1984 — Page 53

Urban Council Proceedings 市政局議事錄 All AI Reviewed

Page 53 of 233

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HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL

to our Council has merit, and should be adopted, as it would have the advantage of direct participation in Urban Council affairs by full-time members of District Boards. Urban Councillors could then be detached from District Board Membership and concentrate fully on Urban Council work.

I look forward with interest to developments over the next 15 years and hope

I will be able to contribute in some way.

I second the motion before the Council.

(Mr. Lo King-man arrived at this point---2.45 p.m.)

MR. B. A. BERNACCHI (in English):-Mr. Chairman, I lay on the table a comprehensive report on the Green Paper as compiled by the Reform Club, of which I have the honour to be Chairman. I heartily endorse the recommendations made therein and which are to be read with my speech for record purposes. However, the Reform Club have already held a press conference over the same, and as fairly wide publicity has been given on the radio and newspapers, especially in the Chinese press both left, right and neutral and as each member has these recommendations on his table as part of my speech, I will not take

up members' time with actually reading it this afternoon. Instead, please take this Report as read.

The Green Paper was being discussed on English Broadcast of Radio Hong Kong on the morning of Sunday, 12 August, when I happened to turn it on, I heard the speaker give his opinion, to the effect, that it is time for local leaders to come to the front, and by that he did not mean the Elsie ELLIOTTS' and Brook BERNACCHIS' of Hong Kong. Whilst I understand and agree with the sentiment that he was trying to put across, I do think that the phraseology was unfortunate. The remark sounded like racial prejudice, even though it was the reverse to some other remarks which I have heard from time to time in the past. Yes, I am British by birth, but a Hong Kong citizen by choice, holding a Hong Kong passport. Ever since December 1945, i.e. almost of my life, I have considered Hong Kong my home and its people, my people. I think that we have been good for each other. My adopted fellow citizens have filled me these nearly forty years with great interest, fascination, sometimes frustration, but overall, happiness. I like to think that my efforts over these years have somewhat improved the lives of some of my fellow citizens. This is my home, where I and my family hope to live and I hope, end out my years—-1997 and beyond.

Having said all this, I share the speaker's view that some really first class local people of Chinese race should be coming up now. Then the present Hong Kong Government can hand over the administration to them with confidence, not just in 13 years time, when the change of flags formally takes place, but as a continuing process over the years in between. Then such change of flags in 1997 will almost cease to have any effect on the day to day life of the citizens of Hong Kong. Whether I myself have any part to play in these 13 years is very much of

HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL

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71

secondary consideration. In this most cosmopolitan city of Hong Kong, I hope that all races, who are truly citizens of Hong Kong, can play their part whatever their race. Nevertheless, we must always remember that 98% of those citizens are Chinese. It is only natural therefore it is to those Chinese people that we ought to look for the leadership of tomorrow.

Although I am against the formation of political parties at this time, remembering always we must accept, whether or not we agree with the principle, that China is a single party State, nevertheless, I hope the leaders of tomorrow, and by tomorrow I mean, not 1997, but at the latest the latter part of the 1980s, will be strong and not yesman, either to the British masters at present governing the territory, or indeed to the Government of China, either before or after 1997. They should not in any way dabble in foreign policy matters of the Chinese State, but they should always ensure that Hong Kong maintains that autonomous status, with its own laws and its own local government, as has been envisaged by Peking itself.

That is why even the thought of indirect elections horrifies me. If it is combined with real democracy, it is a waste of time, because candidates will pledge themselves to vote for a certain person whom the individual voter himself wants to be finally elected. However, if the system is introduced with an ulterior purpose i.e. for the Government still to control who gets elected, by closely controlling functional bodies who are given the vote, then the Green Paper is a sham and should be shown up as a sham. It would merely envisage a system of government appointments under the cloak of the so-called election from functional bodies. In other words, indirect appointments by the British controlled Government at present, leading to Government of China appointments in the future. I am glad indeed that the Reform Club's comments have received publicity from both the left and the right press. Perhaps that shows with all their political differences, the Editors are at heart as keen as I am, to preserve the good things about Hong Kong into the future, whilst getting rid the bad and the government's red tape as soon as possible.

