THE HONGKONG TELEGRAPH, WEDNESDAY, JULY 5, 1989.
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Peace?
'Phone 26615
July 5, 1939
WILL there be pence?
That is the question which each man is asking his neigh- bour. It is the question which is foremost in the words anti thoughts of people to-day,
Everything points to peace. Danzig is the outstanding issue. and it should not be incapable of solution by negotiation. Hitler should know that he can obtain la just settlement by peaceful
means.
Further, it is becoming in- creasing clear that Germany has not the resources for a long war. The sinews of war are oil and
iron.
Even if Germany had all the oil of Rumania, she would not have enough for her peace-time needs. There would be nothing over to fuel warplanes.
on
And Germany depends Sweden for iron. More than half the high-grade steel used in the Ruhr armaments industry comes from Swedish ores,
Meanwhile, the other partner in the Axis is getting alarmed. Italy still keeps in step. But she persuades Germany to mark time.
It is easy to see why Mussolini fears further German advances. History shows that there is no stability in a partnership of conquest. A dictator will not willingly share power with a foreign dictator, any more than he will share power at home.
The last experiment in a die- tators partnership was when Napoleon met the Czar Alexan- der on a raft itt Tilsit. They arranged for the division of Europe and the conquest of Asia. But
I N THE
CZECHO
MEMEL
SLOVAKIA
AUSTRIA
BAG
The German-Italian Axis is now to become a military alliance.
TALY.
Hobson's Choice
PINIONS differ whether
or
we shall be plunged into war or, by force appeasement, avold it. But there is a consensus of opinion that war has at least been postponed. We have some breathing space,
During this period of unstable equilibrium, the community in general and Labour in particular are confronted with an issu which, at the peril of our future. cannot be evaded and must be faced with the courage of our race. Of its gravity and magol- lude there can be no question.
It can be simply stated.
At present we are committed to an expenditure on war prepara- tions and munitions of probably not less than £2,000,000,000-ons quarter of what we spent in the Great War. Nevertheless, we have 1,500,000 unemployed part employed.
or
NOW, either there will be war or there will not be war. If it must be war, there is nothing whatever to win: impoverishment will stare us in the face. A new economic structure becomes inevitable.
are on the
If we decide that there will be no war, then nothing remains but to liquidate our stupendous loss.
Liquidatel
tel Unless, starting to- marrow morning, we alert, It will liquidate us. For it menns an unemployed army of at least 3,000,000, a financial strin- gency never before experienced, not even in 1931, a semi-cessation of all our economic processes.
If there be no war, this condi- tion of affairs is positively upon us, But should there be war, it will be indescribable tragedy mingling with economic chaos. The main problem will merely be postponed.
IF.we escape war, our industrial system must be badly shaken at the price of universal privation and misery: it war supervenes, I do riot hesitate to assert that Capitalism must collapse.
am appalled at the complac- ency, the apparent indifference shown by the whole community to the altuation in which we find our- selves.
War
or no war, there is no We are not walking with our feet on firm ground; we are floating in levitation.
escape.
No conclave of philosophers. Economists
quidnunca
and
18
that partnership needed to confirm this; it is as pal soon broke up, and Napoleon's
pable na it is imminent. Nor does army was broken in Russin. it need a yet further ofelal in- quiry to declare that these issues transcend all existing organisa- tions and movements..
There was only room for one Napoleon in Europe, and there is only room for one man to fol- low in Napoleon's footsteps.
Mussolini knows that there will be no room left for him if Hitler goes any further. Study Detail
There is, at present, no group of
higher mathematica. It fa by that work he is remembered.
Although he was a social re- former, Robespierrp issued a do- croḥ against him at the height of the French Revolution. For many Two hundred years ago thodaya Condorcet hid himself. When Marquis of Condorcet was he came out hungry he wont Inte born. Ho lived to be a dia-In restaurant for an omelette. The tinguished mathematician. But he landlord naked him how many exKA died because he did not know, he wanted. Condorcet, who did not how many eggs went into an know, told him twelve. omelette.
