RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 54 as a free gift to form a reference library. The books had suffered a good deal in being constantly moved about, the number was now 3800, all of them dilapidated and 3000 were considered worth rebinding. This would cost about $3,000 but the Society had no money for this work. A despatch dated 29 December, 1863 from the acting Governor, W. T. Mercer to the Colonial Secretary quoted the Morrison Education Society's circular and asked for action.1 A City Hall containing a Library and a Museum was eventually built on the site now occupied by the Bank of China and the Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corporation in Queen's Road Central and adjoining Statue Square. It was opened by the Duke of Edinburgh on the 2 November, 1869 and during his tour of the building His Grace visited both the Library and the Museum. A printed catalogue of the Morrison Library was issued in 1873 by the City Hall Committee. It contains 1666 entries arranged in alphabetical order of authors or titles, editor, translator, etc., where the author is not known, only eight of which I have been able to identify as belonging formerly to the Royal Asiatic Society. The books are classified, single letters indicating the following groups :- A History. Peerages, &c. B Biographies and memoirs. C Geography including works on various countries. Travels, Voyages and Adventures, D Natural History: Ornithology. E Botany. F Atlas Gazetteers, Meteorology, Guidebooks, Geology, Metallurgy and Mineralogy. Topography. G Mechanics. H Encyclopaedias, I Commercial Statistics. International Law, Jurisprudence, J Complete Works. K Astronomy. L Chemistry. Optics. M Mathematics. N Painting, Music. Science and Art, O Medicine and Surgery. P Biblical works. Q Oriental Societies. Journals. R Classics. Dictionaries. S Novels. T Drama and poetry. U Periodical works. Directories. V Divinity. Law, Treaties and Conventions. W Miscellaneous works. A stocktaking was made in 1956 and of the 1666 titles there are now 1233 remaining (2748 volumes out of 3583). Some volumes were removed during the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong and were not subsequently recovered. The condition of the books is poor. Nearly all are worm-eaten to a greater or 1 C.O.129/94, Public Records Office, London. (I am indebted to Mr. G. B. Endacott of the University of Hong Kong for supplying this reference). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 68 Vol 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 BUDDHIST SOURCES OF THE NOVEL FENG-SHEN YEN-I : LIU TS'UN-YAN. PH.D. INTRODUCTION The Feng-shên Yen-i, or 'Investiture of the Gods,' is a long novel consisting of 100 chapters. Its authorship had long been unknown, until in 1931 Prof. Sun K'ai-ti discovered in the Japanese Cabinet Library a Ming edition of this novel labelled "compiled (pien-chi) by Hsu Chung-lin, styled Chung-shan I-sou." Many scholars therefore concluded that Hsü Chung-lin was the author. For instance, Lu Hsün in his A Brief History of Chinese Fiction (Chung-kuo Hsiao-shuo Shih-lüeh) mentioned Hsü as the author, though he added that he had not seen the original preface and therefore could not ascertain the date of the novel. This attribution of authorship is not reliable, for in Ming times the term "compiling” (pien-chi) was rather freely used, and sometimes booksellers would reprint a book with slight additions and alterations and label it as being "compiled" by a new writer. In view of this, from 1935 to 1956, I tried to find out the true author of this novel, and my researches led me to the conclusion that the author or compiler of the novel was in fact Lu Hsi-hsing (1520-1601?), a Taoist priest of the Chia Ching period. Like the Hsi-yu-chi ("Pilgrimage to the West", also known to Western readers as "Monkey"), the Fêng-shên Yen-i is a work of fiction dealing with the supernatural. It was produced during the time when Chinese fiction was evolving from the prompt-books (hua-pên) of story-tellers to long novels. Its plot is based on the historical events related to the defeat of King 1 There is no English translation of this novel. The German translation by Wilhelm Grube and Herbert Mueller, Die Metamorphosen der Götter (2 vols., Leiden, Brill, 1912) contains only chapters 1-46. Chapters 47-100 have been summarized by Mueller. The novel is mentioned in E. T. C. Werner, Myths and Legends of China (London, 1934) and in Sir J. C. Coyajee, Cults and Legends of Ancient Iran and China (Bombay, 1935). 2 Chung-kuo Hsiao-shuo Shih-lüeh, Ch. 18, p. 176 (1953); also the English translation entitled A Brief History of Chinese Fiction by Yang Hsien-yi and Gladys Yang, p. 220 (1959). 3 Details of my evidence and arguments are contained in my unpublished thesis, "The Authorship of the Feng-shen Yen-i", a copy of which is in the library of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London University. 4 Cf. James J. Y. Liu, "The Knight Errant in Chinese Literature", in this volume, pp. 30-41. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 69 Chou of Shang by King Wu of Chou about 2100 B.C. However, this merely serves as the basic skeleton of the novel, to which many supernatural incidents are added. Some of these supernatural incidents in the novel are taken from the prompt-book Wu-wang Fa-Chou P'ing-hua ENT ("King Wu's Expedition against King Chou"), which was current in the Yüan period, about 1321-1323. However, the author of the Féng-shên took his material from various other sources, for he was an extraordinary character. He was at first a Confucian scholar; then, after failing nine times to pass the official examination, he became a Taoist priest. But in his last years he showed a leaning to Tantric Buddhism, and his work on the Surangama-sutra (VR) is included in the Second Collection of the Tripitaka in Chinese. Even now in Hong Kong he is regarded by Taoists as one of their patriarchs and referred to as "Lu tsu Hsi-hsing", or "Patriarch Lu Hsi-hsing", though in fact he combined the teachings of Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. In his novel, he divided the Taoist gods into two categories. The benevolent ones he called Shan Chiao W, or The Promulgating Sect, led by Yüan-shih T'ien-tsun, or The Celestial Honoured Primordial, and Lao-tzu; the malevolent ones he called Chieh Chiao #, or The Intercepting Sect, led by T'ung-t'ien Chiao-chu #, or The Patriarch of All Heaven. When, in the novel, King Chou and King Wu are going to fight a decisive battle, the gods come down from heaven to take part. Naturally, the gods of the Promulgating Sect help the good King Wu, while those of the Intercepting Sect lend their aid to the wicked King Chou. All kinds of magic weapons are used, everything that the sixteenth century Chinese mind could conceive, even plague-carrying seeds (a sort of germ warfare!). The climax is reached after "the battle of ten thousand gods", when the leader of the Intercepting Sect is badly defeated. However, the common master of all the three leaders appears and makes peace among them. The author thereupon concludes: Like the red lotus flower, its white root, and its green leaves, The Three Teachings are really one and the same. Now, the term "the Three Teachings" usually refers to Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, but in the novel the usage of this term is not always clear. Sometimes it seems to refer to the Promulgating Sect, the Intercepting Sect, and common mortals. At other times, Buddhism seems included. The author has included among Taoist gods of the Promulgating Sect certain Buddhist deities such as Mañjusri (Wên-shu), Samantabhadra ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 70 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 (P'u-hsien), and Avalokitesvara (Kuan-yin). Only certain Buddhas of the Tantric Sect, such as Cundi (Chun-t'i) and Vairocana (P'i-lu-chê-na) are mentioned as "saints from the West"; but even these are given Taoist-sounding titles like tao-jên. In this way, the mainly Taoist framework of the novel is preserved. This amalgamation of Buddhist and Taoist deities is highly interesting and may have influenced actual religious practice in China. The practice of worshipping Taoist gods side by side with Buddhas and Bodhisattvas seems to have started after the publication of the novel, for in earlier Taoist literature we find no Buddhist deities mentioned among Taoist gods. For instance, in the Yün-chi ch'i-ch'ien, chüan 103, we find an account of the Taoist pantheon as it was in the eleventh century, which contained no Buddhist deities or fictional gods. But after the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, various Taoist gods mentioned in the novel came to be worshipped together with Buddhist ones. What is more, most of the temples which apparently first adopted such practice were situated in northern Kiangsu, near Hsinghua, the native district of Lu, the author of the novel. It is therefore not unreasonable to suggest that the novel influenced the composition of the Chinese pantheon and contributed to the amalgamation of Buddhist and Taoist gods in popular belief. The amalgamation of Buddhist and Taoist gods seems to have been achieved purposely by the author of the Fêng-shên. As a concrete illustration, I propose to describe how Vaisravana (P'i-sha-mên Tien-wang), one of the Four Heavenly Kings in Buddhist belief, and his third son Nata (Na-cha or No-cha), became important characters in this novel. Vaisravana was of course an Indian god, but during the T'ang and Sung periods he became identified with the Chinese general of the T'ang dynasty, Li Ching. But stories about him were disconnected before the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i was compiled. In various prompt-books which existed before the novel, such as the Nan-yu-chi ("Prince Hua-kuang or The Voyage to the South") and the Hsi-yu-chi (“Pilgrimage to the West”, the prototype of the famous novel of the same name) in the Ssu-yu-chi ("The Four Travels"), there were already stories about this god and his son. But in the hands of the author of the Fêng-shen these fragmentary and disconnected stories were reorganized and transformed into a vivid tale which can almost stand on its own as an interesting story apart from the whole * For illustrations of some of these temples, such as the Kuang Fu Monastery in Tai-hsing, Yangchow, and the Tu Tien Temple in Hai-men, Kiangsu, see Père Henri Dore, Recherches sur les superstitions en Chine, (10 vols., Shanghai, 1913-38), Bk. 9, Pt. 2, in Vol. 6. