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create an opposition party for show. How could it be said that the existence of opposition would threaten the stability of Hong Kong?

As for 'run the risk of introducing direct election prematurely', it is sheer nonsense. Most of those demanding direct election agree that it should be introduced progressively. 13 years is not a long period, so we must take big strides towards genuine democracy, so as to be in time for self-rule in 1997. What danger is there at all?

Here are my suggestions:

(1) The Legislative Council as the future highest organ of government should expand its powers greatly, and quickly. At present, the Council's real powers are confined to the financial budgets. Its role in other administrative matters is played through the Council's various working parties which are not specifically defined--the state of affair is untenable by logic and by law.

(2) There should be five directly elected seats in the Legislative Council as from 1986, to be increased progressively to 30 by 1997, making up approximately 3/5 of the total membership, in order to attain the goal of self-rule. The remaining 20 seats may be filled by appointees and officials, but the officials should not exceed 10 and the appointees, 15. No matter how the seats are distributed, the toal number of official and appointed members should be 2/5 of the membership. There should not be any indirectly elected members.

Basically I object to indirect election because it is easily influenced by the government and the councillors are not elected directly by the electorate. Virtually all those who have reacted favourably to the Green Paper are either government officials or appointed councillors and one need only pay a little attention to this to understand the reasons for their support of the proposals.

(3) The proposed functional constituencies should be scrapped and the seats under this category be grouped under the category of appointment. This suggestion is made in view of the difficulty in defining the eligibility of a functional group and the unnecessary conflicts among different profes- sions and trades. This suggestion will also retain the present flexibility of government making the appointments.

If there are representatives from functional groups, members of such groups would enjoy double eligibility which is against the principle of democracy.

(4) Direct election should be held territory-wide instead of by goegraphical

constituencies.

Territory-wide direct election is desirable firstly because Hong Kong is a closely knitted society with highly concentrated population, advanced transport and communications facilities, and mass media reaching all walks of life.

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Secondly, territory-wide election are not so easily manipulated by the candidates by dint of the large electorate.

Thirdly, at present 45% of the population live in public housing estates and in a few years' time the ratio will increase to over 50%. The unique situation will have a special effect on elections by geographical constituencies. When more candidates advocating faster and more construction of public housing', 'objection to public housing rent increases', or 'improvement in the environments of public housing' are elected by some 50% of population through geographical constituencies, the Legislative Council would be lopsided in favour of public housing residents, and fair-play and objectivity would be lacking in their tackling of important territory-wide matters.

Fourthly, it is logical that members of district boards should come from different constituencies, but Legislative Councillors who take care of territory-wide administration with different terms of reference should not at the same time direct their attention to affairs in the constituencies. (5) No doubt the appointed councillors are making good contributions in the councils of all levels, but they should not involve themselves in politics.

From my experience in the Urban Council, I greatly admire the appointed members' professional achievements and their contributions to society. However, whenever there is any disagreement in the Urban Council between the elected members and the government, my appointed colleagues would invariably take the side of the government and thus become the tools of the government for control over the Council. I do deplore such an attitude and that is why I think that after 1997 we should reserve some seats for those who wish to serve the society but do not intend to stand for election. Their role should be limited to professional matters only and not to be involved in politics.

(6) The excuse of 'China not in favour' for refusing to develop a system of

government by the people at an early date is not acceptable.

For 18 years, whenever we demand elected representation in the Legislative Council or other political reforms, the Hong Kong govern- ment, British officials and the British Parliament would of one voice refuse to budge, citing that China is not in favour.

In recent discussions on direct elections, there are again talks of 'political reforms in Hong Kong must be compatible with the conditions in China'.

However, when 14 Urban Councillors and district board members visited Beijing in April this year, neither Mr. Ji Pengfei, Director of the H.K. and Macau Affairs Office, nor Mr. Li Hou, Deputy Director of the Office, mentioned any objection to Hong Kong holding direct elections. As 'Hong Kong governed by genuine or pseudo Hong Kong people' in the 50 years after 1997 depends to a great extent on whether or not, and when to hold direct elections, as well as the number of directly elected