However, ups and downs of confidence are inevitable during the years leading to our reunification with China. Of course, there are difficulties to overcome but the true patriots of Hong Kong are those who are willing to stay and overcome them, not those who are planning to run away.

Mr. Chairman, there are many things wrong with this Green Paper which I do hope will be corrected in the White Paper. Nevertheless, at least it shows that the Government is, at last, doing something. I liked and admired Sir Alexander GRANHAM as a man, but his cable to London in 1952 when he was the Governor, caused the British Government not to go ahead with the plans they then had for direct elections to the Legislative Council. In fact this caused the whole democratization of Hong Kong to be set-back for more than 40 years. Now we have so few years to organize our own Hong Kong Local Government, one which can truly be said of and for the people, and governing the people, but

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Page 53 of 233 70 HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL to our Council has merit, and should be adopted, as it would have the advantage of direct participation in Urban Council affairs by full-time members of District Boards. Urban Councillors could then be detached from District Board Membership and concentrate fully on Urban Council work. I look forward with interest to developments over the next 15 years and hope I will be able to contribute in some way. I second the motion before the Council. (Mr. Lo King-man arrived at this point---2.45 p.m.) MR. B. A. BERNACCHI (in English):-Mr. Chairman, I lay on the table a comprehensive report on the Green Paper as compiled by the Reform Club, of which I have the honour to be Chairman. I heartily endorse the recommendations made therein and which are to be read with my speech for record purposes. However, the Reform Club have already held a press conference over the same, and as fairly wide publicity has been given on the radio and newspapers, especially in the Chinese press both left, right and neutral and as each member has these recommendations on his table as part of my speech, I will not take up members' time with actually reading it this afternoon. Instead, please take this Report as read. The Green Paper was being discussed on English Broadcast of Radio Hong Kong on the morning of Sunday, 12 August, when I happened to turn it on, I heard the speaker give his opinion, to the effect, that it is time for local leaders to come to the front, and by that he did not mean the Elsie ELLIOTTS' and Brook BERNACCHIS' of Hong Kong. Whilst I understand and agree with the sentiment that he was trying to put across, I do think that the phraseology was unfortunate. The remark sounded like racial prejudice, even though it was the reverse to some other remarks which I have heard from time to time in the past. Yes, I am British by birth, but a Hong Kong citizen by choice, holding a Hong Kong passport. Ever since December 1945, i.e. almost of my life, I have considered Hong Kong my home and its people, my people. I think that we have been good for each other. My adopted fellow citizens have filled me these nearly forty years with great interest, fascination, sometimes frustration, but overall, happiness. I like to think that my efforts over these years have somewhat improved the lives of some of my fellow citizens. This is my home, where I and my family hope to live and I hope, end out my years—-1997 and beyond. Having said all this, I share the speaker's view that some really first class local people of Chinese race should be coming up now. Then the present Hong Kong Government can hand over the administration to them with confidence, not just in 13 years time, when the change of flags formally takes place, but as a continuing process over the years in between. Then such change of flags in 1997 will almost cease to have any effect on the day to day life of the citizens of Hong Kong. Whether I myself have any part to play in these 13 years is very much of HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL Page 53 of 233 71 secondary consideration. In this most cosmopolitan city of Hong Kong, I hope that all races, who are truly citizens of Hong Kong, can play their part whatever their race. Nevertheless, we must always remember that 98% of those citizens are Chinese. It is only natural therefore it is to those Chinese people that we ought to look for the leadership of tomorrow. Although I am against the formation of political parties at this time, remembering