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 71 novel. After this treatment, Vaisravana and Nata became completely Sinicized, and few, if any, Chinese readers ever suspect that they are "alien" in origin. This is typical of the way in which Chinese Buddhists took stories or ideas of foreign origin and gradually turned them into something totally Chinese. Apart from its influence on religious practice, the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i is also of considerable importance from a literary point of view. It superseded previous stories from which it took some of its material, so much so that but for the efforts of scholars in the past thirty years these previous stories contained in prompt-books would have been unknown. Even now, only a handful of experts have read the prompt-books, while most readers are not aware that the Fêng-shên is not entirely the original creation of one man. This goes to show the success of the author as an imaginative writer. In the following pages I shall attempt to describe how the stories about Vaisravana and Nata became integral parts of the novel, as an example of the Sinicization of Buddhist stories and figures and their assimilation into the mainly Taoist pantheon of China. I shall also try to show how the author, Lu Hsi-hsing, made use of the material derived from miscellaneous sources and turned it into a fascinating tale. 1. VAISRAVANA AND NATA When we come to a discussion of some of the prominent figures in the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i, the most striking fact we shall find is that the author described these figures vividly and did not rely on previous legends for literary effect. Rather, he chose from miscellaneous and discordant materials and put them into a unified system which enlarged and modified the Chinese pantheon. The story of Li Ching and his three sons, especially the third one, No-cha, in this novel may serve as an outstanding illustration. In this novel Li Ching was first a commander of the Ch'ên-t'ang Pass in the court of the ruthless King Chou (Ch.12), but he was also a Taoist, and for a period of years he had learnt the process of Taoist cultivation from the Immortal Tu O of the K'un-lun Mountain though he was unable to reach the final attainment. He had three sons: the eldest, Chin-cha, was a disciple of Wên-shu (Mañjusri), the second, Mu-cha, was a disciple of P'u-hsien (Samantabhadra) and the third one, No-cha, a disciple of the Immortal Tai-I. Both the father and his three sons joined the side of King Wu in the expedition against King Chou. Though they all knew some magic feats and possessed magic weapons, they are described as human beings. Unless we study the Tantric sutras and compare them with the Chinese Page 75 Page 76 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author 72 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 hua-pên (story-tellers' prompt-book), we can hardly know their origin or the invaluable part played by the author of the Fêng-shên in transforming them into interesting characters. Li Ching, bearing the same name as the historical hero in the early part of the T'ang dynasty, is no doubt derived from the Buddhist heavenly king Vaisravana. We know from many Buddhist texts the legends of the Four Heavenly Kings. According to the Abhiniskramana-sutra (出曜集經) translated by Jnanagupta in 587, they are, Dhritarashtra or Chih-kuo T'ien-wang in the East, who leads the gandharvas, musicians in heaven; Virudhaka or Tseng-chang T'ien-wang in the South, who is the sovereign of the kumbhandas or deformed demons; Virupaksha or Kuang-mu T'ien-wang in the West, who is king of the nagas who dwell in their palaces at the bottom of the lakes; and Vaisravana or To-wen T'ien-wang in the North, who is head of the yakshas, strong and brave genii. The author of the Fêng-shên Yen-i adapted these four heavenly kings in his novel (Chs.31-40) and called them "the four generals of the Mo family". He made them brothers and commanders who took charge of the Chia-mêng Pass under the command of the Premier Wên T'ai-shih. Their individual names are Mo Li-ch'ing, Mo Li-hung, Mo Li-hai and Mo Li-shou. But in Ch.31 when they are summoned by Premier Wên T'ai-shih, the author writes, "The four heavenly kings (ssu t'ien-wang) strode forward,” thus unconsciously revealing their origin, and afterwards in Ch.99 they are given the titles of Tsêng-chang T'ien-wang (Mo Li-ch'ing), Kuang-mu T'ien-wang (Mo Li-hung), To-wên T’ien-wang (Mo Li-hai) and Ch'ih-kuo T'ien-wang (Mo Li-shou) respectively. In Ch.40 the author describes the weapons of these four brothers through the mouth of General Huang Fei-hu as follows: The eldest brother Mo Li-ch'ing is twenty-four feet in height, with a face resembling that of a crab, and his beard is like copper wires. He fights always on foot with a long spear, and he has a sword which is called "Blue Cloud", on which there are charms and a seal saying "earth, water, fire and wind". The wind caused by the brandishing of this magic sword is a black wind in which hundreds of thousands of spears would run and cut off the limbs of men. Following the wind is a blaze in which flaming golden serpents cover the atmosphere with black smoke. The weapon of Mo Li-hung is an umbrella. * chúan 16, Shê-kung Ch'u-chia P'in (攝功出家品). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 73 called "Umbrella of Noumenon and Unity" (hun-yüan san A) which is decorated with emeralds and precious pearls of divine power which are threaded together to form the words: "to pack up the universe." When this umbrella is opened, heaven and earth, the sun and the moon, will be covered up by darkness, and when it is rolled the world will be shaken. Mo Li-hai carries a spear and on his back there is a four-stringed guitar (p'i-p'a) which will produce the same effect as the "Blue Cloud Sword" when played on and the four strings correspond to earth, water, fire and wind. Mo Li-shou carries two whips and a bag in which is concealed a peculiar creature resembling a rat, hua hu-tiao (the striped marten). When hurled into the air this creature will assume the shape of an elephant with wings from its ribs and will devour every one. The combat between these four brothers and the heroes from the camp of King Wu can be found in Chs.39-41 of the novel. They are engaged in mortal combat with the Li brothers, Chin-cha, Mu-cha and No-cha in Ch.40. If the reader knows that Li Ching, the fabulous father of these three Li brothers is in fact derived from one of these four heavenly kings, Vaisravana, the ingenuity of the author of this novel can be appreciated, because before the publication of this novel, in many other works Vaisravana and the Chinese god Li Ching, based on the historical hero so named of the Tang dynasty, had long been amalgamated and formed a single name, P'i-sha-mên t'ien-wang Li Ching (Vaisravana or Li Ching, the Heavenly King of Vaisravana). The Chinese transliteration from the Sanskrit "Vaisravana" since the T'ang dynasty has been Pi-sha-mên (R), the last character of which, mên, though senseless in this connection, normally means "gate". Thus, in popular literature, the term P'i-sha-mên lost its original meaning and became the name of the P'i-sha Gate, and it was therefore natural enough to have a heavenly general, like Li Ching, to take charge of it, though in English this may appear peculiar. * In Yang Ching-hsien's (MRK) play T'ang San-tsang Hsi-t'ien Ch’ü-ching (EXRE), Scene 9, we read "P'i-sha-mên hsia Li Tien-wang" (TX) which means the Heavenly King Li under the P'i-sha Gate. In the prompt-book Ch'i-kuo Ch'un-ch'iu P'ing-hua ta (TH), chüan 3, we have "P'i-sha-mên To-t'a Li T'ien-wang" (*XE) or P'i-sha-mên, the Heavenly King Li who holds in his hand a pagoda. Sometimes the story-tellers thought since there was a P'i-sha mên (gate), it was wise to create a palace, called P'i-sha Kung (CE W D). In the Nan-yüeh-chi, Ch. 11, we have "P'i-sha Kung Li Ching Tien-wang" (K*XE). In a long eulogistic poem in Ch. 12 of the Feng-shen, there is a palace in heaven called K'un-sha Kung (R V E) which is obviously an erratum. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 74 R The historical figure of Li Ching had long been admitted into the Taoist pantheon. He was, in the year 760, enshrined with Chiang T'ai-kung (B★A or Chiang Shang) as one of the ten famous historical generals. In the anonymous work, Li Wei-kung Pieh-chuan (A4), it is said, "When Li Ching was poor, he took a journey in the valleys and stayed in a cottage. When it was mid-night there came a woman who handed him a vase and said, 'Heaven has instructed you to pour down rain ...' and as we know in the Buddhist legends that it is Virupaksha (not Vaisravana) who is the king of the nagas, we understand that even in the T'ang dynasty the popular mind could not properly distinguish the function of these guardians of Mt. Sumeru. In an inscription on a tablet erected in the Temple of Vaisravana in Ning-hwa District (LM), Fukien, dated about 920, we read, P'i-sha-mên (Vaisravana) is a Sanskrit word which means "universal or much hearing" (to-wên SH). He dwells on the north of Mt. Sumeru, in the crystal palace, and is the chief of yakshas,10 From this narrative we see why in so many Chinese records it has become an undeniable fact that yakshas are believed to live at the bottom of the seas with the dragon-kings in marvellous crystal palaces loaded with wonderful treasures. The legends of these two heavenly kings have long been mixed in the popular mind." As Li Ching was such a famous historical hero, the Taoist priests could not forgive themselves if they failed to utilize his prestige. It is said in an anonymous work of the T'ang dynasty, Yuan Hsien Chi (E), that Li Ching was still alive in the epoch of Ta Li (766-779) and became a Taoist immortal, In addition to the book on military strategy attributed to him in the Bibliography of the Hsin T'ang-shu (MEBOXZ), the Taoist priests also ascribed to him some canonical texts dealing 12 • Hsin T'ang-shu (), Ch. 15, Li-yüeh Chih (M), 5. • Ku-chin Shuo-hai (546), Shuo-yüan Pu (R), Vol. chi (2) Also Tsung-shu Chi-ch'êng Ch'u-pien (£). 10 See Ninghwa Hsien-chih ("Annals of the Ninghwa District") of the Ming dynasty, quoted in Ku-chin T'u-shu Chi-ch'êng (4), Shên-1 Tien (R), chüan 54. The essay was composed by Huang T'ao () for Wang Shen-chih (E). 11 In the Ta-Tang San-tsang Ch'ü-ching Shih-hua (ERR), chüan 1, “...A" ("To-day, Vaisravana of the Indra Heaven, the Guardian of the North, will feed Buddhist priests in the Crystal Palace.") 12 Quoted in Chiu Hsiao-shuo (R), 2nd Series, Shanghai, Commercial Press Ltd., 1910. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 75 with the worship of the Pole Star and with astrology. These can be found in the Tao Tsang (Two Collections of Taoist Literature). To identify him with the Vaisravana of popular legends was advantageous both to the Buddhists and Taoists. It has been said that Vaisravana helped the Emperor T'ai Tsung during the war which led to the founding of the T'ang dynasty. But in some Tantric texts, the story is dated in the year A.D. 742 (the 1st year of Tien Pao in the reign of Hsuan Tsung). When the city of An-si (2) was besieged by the troops of five states including Tashkend and Samarkand, Vaisravana appeared above the tower of the city-gate with his celestial soldiers and defeated the invading troops. The sutra reads, It was in the 1st year of T'ien Pao, the cyclic year being Jên-wu (4), when the city of An-si in Kansu was besieged by the troops of five states, Tashkend, Samarkand ... (five characters missing in the text). On the 11th day of the second month the commander of the city sent a petition for reinforcements. The Emperor told the Monk I-hsing (一行), “An-si is twelve thousand li away from our capital and it would take eight months for our reinforcements to reach there. I am afraid the city will fall." I-hsing said, "Why does Your Majesty not supplicate the celestial soldiers of Vaisravana, the heavenly king of the North, for help?" "How do I get his help?" the Emperor inquired. I-hsing said, "Your Majesty need only summon the foreign priest Amogha and he will do everything." Amogha was summoned and said, "Your Majesty sent for me. Is it not because the city of An-si is besieged by the troops of five states?" The Emperor answered, “Yes.” Amogha said, "Bring your urn and follow me to the place of worship and I will supplicate the celestial soldiers of Vaisravana the heavenly king of the North to rescue the city from danger." Hardly had he finished chanting his spells for the fourteenth time when the Emperor saw celestial soldiers clad in armour standing in front of the hall. "Who are they?" the Emperor asked. "Tu Chien (毘建), the second son of Vaisravana, who is leading the celestial troops to An-si, has come to say farewell." The Emperor gave them food and dispatched them. In the fourth month the commander of An-si reported again, “On the 11th 13 Li Ching's name appears in the Tao-chiao Hsiang-ch'êng Tzu-ti Lu *(道教相承次第録 "Order of Taoist Teaching") in Yün-chi Ch'i-ch'ien (雲笈七籤)(XL). chüan 4. In the Tao Tsang (道藏), Tung-shên Pu (洞神部)(1), Fang-fa Lei (方法類)(5) T'ien-lao Shên-kuang Ching *(天老神光經) is attributed to him. