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undoubtedly been actuated by generous motives and lofty ideals, but I am afraid that their burning zeal has not permitted them to study the problem with that calmness and impartiality which the importance of the subject demands. I do not keep, and have never kept, any mui-tsai, but this does not blind me to the unwisdom of trying to sweep away in a day the custom with its good points. My Chinese colleague and I have given this grave problem much careful and anxious thought; and, while we recognise that there is much to be said for the arguments adduced by both sides, we have felt it our bounded duty to state, as I have done, the conclusions we have arrived at, without fear or favour. It remains for us to signify our support to the amendments which will be moved in committee by the Honourable Senior Unofficial Member.

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H.E. THE GOVERNOR Gentlemen. Before we pass on to the next stage of the Bill I desire to make a few general remarks on the subject. I should like, in the first place, to make it perfectly clear that I dissociate myself entirely from the venomous at- tacks which have been made on the whole Chinese population of this Colony by ignorant persons at Home who seem to assume that because a system is liable to abuse it is there- fore essentially bad. At the same time, I think it must be admitted that there is, from the Western point of view, a strong case against the maintenance of a system which, to the unsubtle Western mind, is very difficult to distinguish from slavery owing to the passing of money and the acquisition of services which are subsequently unpaid. The arguments. which have been brought forward with regard to the general contentment of the mui-tsai and the general excellence of the system, may very likely be perfectly correct. I have very little doubt that many of the statements, that ninety per cent. of the statements are correct. But if any hon. member will take the trouble to read up the literature of the early part of the nineteenth century he will find in numerous pamphlets of West Indies' societies precisely the same arguments, reproduced in almost exactly the same words, as to the rare occurrence of cases of ill-treatment amongst negro slaves. These argu- ments were not allowed to stand in the way of the abolition of the system of slavery in the British Colonies, and I fear that it is impossible to allow arguments of the same kind to stand in the way of the abolition of a system of keeping mui-tsai in Hong Kong. The hon. member who spoke on behalf of all the unofficial members commented on the re- ference to "certain persons" who had "erroneously supposed" certain things, in Clause 2 of the Bill and he suggested that those "certain persons" who had made erroneous sup- positions were all the 300 or 400 million inhabitants of China. It seems to me that it may conceivably be the case, that these three or four hundred millions had an erroneous impression. As we have heard here to-day, the system was declard to be unlawful under the Manchu Dynasty and subsequently, in the time of the first Republic, and I am not quite clear, therefore, that they had good grounds for their belief, but I should like to make a strong point that we are not legislating for the 400 millions of China but for the 600,000 odd inhabitants of a British Colony. This is a matter which must be decided- with all the regard to Chinese sentiment and prejudice-on the principles of British law and the sentiments of a British community. The main point of the Bill is that the system of keeping mui-tsai must be abolished. On that point, I have definite instructions from the Secretary of State who represents the British Government and the British people. There can be no compromise on that point; the system must be abolished, and if the sys- tem is to be abolished I can see no reason why you should not say so. For that reason I think it is necessary-in fact essential to keep Clause 4 in the Bill, but I am quite pre- pared to accept any alternative form of words which will convey the same impression. But there can be no compromise on this point that hereafter no person can be allowed to take a mui-tsai into his employment in British territory.

The matter of registration is, to my mind, not of the first importance. The Secre- tary of State has expressed his readiness to listen to any arguments against the imposi- tion of registration in these matters and will, no doubt, weigh very carefully what has been said by the hon. senior Chinese member in deciding what instructions he shall give with regard to bringing into force what may be called the reserved portion of the Bill, that is the part of the Bill that is to be brought into force by proclamation. With re- gard to the other minor amendments of the hon. member. Mr. Pollock, I think many of them may with advantage be adopted and I should like to say now that I am much obliged to the hon. member although I cannot agree with his views in some instances- for the trouble which he has taken in endeavouring to get this Bill into the best possible shape so that it may serve its object of protecting the interests of mui-tsai, while causing the least possible friction and difficulty. The remaining points raised may be dealt with more suitably on the individual clauses of the Bill as they arise. It is proposed and seconded that the Bill be read a second time.