always we must accept, whether or not we agree with the principle, that China is a single party State, nevertheless, I hope the leaders of tomorrow, and by tomorrow I mean, not 1997, but at the latest the latter part of the 1980s, will be strong and not yesman, either to the British masters at present governing the territory, or indeed to the Government of China, either before or after 1997. They should not in any way dabble in foreign policy matters of the Chinese State, but they should always ensure that Hong Kong maintains that autonomous status, with its own laws and its own local government, as has been envisaged by Peking itself. That is why even the thought of indirect elections horrifies me. If it is combined with real democracy, it is a waste of time, because candidates will pledge themselves to vote for a certain person whom the individual voter himself wants to be finally elected. However, if the system is introduced with an ulterior purpose i.e. for the Government still to control who gets elected, by closely controlling functional bodies who are given the vote, then the Green Paper is a sham and should be shown up as a sham. It would merely envisage a system of government appointments under the cloak of the so-called election from functional bodies. In other words, indirect appointments by the British controlled Government at present, leading to Government of China appointments in the future. I am glad indeed that the Reform Club's comments have received publicity from both the left and the right press. Perhaps that shows with all their political differences, the Editors are at heart as keen as I am, to preserve the good things about Hong Kong into the future, whilst getting rid the bad and the government's red tape as soon as possible. However, ups and downs of confidence are inevitable during the years leading to our reunification with China. Of course, there are difficulties to overcome but the true patriots of Hong Kong are those who are willing to stay and overcome them, not those who are planning to run away. Mr. Chairman, there are many things wrong with this Green Paper which I do hope will be corrected in the White Paper. Nevertheless, at least it shows that the Government is, at last, doing something. I liked and admired Sir Alexander GRANHAM as a man, but his cable to London in 1952 when he was the Governor, caused the British Government not to go ahead with the plans they then had for direct elections to the Legislative Council. In fact this caused the whole democratization of Hong Kong to be set-back for more than 40 years. Now we have so few years to organize our own Hong Kong Local Government, one which can truly be said of and for the people, and governing the people, but Page 53 of 233
Baseline (Original)
Page 53 of 233 70 HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL to our Council has merit, and should be adopted, as it would have the advantage of direct participation in Urban Council affairs by full-time members of District Boards. Urban Councillors could then be detached from District Board Membership and concentrate fully on Urban Council work. I look forward with interest to developments over the next 15 years and hope I will be able to contribute in some way. I second the motion before the Council. (Mr. Lo King-man arrived at this point---2.45 p.m.) MR. B. A. BERNACCHI (in English):-Mr. Chairman, I lay on the table a comprehensive report on the Green Paper as compiled by the Reform Club, of which I have the honour to be Chairman. I heartily endorse the recommenda- tions made therein and which are to be read with my speech for record purposes. However, the Reform Club have already held a press conference over the same, and as fairly wide publicity has been given on the radio and newspapers, especially in the Chinese press both left, right and neutral and as each member has these recommendations on his table as part of my speech, I will not take up members' time with actually reading it this afternoon. Instead, please take this Report as read. The Green Paper was being discussed on English Broadcast of Radio Hong Kong on the morning of Sunday, 12 August, when I happened to turn it on, I heard the speaker give his opinion, to the effect, that it is time for local leaders to come to the front, and by that he did not mean the Elsie ELLIOTTS' and Brook BERNACCHIS' of Hong Kong. Whilst I understand and agree with the sentiment that he was trying to put across, I do think that the phraseology was unfortunate. The remark sounded like racial prejudice, even though it