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 77 probably the pagoda was a mistake for the parasol originally held by Vaisravana, as stated in the Ekottarik-agamas (增一含經): The heavenly king Vaisravana held in his hand a parasol of the seven treasures (七寶) over the Tathagata in the air to protect the Tathagata from dust and soil,15 But since the circulation of the Tantric sutras was more or less encouraged by the authorities in the Tang dynasty, the public accepted that legend without scepticism." According to a Tantric text, Nata (No-cha 哪吒) is the third son of Vaisravana, who attends his father and holds the pagoda with both hands. But on the twenty-first day of every month, when the son is charged to go on some mission, so that they have to separate, Nata gives the pagoda to his father. This is not at all a thrilling story and there is no combat. The author of the Fêng-shên Yen-i created his own story of No-cha, the third son of Li Ching, based upon his profound knowledge of religious beliefs and popular literature, and made No-cha one of the famous heroes in Chinese literature. In order to analyse the parts which are the creative work of the author and to explain from what sources some of his materials may have been taken, I divide the story of No-cha into several sections below. 2. MU-CHA AND CHIN-CHA Before the publication of the novel Feng-shên Yen-i and the prompt-book Ssu-yu-chi, No-cha's (哪吒) name was usually Na-cha (那吒) in many of the plays of the Yüan dynasty which preserved the original transliteration found in the Tantric sutras.17 In the Hsi-yu-chi (Ch.7), one of the "Four Travels", the second Hi To P'in (TPE), 30, Ekottarikagamas, chian 22, The Tripitaka in Chinese. 10 In the year A.D. 838 (3rd year of K'ai Chiêng), on the 15th day of the 12th month, Lu Hung-chêng (盧弘正) wrote an inscription for the image of Vaisravana in the Hsing-t'ang Monastery (興唐寺) describing him as "having a sabre in his right hand, and in the left hand a pagoda." cf. Ku-chin T'u-shu Chi-ch'êng, Shên-I Tien, chian 91. 27 In Yang Ching-hsien's Yang San-tsang Hsi-tien Ch'ü-ching, Scene 8, “Nacha San Tai-tzu" (哪吒三太子); anonymous play Menglich Na-cha San Pien-hua (孟麗哪吒三變換) in the Ku-pên Yüan Ming Tsa-chü *Z9M) edited by Wang Chi-lieh (王季烈), Shanghai, Commercial Press Ltd., 1941; anonymous play Ting-ting Tang-tang P’ên-êrh-kuei (丁丁當當甕兒鬼), Act 1, "Hê-lien Na-cha" (黑面哪吒), Act 2, "Na-cha Fa" (哪吒法), the last two are influenced by Tantric works. Besides, Na-cha (哪吒) appears in many plays of the Yuan dynasty, not to mention the tune called Nacha Ling (哪吒令). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 78 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 son of Li Ching is Hui-an () who was a disciple of Kuan Yin (Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara), while his name, Mu-ch'a (*), is not mentioned except in one verse, and not in the prose part of Ch.21. This is the name the author of the Fêng-shên Yen-i adopted. The origin of the name Mu-ch'a can be found in chüan 18, Kan-t'ung P'ien (A) of the Sung Kao-sêng Chuan (***) by Tsan-ning (), who was a follower of the Monk Sangha (@). The latter was said to be an incarnation of the Avalokitesvara of eleven faces and died in A.D. 710. Apart from Mu-ch'a, Hui-an was also one of his disciples. Therefore, in popular literature, Mu-ch'a and Hui-an are mixed up into one person and in the "Four Travels" Hui-an remains a disciple of Kuan Yin. It was the author of the Fêng-shên who changed the character ch'a (X) to cha (RE) in his novel so that the name could have the same second character as No-cha. In some popular editions of the "Four Travels" the character ch'a (X) has also been changed. Now, in the Tantric works, though the second and third sons of Vaisravana (Tu Chien and Nata) play rather important parts, his other sons, especially his first son, are not mentioned. I have read through a large number of sutras about Vaisravana and consulted some Buddhist scholars in Japan,1a but they could not give me any definite opinion. In Oda Tokuno's (1) Buddhist Thesaurus (#) and in the Chinese work Fu-hsüeh Ta Tz'u-tien (BAND) edited by Ting Fu-pao (TR) based upon it,19 we find that the names of P'i-sha-mên wu t’ung-tzu (£££7 Five Attendants of Vaisravana) include Tu Chien and Nata, but no origin is given. I think they may be identical with the "Five Yakshas" which appear under the sub-title "Princes and Family Members" (ERB) in Caturmaharaja (19F諸小王及眷屬)in E) in chuan 6 of the Ch'i Shih Ching (). They are, in translation, Fifty-feet (wu-chang £), Wilderness (k'uang-yeh ), Golden Mountain (chin-shan ), Long Fellow (ch'ang-shên ) and Hair of A Needle (chên-mao E). They appear (translated literally from the Sanskrit) also in the Caturmaharaja of the Shih Chi Ching (H) and in chüan 19 of the Dirghagama (£§ÂŒ) as "Five Attending Genii of Vaisravana.” 20 I Dr. Henmi Baiei), Professor of Buddhist Art, Tama University (9) and others. I have also consulted the Chinese Buddhist priest Tan-hsü (1), aged 89, a disciple of the late T'i-hsien (M) of the Tien-t'ai Sect (R) and some Tantric scholars. 19 The 4th ed., I Hsieh Shu Chũ (885), Shanghai, 1939. 20 No. 24, The Tripitaka in Chinese, translated by Jñanagupta. cf. No. 25, Ch'i-shih Yin-pên Ching (#LFXE), chữan 6 & 7. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 79 But this does not explain satisfactorily the record in the Mahavaipulya Mahasamnipata-sutra (李大集遺設堂訴言),21 in Catur-maharaja (四大天王), which maintains that each maharaja has ninety-one sons, but gives no names. And this does not explain the case (in the Janavasabha suttanta22 in chüan 5 of the Dirghagama) of the other god who, because of his accumulated merits would be re-born after his death as a son of Vaisravana in the Caturmaharajakayika (四大天王部). In the Buddha Preaching Jên-hsien Ching (作請人軟訣),* (AB jên-hsien being the Chinese translation for rsi jina) concerning the future of King Bimbisara (望界藤王), it is alleged that he would be re-born as the son of Vaisravana, Perhaps such confusion would explain why the author of the Fêng-shên, though knowing a good many of the Tantric legends, and adopting (in Ch.99 of the novel)23 the Chinese names for the four heavenly kings as "Protectors of the Tripitaka and the Country, and Regulators of Wind and Rain", abandoned the use of the name of Tu Chien and, in order to make his name conform to those of his younger brothers, invented Chin-cha ("金吳), as the name of the eldest son of Li Ching. Chin-cha, though his origin does not appear in any reliable records, may, I suspect, come from the Tantric dharanis. Also, I have found in Act 1 of the anonymous play, Yüeh-ming Ho-shang Tu Liu-ts'ui (月明和尚堂留利清)24 of the Yuan dynasty, the following words chanted by a priest: An! Ch'ih ling Chin-cha, Chin-cha, Sêng Chin-cha, Wo chin wei ju chieh Chin-cha, Chung pu wei ju chieh Chin-cha, An! (Listen! I am speaking of Chin-cha. Chin-cha, monk Chin-cha, I come to release you from Chin-cha, not to tie you up with Chin-cha. Listen! 哈！我今為你解金吳, 终不為你縋金吳。哈！) Since the author of the Fêng-shên was interested in both Buddhism and Taoism and is proved to have known many plays and other works of popular literature, he might have made use of materials such as those quoted above, in his creation of his characters. 3. A LUMP OF FLESH WAS BORN The story of No-cha's mother giving birth to him, in Ch.12 of the Fêng-shên Yen-i is as follows: Li Ching's wife, née Yin, had been pregnant for three years and six months, so he became very much vexed at it. The wife dreamed one night at three strokes of the watch 21 No. 397, translated by Dharmaraksa. 22 Tseng-chang, Kuang-mu, To-wên, Ch'ih-kuo, see No. 665, Suvana-prathasa Sutta Sutra (Chin-kuang-ming Tsui-shêng-wang Ching 金光明最膤王訣), 11 & 12. *9* ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 81 and strong and victorious in fighting. Now the king sent them to invade their own country, and the father was much worried. 24 This kind of Buddhist story would not pass without leaving some traces in the prompt-books, sources of which are predominantly Buddhist ballads. For instance, in the prompt-book Hsin-pien Wu-tai Liang-shih P'ing-hua (“Popular Tales of the Five Dynasties, Period of Liang”), chüan 1, we read, The wife of Huang Tsung-tan was pregnant for fourteen months. One day she gave birth to a substance which looked like a lump of flesh, but inside it was a piece of purple silk gauze in which was wrapped a baby. When the wrapper was opened, purple mist of dazzling brilliance filled the room. 25 Thus his mother gave birth to Huang Ch'ao. Again in the Ch'ien Han-shu P'ing-hua (“Han Hsin's Death at the Hands of Empress Lü”), chüan 3, when "Madam Po (a concubine of the first emperor of the Former Han dynasty) was in labour, Empress Lü went to see her. She was glad to find that the baby was a freak without eyes or eyebrows, like a lump of flesh." In the anonymous Yüan play, Chin-shui-ch'iao Ch'ên-lin Pao Chuang-ho, in Act 2, when Empress Liu ordered the palace maid K'ou Ch'êng-yü to stab the baby prince and throw him into the river from the bridge, the latter hesitated for she saw "red light and purple mist enshrouding the body of the prince." We may now admit that the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i has a closer relation with the "Four Travels" than with other prompt-books. In Ch.8 of the Nan-yu-chi, the Buddha of Light told the Flowery Light “to be re-incarnated in the shape of a lump of flesh.” Consequently the Flowery Light, floating about in the air, arrived at the village Hsiao-chia Chuang of Wu-yüan, Anhwei, and darted into the womb of Madam Hsiao who had been pregnant for twenty months. "Now the maid came out to report to the elder, 'Madam has given birth.' 'A boy or a girl?' the elder asked. 'It is neither a boy nor a girl. It is just like the belly of an ox.' The elder was very much frightened. When they decided to throw the lump away into the river, it... 24 Fu-kuo Chi, translated by James Legge as "A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms", Oxford, 1886, Ch. 25, p. 73. 25 Hsin-pien Wu-tai Shih P'ing-hua, photolithographed edition, published by Prof. Tung K'ang, Wu-chin Tung-shih Sung-fên-shih (AAS), 1911. There are also several popular editions available. