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shall be able to establish progressively a government of and for the people of Hong Kong and the system may carry on under Chinese sovereignty in 1997 and beyond.
With these words, Mr. Chairman, I support the motion.
(Mr. Peter C. K. CHAN left at this point-3.12 p.m.)
MR. LAM CHAK-PIU (in Cantonese): Mr. Chairman, as regards the Green Paper on Representative Government published last month, proposing reforms in the system of government which would deeply affect the people in Hong Kong, I have the following comments:
I. Background to reforms in the system of government in Hong Kong
(a) It will be a historical fact that the sovereignty and administration of Hong Kong will be reverted to China after 1997, as announced by the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Geoffrey Howe, in his second statement.
(b) At present, the British Government possesses authority over Hong Kong, but after 1997 this authority will be shifted to China. From her experience of colonial administration, Britain would adopt a system of open central government in Hong Kong, withdrawing in glory but seeking to protect her economic interests through those trusted elements that she has reared.
(c) Since the seventies, as the people and civic groups are not able to influence through the existing channels of communication government policies some of which may be unfair, they have resorted to social actions, taken one after another, in bids to force the government to meet their demands. Even with the introduction of district administration, government departments still retain the real power, and it appears that the system of consultation still leaves much to be desired.
II. Comments on the Green Paper and hopes
(a) There have been criticisms from the people and civic groups that the period of 2 months for consultation proposed in the Green Paper is too short, but the government would not give way. From this insistence, I can see two points:
(1) The British Government purposely publishes the Green Paper before the initialling of the Sino-British agreement in September so as to propose reforms in the system of government that will lead to a pattern which it desires and which the people of Hong Kong must accept. On the other hand, the British Government is in the position to take the initiative when it introduces the White Paper after making reference to the initialled agreement.
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(ii) The Green Paper is itself a reflection of the defects in the current system of consultation. Notwithstanding the strong demands from the people and various circles for the extension of the period of consultation on the proposed reforms which may affect them for more than twelve years, the government insists on its despotic style and refuses with unacceptable reasons.
(b) The aims set out in the Green Paper and the methods to achieve them are not in keeping with each other. True reforms should be to transfer power to the people and let them elect their representatives to monitor the operation of the government and recall any officers. Such a government will then be indeed lawful, representative and authoritative. In face of 1997, the reforms should take into account historical facts and aim beyond 1997. Reforms leading to democracy should be introduced by stages, with frequent reviews to ensure that they meet the needs of Hong Kong and will result in the true democratic governing of Hong Kong by its people.
(c) Although Hong Kong is now being administered by the British, it will be taken over by the Chinese Government after 1997. Thus a more responsible and appropriate way would be to consult the Chinese Government on the main aims as proposed in the Green Paper. The reforms should be based on the tacit agreement with the Chinese Government and conform to her idea of 'one country, two systems' and of making Hong Kong a highly autonomous Special Administration Region that retains a capitalist system.
(d) The Hong Kong Government strongly advocates indirect elections as part of a representative system and puts forward in the Green Paper some immature reasons to negate the possibility of direct elections. It is being over-cautious:
(i) The Green Paper points out that there are problems in introducing direct elections because people do not have enough political consciousness. We all know that the government has not been making enough efforts on civic education as well as education on democracy. In the last two elections, people were rather indifferent and many who had good potential and strength to stand for election did not do so. It might be due to the fact that real power is still in the hands of government officials. The government should therefore establish, at an appropriate time, directly elected seats in the Legislative Council, so as to stimulate people's sense of participation and involvement. If people are given the opportunities to learn, it will not be difficult to enhance their political consciousness.
(ii) Civic groups are all along only demanding step-by-step reforms which involve as a first step the establishment of directly elected seats in the Legislative Council, leading progressively to
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shall be able to establish progressively a government of and for the people of Hong Kong and the system may carry on under Chinese sovereignty in 1997 and beyond.
With these words, Mr. Chairman, I support the motion.
(Mr. Peter C. K. CHAN left at this point-3.12 p.m.)
MR. LAM CHAK-PIU (in Cantonese): Mr. Chairman, as regards the Green Paper on Representative Government published last month, proposing reforms in the system of government which would deeply affect the people in Hong Kong, I have the following comments:
I. Background to reforms in the system of government in Hong Kong
(a) It will be a historical fact that the sovereignty and administration of Hong Kong will be reverted to China after 1997, as announced by the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Geoffrey Howe, in his second statement.
(b) At present, the British Government possesses authority over Hong Kong, but after 1997 this authority will be shifted to China. From her experience of colonial administration, Britain would adopt a system of open central government in Hong Kong, withdrawing in glory but seeking to protect her economic interests through those trusted elements that she has reared.
(c) Since the seventies, as the people and civic groups are not able to influence through the existing channels of communication govern- ment policies some of which may be unfair, they have resorted to social actions, taken one after another, in bids to force the government to meet their demands. Even with the introduction of district administration, government departments still retain the real power, and it appears that the system of consultation still leaves much to be desired.
II. Comments on the Green Paper and hopes
(a) There have been criticisms from the people and civic groups that the period of 2 months for consultation proposed in the Green Paper is too short, but the government would not give way. From this insistence, I can see two points:
(1) The British Government purposely publishes the Green Paper before the initialling of the Sino-British agreement in Septem- ber so as to propose reforms in the system of government that will lead to a pattern which it desires and which the people of Hong Kong must accept. On the other hand, the British Government is in the position to take the initiative when it introduces the White Paper after making reference to the initialled agreement.
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(ii) The Green Paper is itself a reflection of the defects in the current system of consultation. Notwithstanding the strong demands from the people and various circles for the extention of the period of consultation on the proposed reforms which may affect them for more than twelve years, the government insists on its despotic style and refuses with unacceptable
reasons.
(b) The aims set out in the Green Paper and the methods to achieve them are not in keeping with each other. True reforms should be to transfer power to the people and let them elect their representatives to monitor the operation of the government and recall any officers. Such a government will then be indeed lawful, representative and authoritative. In face of 1997, the reforms should take into account historical facts and aim beyond 1997. Reforms leading to democ- racy should be introduced by stages, with frequent reviews to ensure that they meet the needs of Hong Kong and will result in the true democratic governing of Hong Kong by its people.
(c) Although Hong Kong is now being administered by the British, it will be taken over by the Chinese Government after 1997. Thus a more responsible and appropriate way would be to consult the Chinese Government on the main aims as proposed in the Green Paper. The reforms should be based on the tacit agreement with the Chinese Government and conform to her idea of 'one country, two systems' and of making Hong Kong a highly autonomous Special Administration Region that retains a capitalist system.
(d) The Hong Kong Government strongly advocates indirect elections as part of a representative system and puts forward in the Green Paper some immature reasons to negate the possibility of direct elections. It is being over-cautious:
(i) The Green Paper points out that there are problems in introducing direct elections because people do not have enough political consciousness. We ali know that the government has not been making enough efforts on civic education as well as education on democracy. In the last two elections, people were rather indifferent and many who had good potential and strength to stand for election did not do so. It might be due to the fact that real power is still in the hands of government officials. The government should therefore establish, at an appropriate time, directly elected seats in the Legislative Council, so as to stimulate people's sense of participation and involvement. If people are given the opportunities to learn, it will not be difficult to enhance their political consciousness. (ii) Civic groups are all along only demanding step-by-step reforms which involve as a first step the establishment of directly elected seats in the Legislative Council, leading progressively to
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