Ilia reply betrayed him as UN Ile devised the differential aristocrat. He was taken to pri- was 'calculus, an Intricate formula of 'son, where he polated himself.
In this article, Mr. S. G. HOBSON, famous teriter on eturrency and economies, draws attention to the urgent problem created by the immense expenditure an' armament-a problem which will have to be met whether there is peace or war. Wo do not agree with all Mr. Hobson's proposals, but we publish his article because we think it essential that there should be public discussion NOW of the economic problema raised by our logo arms expenditure,
man, no body of doctrine, equal to the occasion. would be miracle
If it were 80; but we may well in- quire if co-ordinated effort by responsible 15 those primarily being
made. Who are they? Without question every functional group, associa- tion and union throughout the land--especially the technicians and trade unions.
The trade union leaders, for example."need"no" persuasion that in a time of unexampled trade de- pression, with three or four mil- unemployed, wage bargaining is as the crackling of thorns under the pot. We shall have passed that stage beyond recall.
lions un
The choice, one way or the other, will be imperative: either Labour will sink yet deeper into wage-. servitude, or, under courageous leadership, it will claim and obtain a share in industrial government.
What is needed is the excrcise of Imagination by the General Coun- cil of the T.U.C. to convene a special congress to consider decl- sive action both in pre-war and post-war conditions, I entreat them to rise to the height of the great argument.
Nor will the scientists, tech-
nicians and administrators - the functional intelligentsin--be under, any illusions. They, with speedily discover that established Onance, bogged in war cominitments, must fall them. They
will have all the materials of real wealth; their task must bo to disentangle the realities from an obsolete industrial system. Their choloo will be either to remain at-. tached to
financial to conventional control or break loose into the wider
of function. sphere of Labour will naturally desire their
boon: in the last resort it
can do without them. The younger technicians, already in sympathy with Labour, will readily jump into the breach.
Three lines of development are indicated.
FIRST, there must be industrial self-govern- ment. Each industry, all its working elements har- monised, must evolve a new tech- nique based on function and no longer on finance,
Its business must be to produce up to the limits of natural demand -resolutely uninfluenced by all Capitalist attempts to create arti-
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ficial scarcity for purposes o prollt.
Secondly, ta instantly obvious that no single Industry can stand alone. All must be co-ordinated in on Industrial chamber, whose decisions shall be subject only to the veto of the House of Commons, This involves devolution of definite powers from the Commons upon the Industrial chamber.
Thirdly, the issue of currency must pass from the control of the Banks to a National Currency Board which, subject to tho Government, must lasuo currency In ratio to production, and at the same time maintain a constant price.
does This, boit
noled, necessarily involve the nationalisa- tion of the Banks. Apart from other considerations, there is no time for that.
not
THE issue of national currency against pro- ------duction, with all its all- cillary services, will suffice; may even mark a new era in the development of monetary theory.
I will not add a single ward in support of what is here suggested. beyond remarking that our poten- tial enemies aim at supplanting our Industrial economy by another, based on dictatorship and a servile claza,
Our only answer is an industrial democracy. But even if the developments here indicated are premature, there can be no ques- tion
that our economic activities now place our people in gravo jeo- pardy.
Eo I appeal to all men and women of understanding and good will to lose not a single instant la pre- baring for the inevitable.
Murder Of
Mr. Tinkler
London.
The recent murder of Mr. R. M. . Tinkler was again referred to in question in Parliament recently, as follows:
Lieut-Commander Fletcher, asked the Prime Minister what reply has :been received from the Japanese Government to representations con- cerning the murder of Mr. Tinkler?
The Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs) (Mr. Butler): My Noble Friend is still awaiting a reply."
Lieut-Commander Fletcher: Is it not the ease that the Japanese Government have made no reply whatever to our representations con- cerning atrocious circumstances?
Mr. Butler. Certainly no reply hos been made to the representations to which the hon. Member reters, but the statement which I made shows that exchanges of view have taken
place.
Mr. Hannah; Is not fa malter merged in a very much bigger ques- Hoa?
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