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'Phone 26615 February 14, 1939
Dividedly United
NYONE who may expect to find
AN
in Great Britain that facade of unity which is erected in totalitarian states is looking for a vain thing. There is deep and intense feeling there about the rights and the wrongs of the great issues which confront British statesmen.
TC-
The very life of democracy de- pends upon such feeling finding open expression in public life. There need therefore be no proachful cries about "disunity" if Government Chamberlain's Mr. finda itself face to face with vehe- ment opposition, provided that this opposition is not merely enptions. This is the way in which constitu- tional government works, not driv ing discontents underground but allowing them to appear on the sur- face, so that their constructively corrective Influence may be felt, and the Government may he able to modify ita policy If it finds itself drifting away from public sympathy. Under the fierce but in the main
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Chamberlain has been able to sense the current of public opinion, with the result that recently he has stif fened his attitude toward Ger many, demanding that its rulers 100 should give a "sign" that they will co-operate in peacemaking. He has also shown that he will support France if Italy presses for changes in the Mediterranean,
The Parliamentary opposition to Mr. Chamberlain is strangely as sorted. In the attack upon his for eign policy we find the Labour Party allled with anti-Socialist Con- servatives like Mr. Winston Chur- chill, Mr. Alfred Duff-Cooper, and the Duchess of Atholl, and with idealista like the Conservative Mr. Anthony Eden, and Sir Archibald Sinclair, leader of the Liberals. Detostation of Fasciam, as Buchi. animates the Labour Party. The maintenance of the strength and prestige of the British Empiro especially moves Mr. Churchill and his Conservative group. Bellef in the ideal of collective security and in the capacity of Britain to guide the disinterested nations and help the weaker, Inspires Mr. Eden and the Liberals.
These groups are united in a do- sire to "call the bluff" of the clota-
WHERE NEXT?
Frenchman's dilemma
RANCE has reached A erisis in her history-the most serious, I belleve, since the foundation of the Third Republic,
She is threatened from with- out and from within. A series of events that culminated in the under- Munich Agreement mined and then destroyed France's international position.
At the same time the country's rconomic framework decayed and repair work has been frustrated by the resistance of those required to make sacrifices,
Rearmament is the last, pon- derous straw to be placed on the back of the economic camel.
But a greater danger than these is France's state of mind--the utter confusion of public opinion, divisions in political leadership and vaciliations in government, all three demoralised by Munich.
FRENCH democracy is split into as many fac- Lions DS there aro is the Frenchmen. Not only Opposition divided en vital issues, but also the Majority and the. Cabinet Itself. Buch conditions have paralysed the democratic supervision of national policy. In fact, democracy has been sus- pended without anyone noticing the fact.
There is no sufficiently cohesive force to influence the Cabinet's foreign policy, and, as for home affairs, the crumbling People's Front majority has handed over funconstitutionally, if temporarily) its prerogatives to the Government in the form of plenary powers.
If chaos cannot be mapped, it can be revenied. Let us begin with the Frenchman-k-the-Street, who war mobilised and wearily resigned to war on the ove of Munich. Next day he went mad with relief. Now
negotiate with them as Mr. Chun- berlain has done. They all claim to be as much in favour of peace as Is the Prime Minister. They at- tack his policy because they differ from him as to the best means of promoting peace,
In all this there is no party dog- fight. Indeed, the differences cut right across party politics. More. over, groups which agree on certain questions are found disagreeing on others; against the Government on one polut, this or that group is with it on another. Thua Mr. Churchill, favours conscription, and strongly insists that the now National Regis- ter should he compulsory. The Labour Party is with the Govern- ment in disliking compulsion.
In one Important respect there in} no disunity. All, in the Govern- ment and outside it, urge the strenu- cus organisation of all the resources; of the country for, defence. The disagreement is solely concerned with the methods to be employed. Unwelcome as is the terrific Anan- cial strain of arming on the present scale, there is unanimous feeling that Britain must bend all its ener-
tor countries, instead of seeking toЯies to the task of being strong.
by JACK SANDFORD
he does not know what to think or feel. He wants France to be better armed, but the idea of the neces- sary ancrifices repels him.
It
Now for the biggest organised force in the country, an indepen- dent extra-parliamentary com- ponent of the People's Front-the Trades Union Confederation, contains four main tendencies identified with General Secretary Léon Jouhaux; Assistant Secretary Reno Belin, the Teachers' secretary M. Delmas, and the Communist Party.