was the reverse to some other remarks which I have heard from time to time in the past. Yes, I am British by birth, but a Hong Kong citizen by choice, holding a Hong Kong passport. Ever since December 1945, i.e. almost of my life, I have considered Hong Kong my home and its people, my people. I think that we have been good for each other. My adopted fellow citizens have filled me these nearly forty years with great interest, fascination, sometimes frustration, but overall, happiness. I like to think that my efforts over these years have somewhat improved the lives of some of my fellow citizens. This is my home, where I and my family hope to live and I hope, end out my years—-1997 and beyond. Having said all this, I share the speaker's view that some really first class local people of Chinese race should be coming up now. Then the present Hong Kong Government can hand over the administration to them with confidence, not just in 13 years time, when the change of flags formally takes place, but as a continuing process over the years in between. Then such change of flags in 1997 will almost cease to have any effect on the day to day life of the citizens of Hong Kong. Whether I myself have any part to play in these 13 years is very much of HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL Page 53 of 233 71 secondary consideration. In this most cosmopolitan city of Hong Kong, I hope that all races, who are truly citizens of Hong Kong, can play their part whatever their race. Nevertheless, we must always remember that 98% of those citizens are Chinese. It is only natural therefore it is to those Chinese people that we ought to look for the leadership of tomorrow. Although I am against the formation of political parties at this time, remembering always we must accept, whether or not we agree with the principle, that China is a single party State, nevertheless, I hope the leaders of tomorrow, and by tomorrow I mean, not 1997, but at the latest the latter part of the 1980s, will be strong and not yesman, either to the British masters at present governing the territory, or indeed to the Government of China, either before or after 1997. They should not in any way dabble in foreign policy matters of the Chinese State, but they should always ensure that Hong Kong maintains that autonomous status, with its own laws and its own local government, as has been envisaged by Peking itself. That is why even the thought of indirect elections horrifies me. If it is combined with real democracy, it is a waste of time, because candidates will pledge themselves to vote for a certain person whom the individual voter himself wants to be finally elected. However, if the system is introduced with an ulterior purpose i.e. for the Government still to control who gets elected, by closely controlling functional bodies who are given the vote, then the Green Paper is a sham and should be shown up as a sham. It would merely envisage a system of government appointments under the cloak of the so-called election from functional bodies. In other words, indirect appointments by the British controlled Government at present, leading to Government of China appoint- ments in the future. I am glad indeed that the Reform Club's comments have received publicity from both the left and the right press. Perhaps that shows with all their political differences, the Editors are at heart as keen as I am, to preserve the good things about Hong Kong into the future, whilst getting rid the bad and the government's red tape as soon as possible. However, ups and downs of confidence are inevitable during the years leading to our reunificaton with China. Of course, there are difficulties to overcome but the true patriots of Hong Kong are those who are willing to stay and overcome them, not those who are planning to run away. Mr. Chairman, there are many things wrong with this Green Paper which I do hope will be corrected in the White Paper. Nevertheless, at least it shows that the Government is, at last, doing something. I liked and admired Sir Alexander GRANHAM as a man, but his cable to London in 1952 when he was the Governor, caused the British Government not to go ahead with the plans they then had for direct elections to the Legislative Council. In fact this caused the whole democratization of Hong Kong to be set-back for more than 40 years. Now we have so few years to organize our own Hong Kong Local Government, one which can truly be said of and for the people, and governing the people, but
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Page 53 of 233

