1965 — Page 77

Page 77 of 382

132

HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL

the irresponsible and damaging acts or behaviour to the community by common people such as the recent run on banks, or the spread of irresponsible rumours, etc. Such a step can also inspire the confidence of each individual Citizen in the community. It will wipe away the attitude of indifference of the people of Hong Kong toward the place where they live. I therefore advocated in my election speech that "Hong Kong's Citizenship is an indispensable step at this stage to have any further advancement of our community politically, socially or economically."

I have no doubt in saying that the institution of Hong Kong Citizenship is to give Hong Kong people their dignity and their sacred and inherent right. I entirely share the view expressed by the Acting Colonial Secretary when he presented the White Paper on Social Wel- fare Policy to the Legislative Council on 12th May, 1965, when he said that "in giving assistance to people, Government considers it important to help them to find a place in the community and to earn their own living, not only for economic reasons but to enable them to maintain their self-respect and their human dignity". I would venture to say that the creation of Hong Kong citizenship is another limb to implement such a bright and lofty policy of the Government. Indeed, it has always been the British policy toward the different components of its Empire. I would quote a passage from the Encyclopaedia Britannica under the Heading of "British Empire" (Political Development) (Vol. 4. P. 179): "The British Empire is composed of vast congeries of communities under the supreme headship of the British Crown. The different forms of government of its components are the outcome of a process of de- velopment which is continually at work. Underlying the great diversity of forms is the basic principle that the populations should have as great a degrees of responsibility for the management of their own affairs as their circumstances permit."

I should also explain to you, Sir, who are going to be the Hong Kong Citizens. Subject to any views which may be expressed by you, Sir, I would say residential qualification of 5 to 7 years for a non- British Subject and 2 to 3 years for a British subject and the signing of a Statutory Declaration that the person concerned is willing to serve if required in any essential services. People who are paying taxes or rates should also be included. Lastly, those people who have received certain education and are engaged in a proper business or profession should be given special consideration, e.g. lawyers, journalists, teachers, doctors, traders and other professional men. At a Committee Meeting of the Reform Club we did discuss this question and I think our Chair- man, Mr. Brook BERNACCHI, will address you in due course and I will not repeat it here in my speech in detail.

In conclusion it is my view that the further progress of our pros- perity and economy depends on the institution of Hong Kong or local

HONG KONG URBAN COUNCIL

133

Citizenship. It is the Hong Kong Citizens who will form the basic stratum of our society and have faith and confidence in Hong Kong. It is only through such an institution that Hong Kong will prove to be a better place. Government may impose strict conditions on the quali- fication for Hong Kong Citizenship but such a step should be taken without further delay. The institution of Hong Kong or Local Citizen- ship is the fundamental requisite for any reforms which may be sug- gested. Sir, with these remarks I have great pleasure in moving the motion which stands in my name.

MR. BERNACCHI:-Mr. Chairman, I rise to second this motion. In the New Century Dictionary of the English Language, the 1st definition of citizen is:-

"an inhabitant of a city or town especially one entitled to its privileges or its franchise."

The Oxford English Dictionary seems to differ from this definition, in that, by a very long definition, the editors seem to think that it should be "and", not "or", i.e. "a person . . . who has the privilege of voting for public offices and is entitled to protection in the exercise of private rights".

I agree with the remarks to be implied from the Speech of the proposer that this Motion has nothing to do with making Hong Kong an independent State. Such would be ridiculous having regard to its geographical position between two powerful and contending forces. Need I say any more? But equally well, the idea of citizenship is intricately bound up with the question of voting for public office on this Urban Council, which should be a municipal council, and protec- tion given; not only by the Courts, but by the Executive. Only in that way, can we be sure that we have secured the Rule of Law in Hong Kong.

I remember in 1946 that two people, So Leung and Tsui Kwok- chung, were charged with TREASON. They were convicted, sentenced to death and executed. Neither of these two men were born in Hong Kong nor were otherwise British subjects. But they had committed Treason because they enjoyed the protection of the Hong Kong Govern- ment up to the occupation of Hong Kong by the Japanese, and there- fore owed allegiance to the British Crown. They then joined the Japanese secret police, rounding up and torturing several other Chinese residents of Hong Kong. I cite this as an instance where the Hong Kong Government has not been backward to claim that aliens who have been resident in Hong Kong owe allegiance to the Hong Kong British Government because they have enjoyed the protection of that Govern-

ment.

Coming to recent times, I say firmly that if the Hong Kong Govern- ment wants to wind up any bank in future, then they should do it by