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 83 colour, and as No-cha stirred it up in the stream heaven and earth were shaken and the river trembled. This river was called Chiu-wan Ho (Nine-bend River) and was situated at the mouth of the Eastern Sea. Ao Kuang (#), the dragon-king of the Eastern Sea, surprised at this unexpected earthquake, ordered his inspector-yaksha, Li Kên (R), to go at once and find out the cause. When the yaksha reached the river he saw that the river was red and a child was bathing there, dipping his red silk gauze in the water. He cleft the water asunder and shouted angrily: "What prompts you, little child, to make the river red and the crystal palace shake?" No-cha turned back and saw a monster coming out of the water, a monster whose face was as blue as indigo, whose hair was as red as cinnabar, whose mouth was big with long projecting teeth and who had in his hand a halberd. No-cha scolded, "You monster, how can you speak like a human being?" The yaksha was exasperated and said, “I am an appointed officer. How dare you insult me?" He jumped up to the bank and brandished his halberd towards No-cha. No-cha was naked and could only jump aside. Then he took off the bracelet from his right arm and hurled it in the air. This bracelet was a precious weapon bestowed on the Immortal T'ai-I by the Patriarch Yüan-shih T’ien-tsun of the Jade Palace of Abstraction to protect the Chin-kuang Cave where T'ai-I dwelt. It fell upon the head of the yaksha and his brains spilled on the ground. No-cha ignored his corpse but smiled and said, "He has stained my precious weapon!" He sat himself again on the rock, smiling and washing the bracelet. The crystal palace was shaken again and even more violently. When Ao Kuang was vexed the soldiers came back to report, “Yaksha Li Kên was killed by a child on the bank." The dragon-king was frightened, "Li Kên was appointed by the Jade Emperor; who dared to murder him?” Saying this he summoned his men, intending to go himself. No sooner had the dragon-king finished his words than Ao Ping (F), his third son, requested permission to go for the father. So, Ao Ping, at the head of a troop of sea-warriors, mounted his water-cleaving monster, and with his trident in his hand, left the palace. The form of the breaking waves was so furious that the river seemed to rise several feet. No-cha stood up and marvelled, "This is a flood!"... (Ch.12) In Ch.48 of the prompt-book Tung-yu-chi ("The Eight Saints or The Voyage to the East") when the Eight Immortals were crossing the Eastern Sea, Lü Tung-pin (SM) initiated an idea, "During our crossing would it not be fine for each of us to throw one precious thing into the sea so that our divine power may be revealed?" Therefore, "When the dragon-king of the Eastern Sea was holding a meeting in his crystal palace, he ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Vol. 1 (1961). Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author ISSN 1991-7295 85 No-cha then partially pulled off the celestial robe of the dragon-king and revealed the scales under his left ribs. He tore off some forty or fifty of the dragon-scales and the dragon-king was wounded and suffered a violent pain. He begged his assailant to spare his life. No-cha said, “If you want me to spare your life you must give up your law-suit against me before the Jade Emperor, and follow me back to Ch'ên-t'ang Pass." The dragon-king could not free himself and yielded to No-cha. Transforming himself into the shape of a small black snake, he hid in No-cha's sleeve and they descended from heaven. (Ch.13) Some references can be cited here for comparison and we can see how clever the author was in composing his ingenious and complicated plot which surpasses all the materials he made use of. In the prompt-book Ch'in Ping Liu-kuo P'ing-hua ("The Annexation of the Six States by the Emperor of Ch’in”), chüan 2, there is a sentence, "to fasten the cuirass he should use the sinews of the old dragon." In the Ta-T’ang San-tsang Ch’ü-ching Shih-hua ("Tripitaka's Search for Buddhist Sutras"), chuan 2, (7), the Monkey-monk (Hou Hsing-chê) pulled out the sinews from a dragon with nine heads for a belt to hold the cuirass. According to the Min Shu (M), there was a Taoist priest named Yu Chên-chai (2) living in the epoch of Hung Wu, who was called upon by an old woman: She was a female-dragon... and was to be struck to death by lightning on account of her failure in regulating the rains. She begged him to save her life. Yü said, “Can you transform yourself to a small shape so that I may hide you in my alms-bowl?" The dragon followed his advice and transformed herself into a snake wriggling into the bowl. The story of No-cha goes on as follows: One day as the weather was excessively hot, he felt restless and annoyed, and ascended the tower over the city-gate. On the weapon-stands he found a wonderful bow called ch'ien-k'un kung (the cosmic bow) and three arrows called chên-t'ien chien (heaven-shaking arrows) which he appreciated very much, and did not know that they were left by the Yellow Emperor and since then no one had been strong enough to use them. He was so glad of this discovery and he seized the bow and shot an arrow toward the south-west. With a startling sound the sky was covered with red mist and auspicious clouds floated around. (Ch.13) In chuan 13, in the chapter of the "Competition in Martial Exercises for the Hand of Yasodhara" of Abhiniskramana-sutra (DATE · #), we have the following paragraph: ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 87 ended in a fierce hand-to-hand conflict. At last T'ai-I hurled his powerful weapon, a lamp-shade of nine fire-dragons, into the air, which fell on the goddess and rendered her senseless. T'ai-I clapped his hands and immediately a flame rose up in the shade, and she died in the roaring blaze. The dragon-kings of the Four Seas now got a warrant from the Jade Emperor to arrest No-cha's parents. No-cha, with secret instructions from his master T'ai-I, rushed back to Ch'ên-t’ang Pass. When he saw the dragon-kings, he shouted in a terrific voice: "It was I who killed Li Kên and Ao Ping and I should forfeit my life. How can you molest my parents?" After this, he spoke to Ao Kuang, "I am not to be slighted. I am an avatar of Ling-chu Tzu, the Intelligent Pearl. By the command of Yüan-shih I have descended to this world to fight for the establishment of the coming dynasty. I am determined to rip open my stomach, pluck out my intestines and pick out the bones, to return to my parents what I got from them. Are you satisfied with that?" To this Ao Kuang agreed, and No-cha did as he had just said: he fell down to the ground and his souls dispersed. His corpse was put into a coffin and was ordered by his mother to be buried. (Ch.13) We learn from the commentaries and the expository notes of the Ch'an school (or in Japanese Zen) of Chinese Buddhism that there are many historical and hereditary "cases" (Kung-an or in Japanese koan) handed down from generation to generation by the learned priests of this school of contemplation as material for their followers to study and to reflect upon. Most of these "cases" are metaphysical and to some extent mystical, and as cultivation in meditation involves some experiences which are not subject to communion between the learner and the Patriarch or the predecessors, it has relation with Tantrism.29 The story related in the Fêng-shên about No-cha (Nata) quoted above is one of the cases which appear in chüan 2 of the Wu-têng Hui-yüan (EK), a work written by Monk P'u-chi (#) of the Sung dynasty, and is retold in chüan 2 of the Chih-yüeh Lu (f), edited by Ch'ü Ju-chi (W) of the Ming dynasty. It runs as follows: Prince Nata, rending himself asunder, gave his flesh back to his mother and his bones to his father, and then manifesting 20 Nan Huai-chin (RM), Ch'an-hai Li-ts'ê (THU), Ch. 15, "Ch'an School and Tantrism" (RANER), pp. 205-211, Ching Ming Hsüeh Shê (W204), Taipei, 1955. cf. Daisetz Teitaro Suzuki ( Kil), Essays in Zen Buddhism, Second Series, p. 94, London, Luzac, 1933. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 88 his original body and by his miraculous powers preached the dharma for the benefit of his parents. 邵业 This is a case which was preached as early as the Sung dynasty. But, though it looks like a part of a Buddhist legend with some details probably omitted, it occurs in no canonical texts and is found to be fabulous. In chüan 6 of the Tsu-t'ing Shih-yüan (...), a work composed by Monk Ch'ên Shan-ch'ing (*) about A.D. 1099, it says, In the monasteries there is the legend of his "giving his flesh back to his mother and his bones to his father," but nothing referring to it can be found in the texts of the Tripitaka and no one knows what its origin is. (王子肉濟父母緣 In the Tripitaka in Chinese, I have found two cases which may have some relation with the legend of Nata as adapted in the Fêng-shên. One appears in the Tsa Pao-tsang Ching (# BK), chüan 1, subtitled "A Prince Fed His Parents with His Own Flesh" (±‡Ùƒƒ2R). It was the prince Hsü Shê T'i (F), a young prince aged seven. His grandfather, the king of Varanasi (M) had been assassinated by an usurper who killed also his two sons. The father of the young prince was the third son. Now the young prince when fleeing for his life with his parents, was faced with the problem of food. His father intended to kill his wife. Thereupon the young prince dismembered himself and cut off his own flesh every day to feed his parents until he had only three slices of flesh to offer. He presented two to his parents and the last slice which was so dear to him was given to a hungry wolf who was a transformation of Indra himself.31 The prince was an incarnation of Sakyamuni in a previous life. The prince Hsü Shê T'i in this Buddhist legend was seven, and his father was the third prince. It is quite possible that in the popular mind the jataka story became confused with the Tantric one, because in some Tantric texts such as the Pei-fang P'i-sha-mên T'ien-wang Sui-chun Hu-fa I-kuei (... "Ceremonies In the Worship of the Heavenly King Vaisravana, the Protector of the Army")," Nata is regarded as 30 Nata's relation with Tantrism was still very clear in records as well as in the public mind. cf. Hung Mai (), / Chien San-chih (BEZ) chuan 6, on "Ch'êng Fa-shih" (El), Han Fên Lou (*) ed.; T'ai-p'ing Kuang-chi (XP), chüan 92, 1-sêng Lei (M), on Nata, In most of the Yuan plays, Nata is a fearful god (MME). 91 No. 203, The Tripitaka in Chinese. cf. No. 156, Ta-fang-pien-fu Pao-ên Ching (XSEOREC), chüan 1, Hsiao-yang P'in (442). 32 No. 1247, The Tripitaka in Chinese. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 91 you will be one of his vanguards. Well, I think I can do something for you in this matter. He ordered Chin-hsia to bring two stalks of lotus and three lotus leaves to him, and with them he made a human shape on the ground, using the stems to represent the joints and articulation of the bones, and set the seed of a golden pill in the middle. He employed his divine power and spoke the magic spells while he pushed No-cha's souls toward the lotuses, and suddenly there sprang up a young No-cha who was handsome and full of vitality, with a rosy complexion, red lips, intelligent eyes and was sixteen feet tall. Thus was No-cha reincarnated from lotuses. (Ch.14) As I have said, in chuan 3, Lun-1 P'in (Discourses) of the Ta-fang-pien-fu Pao-ên Ching there is a Buddhist legend which can be summarized as follows: The king of Varanasi (*) married Lady Doe-mother who conceived and gave birth to a lotus which was cast into a pond. The lotus then grew five hundred leaves and under each leaf a boy was born. When these five hundred boys grew up they became giants, each of whom was strong and brave enough to fight against a thousand men single-handed. These brothers, from the first one to the four hundred and ninety-ninth all forsook their noble life and became Buddhist priests. The youngest brother attained the fruition of a Pratyeka-Buddha ninety days later and, manifesting his miraculous powers, he preached the dharma for the benefit of his parents. This can be cited as an illustration that the story about reincarnation from a lotus had a religious background. In the paragraph in chuan 2 of the Wu-têng Hui-yüan I have quoted, the last sentence of the text is “現本身,運大神通,為父母說法” (manifesting his original body and by his miraculous powers preached the dharma for the benefit of his parents), and now in this sutra the corresponding sentence is “...” which would make no difference in translation. We may consult Ch.27, "King Resplendent and Buddha Thunder-voice" (¥2) of the Lotus Sutra, in which the two sons of the king, Pure Treasury (*) and Pure Eyes (), worrying about their father's attachment to the heretical teaching which deviated from the right course, revealed to him some of their supernatural powers (...) and brought him to faith and discernment.3 So we may believe the original story that No-cha “rending himself asunder, gave his flesh back to his mother and his bones to his father”. 