The Delmas group is uncom promisingly pacifist; it prefers anything to the risk of war. The larger Belin group fears war more than it fears Fascism; it does not anticipate Fascism in France, but it is certain that war even with victory would destroy everything that makes the workers' lives worth living; it places its hopes in an international conference rather than in a super-arms programme.
THE Jouhaux group fears Fascism more than war, and is ready to risk war to save democracy, particu- iarly French democracy, which it It fav- belleves to be menaced. ours rearmament, but does not exclude negotiations backed by guna. It would not fight or support a war solely for the defence and assistance of the US.S.R. In this, It differs from the Communists
both in the T.U,Ċ, and in Parla- ment,
The mainspring of Communist policy is the defence and assistance of the USSR, by uncompromising resistance to Germany in all fields; it is hostile to any negotiations that do not reinforce the Russian position.
alons.
ALL these groups, even the Communistu, have
their internal dissen.
The Socialists form the larges
party
the parliamentary
and most important element of what has been hitherto the Majority. A scale of Socialist opinions ranges from those who are prepared to risk immediate war to check Fascism to those who are for peace at any prico.
Then there are those who would only fight if attacked, those who see Imperialism as the enemy, not Fascism, those who approve Munich and those who do not, and finally, those who deny that there was a risk of war before Munich and those who, like Leon Blum, afarm it.
The great majority of the last the big Government party, Radienis, are behind the Govern- ment and its policy of conciliation. They favour Munich. But here, again, there are divisions.
Some
of the Party's left-wingers are for resistance, while others are for
GRIN AND BEAR IT
By Lichty
"I said to her, "Zot's see you Tity to get a properly setilment ouia mei”
conciliation.
Skorov, Adhitel
Among the Radical members of the Cabinet, Foreign Minister Georges Bonnet is the great champion of unconditional conciliation; he laid down the lines of his policy long before the Czechoslovakian crisis. Some other Radical Ministers are not so sure.
Further towards the Centre is the Pezet group, hostile to Munich and favouring a stern policy. Then comes the group of Cabinet Minister Mandel, whose leader was among the most hostile to Munich and who still favours resistance while others in the group aro quite conciliatory.
Moving towards the Right, there is the powerful "Big Business" group led by ex-Premier Plandin. This group is split. Its leader per- sonally encouraged Hitler in his demands, and no and his friends are for conciliation at any price. Their attitude has resulted in the resignation of a number of other members of the group, including Finance Minister Paul Reynaud, olterly hostile to the Cabinet's whole foreign policy.
to
THE middle tendency in the party approves the Munich Agreement, but admits the humiliation of it. would. maintain the Russian alliance and rearm, but is keen to negotiate with Germany. A wing led by ex-War Minister Fabry a not- prepared either to negotiate or to disarm, untill France shall be sufficiently strong
enforce guarantees et German good faith.
Further Right still comes the big Conservative or Marin group. A minority in it inclines towards the policy of Munich. The major- ity in hostle, since this policy is in direct opposition to its estab- lished policy on relations with Germany. It would rearm and seck to re-catablish French pres- tige. Not an inch of French colonial territory would it give to Hitler. But it does not like the Franco-Boviet pact and in this it differs from the semi-Fascist Right wing politician and journa- list, M. de Kerillis, whose position is strangely like that of the Com- munista, except that he puts France Arst.
Outside Parliament. there are the two big Fascist groups-those who follow ex-Communist Doriot and would make friends with Gor- many at any price, and those who follow Colonci de la Rocque, who do not disapprove of Munich, but are keen on re-establishing French prestige and honour,
THIS gives a general view of French opinion on one of the principal international problems that of Franco- German relations. If I were to write of the opinions held by these same groups and men on. other problems, such as Spain or Franco-Italian relations, the whole ro- subject would have to be mapped.
There are those who would fight Germany to-day and embrace Or those who Italy to-morrow. would shake. Hitler's hand at any Lime, but want to hurl the Fascists: out of Spain,
'In fact, as I said, pubite opinion. is chaotic-o chaotic that slowly. but surely there is spreading: in France the feeling that dictator ship must come. Recognising that It will not or cannot discipline 10- 2011, Xranda fac beginning to loc For a** Strong MADIM
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