70

HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL

to our Council has merit, and should be adopted, as it would have the advantage of direct participation in Urban Council affairs by full-time members of District Boards. Urban Councillors could then be detached from District Board Membership and concentrate fully on Urban Council work.

I look forward with interest to developments over the next 15 years and hope

I will be able to contribute in some way.

I second the motion before the Council.

(Mr. Lo King-man arrived at this point---2.45 p.m.)

MR. B. A. BERNACCHI (in English):-Mr. Chairman, I lay on the table a comprehensive report on the Green Paper as compiled by the Reform Club, of which I have the honour to be Chairman. I heartily endorse the recommenda- tions made therein and which are to be read with my speech for record purposes. However, the Reform Club have already held a press conference over the same, and as fairly wide publicity has been given on the radio and newspapers, especially in the Chinese press both left, right and neutral and as each member has these recommendations on his table as part of my speech, I will not take

up members' time with actually reading it this afternoon. Instead, please take this Report as read.

The Green Paper was being discussed on English Broadcast of Radio Hong Kong on the morning of Sunday, 12 August, when I happened to turn it on, I heard the speaker give his opinion, to the effect, that it is time for local leaders to come to the front, and by that he did not mean the Elsie ELLIOTTS' and Brook BERNACCHIS' of Hong Kong. Whilst I understand and agree with the sentiment that he was trying to put across, I do think that the phraseology was unfortunate. The remark sounded like racial prejudice, even though it was the reverse to some other remarks which I have heard from time to time in the past. Yes, I am British by birth, but a Hong Kong citizen by choice, holding a Hong Kong passport. Ever since December 1945, i.e. almost of my life, I have considered Hong Kong my home and its people, my people. I think that we have been good for each other. My adopted fellow citizens have filled me these nearly forty years with great interest, fascination, sometimes frustration, but overall, happiness. I like to think that my efforts over these years have somewhat improved the lives of some of my fellow citizens. This is my home, where I and my family hope to live and I hope, end out my years—-1997 and beyond.

Having said all this, I share the speaker's view that some really first class local people of Chinese race should be coming up now. Then the present Hong Kong Government can hand over the administration to them with confidence, not just in 13 years time, when the change of flags formally takes place, but as a continuing process over the years in between. Then such change of flags in 1997 will almost cease to have any effect on the day to day life of the citizens of Hong Kong. Whether I myself have any part to play in these 13 years is very much of

HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL

Page 53 of 233

71

secondary consideration. In this most cosmopolitan city of Hong Kong, I hope that all races, who are truly citizens of Hong Kong, can play their part whatever their race. Nevertheless, we must always remember that 98% of those citizens are Chinese. It is only natural therefore it is to those Chinese people that we ought to look for the leadership of tomorrow.

Although I am against the formation of political parties at this time, remembering always we must accept, whether or not we agree with the principle, that China is a single party State, nevertheless, I hope the leaders of tomorrow, and by tomorrow I mean, not 1997, but at the latest the latter part of the 1980s, will be strong and not yesman, either to the British masters at present governing the territory, or indeed to the Government of China, either before or after 1997. They should not in any way dabble in foreign policy matters of the Chinese State, but they should always ensure that Hong Kong maintains that autonomous status, with its own laws and its own local government, as has been envisaged by Peking itself.

That is why even the thought of indirect elections horrifies me. If it is combined with real democracy, it is a waste of time, because candidates will pledge themselves to vote for a certain person whom the individual voter himself wants to be finally elected. However, if the system is introduced with an ulterior purpose i.e. for the Government still to control who gets elected, by closely controlling functional bodies who are given the vote, then the Green Paper is a sham and should be shown up as a sham. It would merely envisage a system of government appointments under the cloak of the so-called election from functional bodies. In other words, indirect appointments by the British controlled Government at present, leading to Government of China appoint- ments in the future. I am glad indeed that the Reform Club's comments have received publicity from both the left and the right press. Perhaps that shows with all their political differences, the Editors are at heart as keen as I am, to preserve the good things about Hong Kong into the future, whilst getting rid the bad and the government's red tape as soon as possible.

However, ups and downs of confidence are inevitable during the years leading to our reunificaton with China. Of course, there are difficulties to overcome but the true patriots of Hong Kong are those who are willing to stay and overcome them, not those who are planning to run away.

Mr. Chairman, there are many things wrong with this Green Paper which I do hope will be corrected in the White Paper. Nevertheless, at least it shows that the Government is, at last, doing something. I liked and admired Sir Alexander GRANHAM as a man, but his cable to London in 1952 when he was the Governor, caused the British Government not to go ahead with the plans they then had for direct elections to the Legislative Council. In fact this caused the whole democratization of Hong Kong to be set-back for more than 40 years. Now we have so few years to organize our own Hong Kong Local Government, one which can truly be said of and for the people, and governing the people, but

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