3 "The Lotus of the Wonderful Law" (Saddharma Pundarika Sutra), translation by Prof. Soothill, Oxford, p. 256. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author 92 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 father" was only one of revelation of supernatural powers (神通), and it was because of the imagination and the literary gifts of the author of the Fêng-shên that the story became so impressive and full of emotional appeal. The author continues: The Immortal T'ai-I asked No-cha to follow him to the peach-garden and taught him personally how to use his "fiery-pointed spear" (火尖槍) which the master now bestowed on him. After that, the Immortal gave him the wind-wheel and fire-wheel which he might tread on while chanting incantations and which served him as a magic vehicle; and also a bag made of panther skin in which were the magic bracelet, the red silk gauze and a brick of gold completed his new armour. No-cha prostrated himself before his master once more, and after thanking him, held the magic spear in hand, safely mounted his wind-and-fire wheels and darted straight to the Ch'ên-t’ang Pass and challenged Li Ching, his father. (Ch.14) ** ** In order to prove again how the author of the Fêng-shên Yen-i adapted and utilized confused and promiscuous materials from previous works, we may list some of the arms used by No-cha with their earlier appearances in other prompt-books or plays as follows: (a) Fiery-pointed spear. In Act 4 of the anonymous play of the Yüan dynasty, Han Kao-huang Cho-tsu Ch'i Ying-pu (漢高皇祖母齊英布), the spear used by Hsiang Yu (項羽) is a "fiery-pointed spear". (b) Wind-wheel. The wind-wheel is originally the wheel, or circle of wind below the circle of water and metal upon which, according to Buddhist teaching, the Earth rests. It appears in many sutras including the Surangama-sutra (楞嚴經), Ch. 4. In Nan-yu-chi (南遊記) (Ch. 2 and 11) and Pei-yu-chi (北遊記) (Ch. 15) it is one of the arms of the Flowery Light (Hua Kuang or Ling Yao 華光, or San-yen Ling Yao 三眼華光). Ling Yao with a deva-eye). (c) Fire-wheel. The alatacakra, a wheel of fire produced by rapidly whirling a fire-brand. In chuan 3 of his Lêng-yen Ching Shu-chih (楞嚴經疏治) (? “The Principles of the Surangama-sutra", in the First Series, Second Collection of the Tripitaka in Chinese, 大藏經, 1912), Lu Hsi-hsing says "as the whirling of a fire-brand, reality does not exist". In Nan-yu-chi (Ch. 2 and Ch. 11) and Pei-yu-chi (Ch. 15), the fire-wheel is also a weapon of Flowery Light. (d) Gold brick, The gold brick is also one of the arms of Flowery Light in Nan-yu-chi (Ch, 2 and Ch. 11) and Pei-yu-chi (Ch. 15). But both the gold brick and the fire-wheel are attributed to Flowery Light also in Yang Ching-hsien's T'ang San-tsang Hsi-t'ien Ch'ü-ching, a play of the Yüan dynasty, Scene 8. In Hsü Fu-tso's (徐復祚) T'ou-so Chi (鬧府記), Scene 19, these two weapons belong to Nata of Eight Arms (八臂那吒). (e) Magic bracelet. In Ch. 11 of the Nan-yu-chi, one of the weapons of No-cha is a "purple-gold bracelet with raised flowers" (紅花紫金圈) and it is the origin of the magic bracelet (ch'ien-k'un ch'üan 乾坤圈 the Bracelet of Vitreous & Resinous Electricity) in the Fêng-shên Yen-i, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 93 The climax of the dramatic struggle between No-cha and his father Li Ching may be summed up here: Li Ching, hearing that No-cha had come again with his magic arms, was infuriated. He mounted his black horse and came out to meet No-cha with his halberd with crescent-shaped blade. The fighting had not lasted many minutes when Li Ching was in a profuse perspiration and had to flee for his life. No-cha pursued him with desperate efforts and nearly caught him when Mu-cha, the second son of Li Ching and disciple of the Immortal P'u-hsien (Samantabhadra), came on the scene. Although they were brothers they had not known each other before and No-cha had to tell Mu-cha the whole story. Mu-cha rebuked No-cha and called him a patricide, and defended the father with his precious sword. No-cha hurled his golden brick in the air which fell on the back of Mu-cha and hurt him. No-cha resumed his pursuit, and as Li Ching, being exhausted, did not wish to be overtaken by his son, he drew his sword and was about to commit suicide when he was stopped by a Taoist who was no other than the Wên-shu Kuang-fa Tien-tsun (Mañjusri) who was invited to come by Immortal T'ai-i to give No-cha an impressive lesson. Wên-shu now hid Li Ching in his grotto and seized the naughty hero with his "Dragon-concealing Stake"--which was also called "Seven Precious Golden Lotuses"--which in a mist of dust fastened No-cha's neck and feet with three golden rings and bound him to a golden stake. Wên-shu ordered Chin-cha, his disciple and No-cha's eldest brother, to beat No-cha black and blue with a staff until T'ai-I himself appeared. At the intercession of T'ai-i, No-cha was released and both father and son were brought before the two Taoist masters. T'ai-i rebuked the father for his petty-minded action and told him to go home. After Li Ching's After Li Ching's retreat, he instructed No-cha not to bear any grudge against his father and charged him to return to the grotto in Mt. Ch'ien-yuan on the pretext that he would stay with Wên-shu and play chess. No-cha, raging with anger, taking advantage of the absence of the two masters, pursued his father again. When Li Ching was in danger of falling into the hand of the son, another Taoist, the Jan-têng Tao-jên (Dipamkara) of the Yüan-chüeh Cave on the Vulture Peak, appeared on the scene as if by accident. He sheltered Li Ching behind, and when No-cha demanded single combat with his father, he increased Li Ching's strength by spitting on him and touching him on the back. Li Ching was then able to get the upper hand in the fighting and No-cha was defeated. No-cha was beside himself with rage. He jumped aside suddenly and tried to pierce Jan-têng with his spear, but the thrust was repelled by a white lotus flower emitted from the latter's ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 95 B (c) The T'ao T'ien-chün ( or Celestial Master T'ao), one of the four attendant-generals forming the retinue of the Premier Wên T'ai-shih in the Fêng-shên Yen-i is an invention of the author of the Fêng-shên for a particular reason.3 In any one of the earlier works before the Fêng-shen, whether Taoist canonical texts or popular literature, we can find the other three T'ien-chün but not this one. This fact strengthens the hypothesis that this particular character was created with a purpose. But he appears also in Wu Ch'êng-ên's Hsi-yu-chi. (Ch.4 etc.) (d) Yin Chiao () in his transformed figure is an ugly and evil god. "His face was as blue as indigo, and he had long projecting teeth" (Ch.63, Fêng-shên Yen-i). He was canonized as the T'ai-sui (✯ the God of the Cycle) in Ch.99 of the Feng-shên. Now in Wu's Hsi-yu-chi there is a line of verse, "The other had a blue face and protruding teeth as ugly as the T'ai-sui.” (56) (e) In Wu's Hsi-yu-chi, when Sun Wu-k'ung ( the Monkey) was repelled by Hsüan-tsang (), he thought of “going to the islands (hai-tao ) but he was rather ashamed to meet those immortals in the three fairy-lands (san-tao chu-hsien l)". (Ch.57) This is probably influenced by the islands and the immortals there (hai-tao tao-yu fă‡) in Chs.38, 47 and 59 of the Fêng-shễn. In Ch.59 of the Feng-shên when Lü Yüeh (BG) was defeated by the troops of Chiang Tzu-ya, he fled to the islands as his last resort. (f) In Wu's Hsi-yu-chi (Ch.60), the Demon-king of Oxen (Niu Mo-wang 4E) rode on a "water-proof golden-pupiled monster" (Pi-shui Chin-ching Shou HR). I think this name was invented after the "fire-spitting golden-pupiled monsters" (Huo-yen Chin-ching Shou ) ridden by Chêng Lun, Chiên Ch'i and Ch'ung Hei-hu in the Fêng-shên Yen-i. (g) In Ch.61 of the Wu's Hsi-yu-chi there are the "four great Vajras" (MAI) which are no doubt an adaptation of the “four great heavenly kings". One of their dwelling-places is in the Chin-hsia Tung ( Golden Clouds Cave) of Mt. K'un-lun. In fact this Chin-hsia Tung is exactly the name of the grotto where the Yü-ting Chên-jên (EMRA Immortal of the Jade Urn) lives in the Fêng-shên Yen-i, and Mt. K'un-lun is the sacred mountain of the Promulgating Sect. 37 Ibid., pp. 251-55. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 96 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 (h) The name of Chin-cha does not appear in the prompt-book Hsi-yu-chi of the "Four Travels", but it appears in Ch.83 of Wu's Hsi-yu-chi, in a paragraph which is now open to question. (i) In Ch.38 of the Fêng-shen, the monster Lung-hsü Hu (A) when stirred up by Shên-kung Pao (A), was prepared to devour Chiang Tzu-ya, and exclaimed when seeing him approach, "If one could eat a slice of the flesh of Chiang Shang, he would prolong his life for a thousand years more!" This idea does not appear in the "Four Travels", but is repeated twice in Chs. 32 and 40 of Wu's Hsi-yu-chi to the effect that if anyone could eat a slice of the flesh of Hsüan-tsang he would prolong his life. (j) In Ch.45 of the Fêng-shen Yen-i, in order to break through the ranks of the Boisterous Wind Array (RAM), a “wind-stopping pearl" (L) was to be borrowed from the Immortal Tu-O (EXA). Now in Ch.59 of Wu's Hsi-yu-chi, Sun Wu-k'ung was fanned away by the wind and he had to borrow a "wind-stopping pill" (A) from the Bodhisattva Ling-chi (M). This story does not appear in Ch.37 of the Hsi-yu-chi in the "Four Travels". (k) In Ch.34 of the Hsi-yu-chi in the "Four Travels” when the black ox of Lao-tzu stole its master's diamond ring and descended from heaven with it, though it fought fiercely with many gods it never encountered the gods of the Department of Fire. But in Ch.51 of Wu's Hsi-yu-chi, it fought against many genii of the Department of Fire whose weapons were fire-dragons, fire-horses, fire-crows, fire-rats, fire-swords, fire bows and fire arrows. The fire-crows first appeared in Ch.9 of the Nan-yu-chi and both the fire-crows, fire arrows and fire-dragons appear in Ch.64 of the Fêng-shên Yen-i and were a part of the arms of Lo Hsüan (). The "fire-horse" may be derived from the "horse of red smoke" (ch'ih-yen chù *), a mount of Lo Hsüan, The above points when considered separately may be regarded as accidental and some of them may even be refutable, but as some of them seem to be invulnerable and when they are found together in the same book, it would be ridiculous to overlook their significance. And besides, it is easy to sum up a long story and to write a synopsis of it as is done in Ch.83 of Wu's Hsi-yu-chi, but it would be a very difficult and thankless task to develop a short paragraph into a thrilling story of some twenty thousand words. Therefore, it is reasonable to believe that these ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 97 three chapters (Ch.12-14) of the Fêng-shên Yen-i and all the other chapters except those parts inherited from the prompt-book Wu-wang Fa-Chou P'ing-hua3 and Lieh-kuo Chih-chuan (@) are the original work of the author. 