings of the local administrative system but affirms and heaps praise on it. This seems to give the impression that the system we have had for over a century is very healthy. To expose the falsehood, we need only ask: If it is so healthy, why is the government proposing the reforms in the Green Paper?
The Green Paper does not directly point out the deficiencies of the existing system. However, one of the main aims of the proposals set out in paragraph 7 is to develop progressively a system of government the authority for which is firmly rooted in Hong Kong, which is able to represent authoritatively the views of the people of Hong Kong, and which is more directly accountable to the people of Hong Kong'. This in fact is exactly the description of the present defective system, i.e. it is neither rooted in the people, nor is it authoritatively representative, and the people do not have the direct and effective power to monitor the system.
Everyone knows that Hong Kong will become a Special Administration Region with a high degree of autonomy in 1997 when China resumes sovereignty over the territory. To ensure prosperity and stability, the administrative reforms of Hong Kong should follow the trend of history, with governmental power transferred to the people step by step, and lay a sound foundation for the future democratic administration of the territory by the people themselves. This is a yardstick of any administrative reforms.
People taking part in discussions on the election of Legislative Councillors are often misguided, wittingly or unwittingly, that they can only choose between direct and indirect elections, and that direct and indirect elections are mutually repulsive and cannot exist side by side. Some have also defined indirect election as a 'step-by-step approach' and direct election, quite the opposite. Some have even distorted the facts and accused those in favour of direct elections of demanding a directly elected Legislative Council overnight.
Most of the cries for direct elections of course demand just some directly elected seats by stages in three or four years without precluding indirect elections in various forms, so that a system most suitable for Hong Kong could be found by comparing these different approaches.
Some seem to have strange worries about direct elections, as if once direct elections are held, chaos will follow. I can see no social factors that will necessarily lead to sharp political struggles as there are neither bloody religious conflicts, nor racial antagonism, nor tense management-labour relationship in Hong Kong. Besides, the people here have quite a strong common desire for prosperity and stability. Introduction of direct elections will not lead to chaos if participation, nomination and voting are not confined to a small, privileged group of people, and any mal-practices of bribing and cheating in elections will be dealt with according to the law.
Page 82 of 233
Page 82 of 233
128
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
their own interests? If they voice opinions according to their own functional groups, other bodies might attack them, and we definitely do not want to see
this happening. Fourthly, I believe that the definition of functional groups will define the various classes in our community who are eligible to be elected and who have no chance to become elected, is this something we would like to see in Hong Kong, should we emphasize this in Hong Kong? We do not want to create any sense of class consciousness in Hong Kong, that is why we feel that we should delete this approach.
I would like to comment on electoral college, there are two meaning here, it has a sense of indirect election and it also helps to present views of the geographical areas. They also present two problems, firstly, indirect election means that the general public will elect somebody to represent themselves and this representative will then elect among representatives somebody who is going to be a decision-maker. However, we see that there is also the appointment system in between and one-third of the seats will come from direct appointment, which means that indirect election will only provide two-thirds of the seats. Now if the seats cannot be evenly divided geographically and then the purpose of such seats being able to represent geographical constituencies will lead to fight between various geographic areas. For an instance, my geographic area would like to have a certain seats but yours would also like to have the seat and the two of us will fight over it. Although the constituencies basically agree to what is proposed but I think that there is something wrong at the suggested implementation method. For indirect election, firstly, I think we should have a gradual development from one third appointed to completely elected and secondly, from six seats, the system should develop to such an extent that each D.B. should have one seat.
Now I want to talk about prosperity, stability and our restraints. On what do we build our prosperity and stability? We have prosperity, we must depend on the commercial, industrial sectors, and the elite. This is clearly dealt with in the representative government system proposed. Of course we want to have stability and I am quite sure that, if only based on the commercial, industrial sector and also the elite, we cannot have stability. Stability depends on the involvement of everybody. There is no such thing in the political system, because of the time element, some of my views will not be dealt with in great details, I will make a photocopy of what I have to say and give it to the Secretary.
(Mr. B. A. BERNACCHI arrived at this point-3.31 p.m.)
MR. LEE CHIK-YUET (in Cantonese):-Mr. Chairman, it is said that the more truth is debated, the clearer it emerges. In the case of our debate on the Green Paper on Representative Government, this axiom holds good only if we eliminate the many fallacies some of which are plain to everyone while some others are deceptive and must be exposed.
HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL
Page 82 of 233
129
The Green Paper does not realistically examine the shortcomings of the local administrative system but affirms and heaps praise on it. This seems to give the impression that the system we have had for over a century is very healthy. To expose the falsehood, we need only ask: If it is so healthy, why is the government proposing the reforms in the Green Paper?
The Green Paper does not directly point out the deficiencies of the existing system. However, one of the main aims of the proposals set out in paragraph 7 is to develop progressively a system of government the authority for which is firmly rooted in Hong Kong, which is able to represent authoritatively the views of the people of Hong Kong, and which is more directly accountable to the people of Hong Kong'. This in fact is exactly the description of the present defective system, i.e. it is neither rooted in the people, nor is it authoritatively representative, and the people do not have the direct and effective power to monitor the system.
Everyone knows that Hong Kong will become a Special Administration Region with a high degree of autonomy in 1997 when China resumes sovereignty over the territory. To ensure prosperity and stability, the administrative reforms of Hong Kong should follow the trend of history, with governmental power transferred to the people step by step, and lay a sound foundation for the future democratic administration of the territory by the people themselves. This is a yardstick of any administrative reforms.
People taking part in discussions on the election of Legislative Councillors are often misguided, wittingly or unwittingly, that they can only choose between direct and indirect elections, and that direct and indirect elections are mutually repulsive and cannot exist side by side. Some have also defined indirect election as a 'step-by-step approach' and direct election, quite the opposite. Some have even distorted the facts and accused those in favour of direct elections of demanding a directly elected Legislative Council overnight.
Most of the cries for direct elections of course demand just some directly elected seats by stages in three or four years without precluding indirect elections in various forms, so that a system most suitable for Hong Kong could be found by comparing these different approaches.
Some seem to have strange worries about direct elections, as if once direct elections are held, chaos will follow. I can see no social factors that will necessarily lead to sharp political struggles as there are neither bloody religious conflicts, nor racial antagonism, nor tense management-labour relationship in Hong Kong. Besides, the people here have quite a strong common desire for prosperity and stability. Introduction of direct elections will not lead to chaos if participation, nomination and voting are not confined to a small, privileged group of people, and any mal-practices of bribing and cheating in elections will be dealt with according to the law.
No comments yet.
Private notes are available after approval.