39 40 38 Lu Hsün told us that the approximate dates of Wu Ch'êng-ên are about 1510-1580, and the earliest editions of the Hsi-yu-chi by Wu Ch'êng-ên we have were all published late in the Wan Li period, probably after 1592. It is therefore safe enough if we suppose that the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i was first compiled in the middle of the Chia Ching period (about 1545). 4 38 "King Wu's Expedition against Chou", the original copy of which is from an edition dated Chih Chih (a), the reign of Emperor Ying Tsung (1321-23) of the Mongol Yüan dynasty. It was published in Chien-an (# now Chien-yang of Fukien province), then a very famous paper-manufacturing and publishing centre. No less than five different prompt-books of the same sort, historical and fictional, including the Wu-wang Fa Chou, have been found, now kept in the Japanese Cabinet Library, bearing the same sub-title as "published by the Yu family of Chien-an" (ZREKƒ). A complete English translation of the last-named is included in my "The Authorship of the Fêng-shên Yen-i”, 39 The Lieh-kuo Chih-chuan FHEN, a book in a very rare edition, copies of which are now preserved only in a few libraries. See my article "The Discovery of the First chuan of the Lieh-kuo Chih-chuan and Its Relation to Wuwang Fa Chou P'ing-hua and the Novel Fêng-shên Yen-i" (元至治本全相武王伐紂話明刊本列國志傳一與封神演義之關係), The New Asia Journal, Vol. 4, No. 1, Aug. 1959. 4o Chung-kuo Hsiao-shuo Shih lüich, Ch. 17, p. 168. Yang's translation, p. 210. cf. (2). 41 See Prof. Sun K'ai-ti's (H) Jih-pên Tung-ching So Chien Chung-kuo Hsiao-shuo Shumu (B££££+5), pp. 101-2, Shanghai, 1953. Shih-tê Tang (H) edition, dated "the fourth day of the fifth month in the year jên-chên (IR)", ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 119 At the cemetery, the coffin is normally lowered into the grave without further ceremony and the hole filled. Just before the hole is filled, it is customary for each member of the family present to throw in a handful of earth. After filling, two candles are usually lit and placed near the head of the grave and three incense-sticks nearer the foot. Sometimes, absent members of the family may depute other relatives to set out candles and incense-sticks on their behalf, in which case the proportions are still observed. An offering of oranges may be peeled and placed on the grave, together with paper money. Finally, crackers are let off. Occasionally, after the coffin has been lowered and before the earth is thrown in, a male descendant present will make a cut in a live cock so that blood flows out. The cock will then be held over the grave to allow its blood to drop on the coffin and sides of the hole, in the traditional hope that the breeding properties of the cock will be transmitted to the deceased. Provided that the deceased is over middle age, sex normally makes no difference. A more modern version of this practice omits the incision on the cock, which is simply swung over the hole on the end of a piece of string. The last rites sometimes involve the assistance of Taoist or Buddhist monks, even though neither the relatives nor the deceased may necessarily profess complete belief in either of those religions. The monks normally appear in a team of five: the leader with the other four ranged in pairs. Their form of service usually follows the pattern of Taoist and Buddhist chanting, accompanied by music, the striking of bells, small brass ringing bowls and wooden sound-boxes (muk ue). In major funerals, where the body is held elsewhere than in a funeral parlour, the last rites may continue for seven full days before burial, with further services every 7th day for a total of forty-nine days. If expense proves too much, some of the weekly services may be omitted but it is customary to include the 5th one, when married daughters and granddaughters are expected to contribute either wholly or in part; the final service is also required. At these weekly rites, the next-of-kin may sometimes cook rice and beans (red or green) which are then eaten by relatives in the hope of attaining long life (chuc shaû faân). Another custom still often encountered is the placing of several pairs of trousers on the deceased, whether male or female. Half a dozen pairs of trousers is not uncommon. Based on a pun between the Cantonese foò ("trousers") and foò (“riches"), the object is to provide wealth for the spirit of the deceased. Including jacket and underwear, an even number of garments is normally placed on a male; an odd number on a female, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 126 Ta-Ming hui-tien - Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 Tung-hua lu + I-tsung chin-chien Suan-fa t'ung-tsung Ch'ün fang p'u Erh-ya (*Statutes of the Ming dynasty', 1577) - (1734) - ('Golden Mirror of Medicine', 1740) ('Systematic Treatise on Arithmetic') (A Herbarium). Compiled by Wang Hsiang-chin, 1708. (The earliest Chinese 'dictionary') Man-Han ming-ch'en chuan (Records of famous statesmen, Manchu and Chinese', c. 1750) Other books are devoted to such diverse subjects as Buddhism, the ch'in (lute), a Manchu translation of the Four Books, various dictionaries (including the K'ang-hsi tzu-tien), various works on medicine, agriculture, geography, history, law, chess, and so on. A complete and annotated catalogue of these Chinese works together with the Chinese characters of their titles and authors or compilers would be of considerable value to scholars working in London. Does anyone feel like undertaking this task? J. L. CRANMER-BYNG. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 127 ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH List of Members at 28th February, 1961. ABRAHAM, R. D. Aide-de-Camp AKERS JONES, D. Allen, H. W. ALLEYNE, Mrs. E. L. BAIRD, J. W. BARD, Dr. S. M. BARNETT, K. M. A. BARON, D. W. B. BARR, J. S. BASTO, G. de BARTON, T. The Hon. H. D. M. BAUER, Miss H. BEIDLER, P. BERTUCCIOLI, G. P. BIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D. BLACK, D. L. BLACKMORE, M. BLUNDEN, Prof. E. C. BONSALL, G. W. BRAGA, J. M. BRAWN, Squadron Ldr. W. N. H. BREUIL, Mrs. N. du BRIMMELL, J. H. BROOKS, D. E. BURKHARDT, Col. V. R. BUSH, R. C. BYRNE, D. J. CALLAHAN, G. W. CHAN, Dr. H. C. CHAU, The Hon. Sir Tsun-Nin CHENG, Dr. Irene CHENG, T. C. CHEUNG, Oswald 41 Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K.Government House, H.K. N. Kowloon Magistracy, Taipo Road, Kln.U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. H.K.U.Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. H.K.U.P.O. Box 248, H.K. 361 The Peak, H.K.Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. 604 Fu House, 7 Ice House Street, H.K.Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. U.S.L.S., U.S. Consulate-General, H.K.U.S. Embassy, Saigon, Vietnam Ministero degli Esteri, RomeFar East Mansions, Apt. 5-H, Kln. Peat, Marwick, Mitchell & Co., Alexandra House, H.K.Dept. of History, H.K.U. H.K.U.P.O. Box 951, H.K. Air Headquarters, H.K.86 Main Street, Stanley, H.K. Flat 4, 12 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. Radio Hong Kong86 Main Street, Stanley, H.K. Tao Fong Shan, Shatin, N.T.China Light & Power Co., Ltd., Argyle Street, Kln. Apt. 23, Kellett Grove, The Peak, H.K.Bank of Canton Building, H.K. 8 Queen's Road West, H.K.Education Dept., Fung House, 5th fl., H.K. S.C.A. Fire Brigade Building, H.K.1002 Alexandra House, H.K. Page 127 Page 127 Page 127 Page 128 Page 128 Page 128 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 128 Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 CHING, Henry 9 Village Road, 1st fl., H.K. CHING, Joseph U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. CHOA, Dr. Gerald H. Queen Mary Hospital, H.K. CLARK, Mrs. N. E. H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. CLARKE, The Hon. A. G. Colonial Secretariat, H.K. CLARKE, B. A. 25-A Robinson Road, Top fl., H.K. COHN, Dr. A. J. 116 Leighton Road, Leisham Court, 6th fl., H.K. COOK, J. 522 Alexandra House, H.K. CRANMER-BYNG, J. L. Dept. of History, H.K.U. CUMINE, E. 14 Embassy Court, H.K. CUMMING, M. S. Butterfield & Swire, H.K. DAIKO, P. P.O. Box 201, H.K. DAVID, Mrs. M. C. Dept. of Geography & Geology, H.K.U. DAVIS, Dr. S. G. Education Dept. Battery Path, H.K. DEANS PEGGS, Dr. A. Cheshire Wing Room 40, R.A.F., Little Saiwan, H.K. DEVENISH, D. C. S.A.C. 5100108 DJOU, G. G. American International Assurance Co. Ltd., 12-14 Queen's Road C., H.K. DORNHEIM, A. R. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. DRAKE, Prof. F. S. Dept. of Chinese, H.K.U. DRAKEFORD, L. S. 25 Chatham Road, 11th fl. front, Kln. DUNCANSON, J. D. c/o Barclays Bank (D.C.O.), 1 Cockspur St., Lond. S.W.1. DUNT, P. P.O. Box 94, H.K. EDWARDS, O. P. H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. ENDACOTT, G. B. Dept. of History, H.K.U. FABER, Mrs. A. 10 Cooper Road, Jardines Lookout, H.K. FABER, S. E. 1 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. FISHER-SHORT, W. 102 MacDonnell Road, H.K. FITZGIBBON, D. J. P.W.D., Central Govt. Offices, Lower Albert Rd., H.K. FUNG, The Hon. Ping-Fan Bank of East Asia Ltd., 10 Des Voeux Rd. C., H.K. GAIFFIER D'HESTROY, Baron P. de Belgian Consul-General, 105 Hongkong & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. GALVIN, J. A. T. c/o G. B. Godfrey, Esq., Jardine House, 13th fl., H.K. GIBBS, Mrs. M. 48, Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. GILES, R. Crown Lands & Survey Office, P.W.D., Central Government Offices, East Wing, 2nd fl., H.K. GOLDNEY, Miss C. M. H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. GOTTSCHALK, E. 6 MacDonnell Road, Apt. 15, H.K. GUADAGNINI, Dr. P. Italian Consul-General, 705 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 129 HAINES, Miss F. 10-F Headland Road, H.K. HALLIDAY, Lt. Col, P. A. T. Headquarters Land Forces, H.K. HARRISON, Prof. B. Dept. of History, H.K.U. HAYDON, E. S. The Supreme Court, H.K. HAYE, C. Education Dept., Fung House, H.K. HAYIM, E. J. 41 Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. HELLBECK, Dr. H. German Consulate-General, 1 Duddell St., 4th fl. H.K. HENSMAN, Dr. Bertha Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. HINDMARSH, R. H. Hong Kong Club, H.K. HO Teh-Kuei 61 Fort St. 3rd fl., North Point, H.K. HOGAN, The Hon. Sir M. Chief Justice's Chambers, Supreme Court, H.K. HOLMES, D. R. N.T. Administration, N. Kowloon Magistracy, Kln. HOLMES, G. M. 9 Chater Hall, 1 Conduit Road, H.K. HOLMES, The Hon. J. C. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. HORSMAN, Miss A. M. Colonial Secretariat, H.K. HOOK, B. G. Queen Mary Hospital, H.K. HORTON, J. R. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. HOWARD-WILLIAMS, E. D. The British Council, 133 Gloucester Building, H.K. HOWORTH, J. F. Leigh & Orange, P. & O. Building, H.K. HSIA Tung Pei 12 Ming Yuen Street W., 3rd fl. North Point, H.K. HUANG Sheng-Fu P.O. Box 9066, Kowloon City Post Office, Kowloon. HUGHES, G. M. American International Assurance Co. Ltd., H.K. HUGHES, Mrs. G. M. 175 Sassoon Road, H.K. HUGHES, Prof. W. I. Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, H.K.U. HUNG, C. S. 19, Hec Wong Terrace, 1st fl., H.K. INGLES, Miss J. M. Government House Lodge, H.K. JACOBSON, H. W. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. JONES, Dr. J. R. H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn. H.K. KAMATH, F. M. de Mello Commission of India, Tower Court, H.K. KAY, B. Flat 4, 52 Island Road, Repulse Bay, H.K. KEOWN, W. C. Butterfield & Swire, H.K. KHAN, Dr. L. A. M.O., Tai Lam Prison, N.T. KIDD, S. T. N. Kowloon Magistracy, Kln. KILBORN, Prof. L. G. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. KIRBY, Prof. E. S. 2 University Drive, H.K. KNOWLES, W. C. G. Butterfield & Swire, H.K. KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G. Butterfield & Swire, H.K. KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. Tao Fong Shan, Shatin, N.T. KUNG, Mrs. T. P. 8 Sunning Road, 2nd fl., H.K. KVAN, Rev. E. St. John's College, H.K.U. KWOK Chan, The Hon. Hang Seng Bank Ltd., H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 131 PAPP, R., Mme. - PENNELL, W. V. PERESYPKIN, O. P. PICCIOTTO, Mrs. J. R. - POPPLE, P. M. - PRESCOTT, J. A. PRATT, M. S. - RAE-SMITH, W. B. RAVENHOLT, A. RIDE, Dr. L. T. RIDE, Mrs. L. T. ROBERTS, Miss F. A. ROFÉ, F. H. - ROSE, J. ROSS, G. W. - - RUTTONJEE, Mrs. A. RUTTONJEE, The Hon. D. - RYAN, Rev. Fr. T. F. SANDERSON, Mrs. J. SAUNDERS, J. A. H. SCHOYER, B. P. SCOTT, A. C. SCOTT, Mrs. D. - SELLERS, D. M. SHEPHARD, A. J. - SHU, H. T. J + SHUT Chien-Tung SIDBURY, H. SMALL, C. J. SMITH, L. SMITH, L. A. · STANLEY, Major H. F. STANTON, W. T. + STARBIRD, L. R. STEWART, G. O. W. STRAHAN, R. - H STRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. SUN, T. S. SWIRE, A. C. · Church Guest House, 1, Upper Albert Rd., H.K. S.C.M.P., Wyndham Street, H.K. 22-A Kennedy Road, Flat 3, H.K. 46 Stubbs Road, H.K. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. Dept. of Architecture, H.K.U. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. Butterfield & Swire, H.K. Litton Apt. 6-B, 1219 L. Guerrero, Ermita, Manila, P.I. The Lodge, 1 University Drive, H.K. The Lodge, 1 University Drive, H.K. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. 5 Tai Hang Road, H.K. Flat 1C, 3 University Drive, H.K. Flat 1, 94-C Pokfulam Road, H.K. 2 Conduit Road, H.K. 2 Conduit Road, H.K. Wah Yan College, 281 Queen's Road E., H.K. 5-A Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. U.K. Trade Commissioner, P.O. Box 745, Colombo, Ceylon. New Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kln. Apt. 6-F, 90 Morningside Drive, New York 27, N.Y., U.S.A. Apt. 6-F, 90 Morningside Drive, New York 27, N.Y., U.S.A. Commerce & Industry Dept., Fire Brigade Building, Connaught Road C., H.K. Colonial Secretariat, H.K. P.O. Box 1213, H.K. Maryknoll Convent School, Waterloo Road, Kowloon, Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. Canadian Govt. Trade Commr., 205 H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building. 23-A Robinson Road, H.K. 85 Kadoorie Avenue, Kln. - H.K. Tourist Association, Kln. - - Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Dept. of Zoology, H.K.U. Caldbeck, Macgregor & Co., Ltd., 2 Chater Road, H.K. U.S. Consulate-General, H.K. Butterfield & Swire, H.K. Page 135 Page 136 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1961 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch RASHKB and author 132 TANG Shiu Kin THOMAS, L. F. - THOMPSON, R. W. TOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie TREGEAR, Miss M. TRISTRAM, Mrs. J. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. + + + + - TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. - + - T Vol. 1 (1961) ISSN 1991-7295 The Kowloon Motor Bus Co., Ltd., 505 Pedder Building, H.K. 56 Conduit Road, Flat 103, H.K. Dept. of Modern Languages, H.K.U. 6 Peak Mansions, H.K. H.K.U. P.O. Box 845, H.K. Rating & Valuation Dept., Man Yee Building, 9th fl., Des Voeux Road C., H.K. China Building, 4th f., H.K. TURNER, The Hon. M. W. H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. VETCH, H. VETCH, Mrs. H. VIO, Dr. E. G. - WALDEN, J. C, C, - WALTON, A. St. G. WARD, Miss J.- + + WARD-MORRIS, Mrs. B. WATSON, K. A. WEI, Dr. Tat. WEISS, K.- WELCH, H. H. WONG, Dr. Man WONG Pao Hsie WONG Po Shang WOO, Dr. Arthur W.. WOO, Dr. Pak Foo WRIGHT, D. A. L. WILSON, B. D. - YAO Pe Chun YAO Hsin Nung + - Hong Kong University Press, H.K. Hong Kong University Press, H.K. 315 H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. Establishment Branch, Colonial Secretariat, H.K. Establishment Branch, Colonial Secretariat, H.K. 35 Chater Hall, Conduit Road, H.K, 18 Hillgate Place, London, W.8. Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. H.K. Anti-Tuberculosis Assn., Queen's Rd. E., H.K. P.O. Box 718, H.K. Shatin, N.T. Room 108, China Building, H.K. Butterfield & Swire, H.K. B-5 Wah Kiu Mansion, 1st fl., 80 Taipo Rd., Kln. Woo Clinic, Edinburgh House, 1st fl., H.K. 204 China Building, H.K. Hong Kong Club, H.K. Urban Services Dept., Secretariat Building, West Wing, H.K. 18, Monmouth Terrace, 3rd f., Kennedy Road, H.K. 1 Dorset Crescent, Kowloon Tong, Kln. Mental Hospital, High Street, H.K, YAP, Dr. Pon Meng YUEN, Miss I. - 4 Radio Hong Kong. ZIGAL, Mrs. I. - - 12 Bowen Road, H.K. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f NESTORIAN CROSSES 23 From this time on discoveries were frequent. In 1885 two Nestorian cemeteries were discovered in Tokmak (Semirechinsk) with stones from about 610 graves, some engraved with the outline of the now familiar Nestorian Cross, associated with inscriptions in Syriac dating from A.D. 1267 to 1316.3 In 1890 stones engraved with Nestorian Crosses were found at Hsi-wan-tzu in Sui-yüan province, north-west of Kalgan.23 But perhaps the most important Nestorian relics in China, after the Tablet of Sianfu, are the T'ang dynasty manuscripts found in 1908 in the sealed cave-library at Tun-huang, commencing with the 'Gloria in Excelsis Deo' with its important List of Scriptures and Historical Note (probably dating from about A.D. 781), the 'Jesus Messiah Sutra' dated A.D. 641, the earliest Nestorian document preserved in China, and three other T'ang Nestorian manuscripts, written probably between that date and the period of the Sianfu monument (A.D. 781).24 + In 1919 two beautifully carved Nestorian crosses, with short Syriac inscriptions, possibly from the chancel of a church, were found at Fang-shan in a Buddhist monastery called to this day 'The Monastery of the Cross' + (perhaps the one where Mark and Barsauma dwelt) south-west of Peking.25 In 1933 several Chinese scholars sought for and found the ruins of a 'Ta-ts'in Monastery' ★ (Nestorian Monastery) at Chou-chih in Shensi province, described in poems by the famous Sung dynasty poet Su Tung-p'o in 1062.26 In 1935 gravestones engraved with Nestorian crosses similar to those from Fang-shan were found at Pai-ling Miao TEM in Sui-yüan province (on the edge of Mongolia).27 In a number of places, too numerous to note in detail here, stone tablets have been found engraved with dated edicts of Yüan dynasty times, sometimes in the Mongol language, sometimes in Chinese, and sometimes in both, for the protection of 22 Saeki, Nestorian Documents and Relics, 2nd ed., 1951, Part II, chap. 4. 23 Saeki, op. cit. p. 426. 24 Moule, op. cit. p. 53; Saeki, op. cit. chs, III to XIII. 24 Saeki, op. cit., p. 430, and Moule, op. cit., Fig. 12. 24 Hsiang Ta, Tang-tai Ch'angan yû Hsi-yü wên-ming, App. II, 'Notes on the Ta-ts'in Monastery at Chou-chih' 向達著,唐代長安與西域文明, Yenching Monograph Series II, 1933. 27 Saeki, op. cit., pp. 423-4. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 24 F. S. DRAKE the property and exemption from taxes of members of religious orders, including the Nestorians, called by the Mongols 'Yeh-li-k'o-wen' 2* These and other scattered references to Nestorianism and to Nestorian Christians mentioned in Chinese records of the Yüan dynasty have been collected and published by Dr. Ch'ên Yüan in Yuan Yeh-li-k'o-wen k'ao 29 V. THE CH'ÜAN-CHOU CROSSES 29 The latest discovery of Nestorian relics in China is a remarkable one and takes us back to Ch'üan-chou once more, the great international port of Ibn Batuta and Chao Ju-kua, the Zayton of Marco Polo and Odoric, with its Buddhist monasteries and Twin Stone Pagodas, its great Mohammedan mosque, and two Franciscan houses, and as we shall now see, its many Nestorian relics. Here a local scholar, Mr. Wu Wen-liang, became interested in the many fragments of stone with foreign writing and designs that strewed the ground, 'the very pavement stones mingled with inscribed Arab tomb slabs' (Ecke and Demiéville, p.4). For some thirty years, commencing in 1928, Mr. Wu collected these inscribed stones for his private study. During the war, it appears that the city wall of Ch'üan-chou was demolished, and from it many inscribed stones came to light, which added greatly to Mr. Wu's collection. By 1957 the number had reached 160 and included those with Islamic, Nestorian, Manichee, Brahman and other inscriptions. He made rubbings and photographs of these, which he published in that year with explanatory text in Chinese: Ch'üan-chou tsung-chiao shih-k'o ("Stones from Ch'üan-chou with Religious Inscriptions").30 In this book he illustrates twenty-seven stones with Christian inscriptions or designs. Foremost among these are four slabs carved with Christian Crosses, of which two (Nos. 72 and 73) are the very ones illustrated by wood-cuts in Emmanuel Diaz's book on the newly discovered Nestorian Tablet, published in 28 Saeki, op. cit., pp. 418 and 420. 29 Chên Yüan, Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1923. See also Moule, op. cit., and T'oung Pao, Vols. XVII, XVIII, 1916-17: Cordier, 'Le Christianisme en Chine et en Asie sous les Mongous; and Vols. XII, XXI, 1914 and 1934: Pelliot, "Chrétiens d'Asie Centrale et d'Extrême Orient". 30 Peking, K'ê-hsüeh ch'u-pan shê, 1957. 30 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 42 HOLMES WELCH of the ordaining monastery or some other monastery, and they were supposed to spend the next five years in meditation and study. This was the first stage of their career as monks. Life in the Meditation Hall was strict. One slept only five hours a night and meditated about ten hours a day. Rising was at 3.00 a.m. followed by an hour of morning prayers, then an hour's rest; breakfast was eaten before dawn; after it came four and a half hours of meditation. This meant sitting in the lotus position for forty minutes, then having a drink of tea, then twenty minutes circumambulating the altar, then going back to sit, then some more tea, more circumambulation, and so on. Circumambulation prevented the joints from getting stiff, but one had to keep on with mental exercises while doing it. It was not just a matter of walking about. Lunch came before noon and was followed by an hour's rest, two hours' meditation, an hour of afternoon prayers, supper at 5.30, and three and a half hours of meditation in the evening. At ten o'clock the monks went to bed. If one of them dozed during meditation the next morning, the monk on patrol, or hsün-hsiang w†, would tap him on the back. If he talked during meals, quarreled, or broke any of the other rules, he was beaten severely. The daily schedule varied from monastery to monastery. Rising in the winter was later and retiring earlier (except during the so-called Meditation Weeks in autumn, when for up to forty-nine days one slept only two hours a night). But the schedule I have given is typical. Sometimes I have asked monks whether they did not get bored meditating ten hours every day. They deny it vigorously. They say there was a programme, a method. For instance, one might be trying to find an answer to a standard question like "What was my original face before I was born?" The Instructor would come over and say: "What are you looking at?" If one replied, "At the buddhas and bodhisattvas," he would say "Where are the buddhas and bodhisattvas?" One could not answer and was beaten. Then the Instructor would ask: "Who is being beaten?" I am afraid that the subject of methods of meditation is too large to embark on here. It is true, however, that many monks found themselves unable to master it, particularly Ch'an (Zen) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 44 HOLMES WELCH from those who knew them best. The leading exponent of the Lotus Sutra might be living in Kiangsu, the leading exponent of the Surangama Sutra in Manchuria, and so on. One went around the country to the famous monasteries, studying at the feet of the famous masters. One's possessions were all in a bag that theoretically weighed only two and a half catties: bowl, robes, and, most important of all, the ordination certificate—so important that one monk I know keeps his in the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank. The ordination certificate was like a Diners' Club credit card. At any big public monastery anywhere in China, the travelling monk had merely to show it to the head of the Guest Department and, if it was in order, he had to be admitted and he could live there as long as he liked unless he violated a rule for which the penalty was expulsion. Under certain conditions it was not necessary to show his ordination certificate to gain admission. That could wait until he applied for a place in the monastic organisation. During his first weeks in a monastery the travelling monk lived in the yün-shui t'ang or “cloud-water hall” (monks were thought to be as unattached as drifting clouds or running water). Then when the next semester2 began, he would enroll in the Meditation Hall, or the Hall for Reciting Buddha's Name, or some other part of the organisation. In general he ascended by one or both of two ladders, the ladder of religious positions or the ladder of administrative positions. In the Meditation Hall, for example, he might first be an acolyte, then record the sayings of Instructors, then handle the liturgical instruments, and finally become the wei-no or head of the Hall. Though I call him “head,” his position was in fact inferior to the Four Instructors Ssu-ta pan-shou, who, in rotation, taught the monks how to meditate. On the administrative side he might begin as a serving monk. (The famous Hsü-yun spent four years as a water-carrier, as a gardener, and waiting on table). Step by step he could rise to be a chief of a department, perhaps of the abbot's personal office, or later of the Guest Department or the Treasury. There was a theoretical total of forty-eight positions and in a big monastery like Chin Shan they were all filled. 2 The year was divided into two main periods beginning on the 16th of the first moon and the 16th of the seventh moon, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f THE BUDDHIST CAREER 47 (in the big monasteries one had to get permission every time he left the premises). Talking was permitted during meals and people could go to bed when they felt like it. Some small temples were centers of institutionalized laziness--and worse. But small temples were very necessary, not only to provide a break from the rigor of life in the big monasteries, but also as a link between the clergy and the laity. The big monasteries were often remote in the mountains, whereas in most Chinese cities there was a small temple “just around the corner." More important than this, however, was the fact that a monk could not accept tonsure disciples "in his capacity as officer or resident of a big monastery, but only in his capacity as officer or resident of a small temple. The novice during most of his training prior to ordination could not live in a big monastery, but only in a small temple. Thus small temples were the channel through which all new recruits had to enter the Sangha. 55 ** The crowning stage of a monk's career was being the old monk lao ho-shang, a term usually applied to an ex-abbot. He lived either in his own small temple or in special quarters of the big monastery that he had headed. He had no obligations, although he probably still carried on with his work of teaching. In fact, this might be the most productive part of his life, when he had the widest following and exerted the greatest influence, particularly on the laymen who came in great numbers to listen to him expound sutras and to take the Refuges with him. It is extraordinary how old some old monks got to be. The most famous case of recent times is Hsü-yün, who died at the age of a hundred and twenty in 1959. Now we have T'an-hsü, who is eighty-eight and still preaches on the Surangama Sutra every Sunday evening at nine o'clock. I recommend that you go to the Buddhist Library, 144 Boundary Street, and listen to him some Sunday, for he is a wonderful person. 77 Here in Hong Kong, I have often wondered why certain monks lived to be so old. They would attribute it, perhaps, to the peace that comes with enlightenment. A more prosaic explanation might be that they have a low cholesterol count. Dr. C. A. Wang, who will return to Hong Kong in 1962, tested a number of monks two years ago and found that, presumably because they ate vegetarian food, they ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f CHINA'S 35 MILLION NON-CHINESE 65 was contrary to the intention of the cadres. The distribution of confiscated animals among the slaves and bondsmen was at first regarded as a glorious opportunity to have a religious splurge of sacrifices and feasting instead of an investment for production. Sacrifices are required to placate the various spirits that were thought responsible for every evil and ill, from accidents to rheumatism. Winnington found that the Wa or K'a-wa of southwest Yunnan represent a different society, although Hsi-meng district to which he was taken by his Communist Chinese hosts lies only in the fringes of the Wa territory and may not be entirely representative. The Wa inhabit both sides of the south Yunnan-Burma borders and are divided into the "wild Wa" and the Wa tamed by contact with Burmese or Chinese civilizations. The "wild Wa" in British Burma in 1935 were still addicted to headhunting, both on other Wa and on non-Wa people coming into or living near their village areas.15 A Chinese account of the "wild Wa" on the Yunnan side related the headhunting to efforts to ensure good harvests. In any event, the "wild Wa" decorated the approaches to their thorn-fence walled-village with a double column of skulls mounted on posts. A person entered their territory at his peril. In the Sinicized northern part of the Wa territory there is a transition zone of intermixed hill Shan, La-hu and other mountain people as well as of Wa. Slavery here is practised in a very relaxed form, according to Winnington. Slaves constitute only about five per cent of the villagers as compared with over 90 per cent of the population in the Black-bone country. A slave suffers no social discrimination among the villagers and takes part in village and clan ceremonies open to other villagers. He can marry whom he pleases, and when the new couple sets up separate housekeeping, the master is bound by tradition to help them on pain of community criticism for failure to do so. Such a marriage virtually ends the slavery status, although the slave is expected to make payments to his master until his price is paid for. 1 Great Britain Treaty Series No. 80 (1947), Exchange of notes concerning the Burma-Yunnan boundary, 18th June 1941, London, 1947, 4. 16 Li Sheng-chuang, Yün-nan ti-yi chih-pien chü-yü nei chih jen-chung l'iao-cha (Research into the ethnic groups within the First Border Settlement District of Yunnan), Researches on the Yunnan Frontier Problems, Kunming, 1933, 194. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 70 HEROLD J. WIENS but their main concentration in a solid bloc is in the Ta-liang mountains southwest of I-pin district of Szechwan. More closely related to the Tibetans, the Ch'iang live in the west fringes of the Szechwan basin east of K'ang-ting city. The chief areas of Tibetan settlement are almost all in the Tibetan plateaus, though politically the areas are divided among five provinces in addition to Tibet proper and not counting now-abolished Sikang province. These are Kansu, Chinghai, Yunnan, Szechwan and Kweichow. Since Sikang has largely been incorporated into Szechwan, the latter now contains over 700,000 Tibetans, whereas Yunnan has some 67,000, Aside from the Chuang who constitute about seventy per cent of the total population in what is called the Kwangsi Chuang Autonomous Region, other T'ai-related groups are widespread especially in Yunnan and Kweichow. The T'ung occupy a solid bloc of territory joining three provinces: southeast Kweichow, northern Kwangsi, and western Hunan. They are related to the Shui who live in the southeast corner of Kweichow. The Pu-yi (also called Chung-chia) are a T'ai-related group in southwest Kweichow. In central Kweichow they live intermingled with the Miao, and they constitute the majority of the country people around the provincial capital of Kuei-yang. The T'ai proper have settled in the southern half of Yunnan where they are divided into two branches: the Hsi-shuang pan-na T'ai and the Te-hung T'ai. The former of these branches constitute "Twelve pan-na or basin 'states'", whence their name. The latter are close relatives of the Burma Shan people. Also related to the T'ai more distantly are the Li people of Hainan Island, with their heartland in the Li-mu ("mother of the Li") mountains that dominate the southern half of the island. Some Miao also are found on Hainan, having been imported during the Ch'ing dynasty to make poison arrows in the campaigns against the Li.20 The Miao are a very scattered group and only in two regions do they form compact settlements: eastern Kweichow and southwest Hunan. In Szechwan they live along the Kweichow borderlands. In Kwangsi they have settled in small groups in the centre of the province. In almost all regions the Miao have 20 Hsu Sung-shih, Yueh-chiang liu-yü jen-min, 122-123. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f BRITAIN AND CHINA 117 not altogether the fault of the author, who has written the book as part of a series on Britain in the world today—though it detracts slightly from its value, does not in practice make it any the less interesting. The question of recognition of the Communist government by Britain is very ably dealt with; the whole trend of opinion at the time, both in Britain and in the rest of the world is summed up. In 1949 Britain's commerce with China still far exceeded that of any other western country, and since the division into blocs was less rigid then than now, (though Britain consulted both the U.S. and the major Commonwealth countries) recognition was still a matter for each country to decide for itself. Happily the British government waited only three months to take this step; had it delayed another six, it would never have been taken, for the Korean war broke out. At the time international comment, even from the United States, was fairly favourable. It was realised that Britain had followed her usual pragmatic policy of recognition where a government was clearly in control as opposed to the U.S. ideological path of recognising only where it approved. Commercial groups and other British residents in China were influential in bringing this about; strangely enough, looking back over the last thirteen years, this was because the Communists appeared more honest and efficient than the KMT, and it was hoped that after recognition British interests would be able to expand. Mr. Luard shows how quickly this hope became vain. For with the Korean war the new China entered on to the world stage with a vengeance, and came face to face with the United States. In this conflict the British government always seems to have been slightly more aware of possible Chinese sentiments than the U.S., and to have hesitated rather more than the U.S. at the 38th parallel; and when President Truman began to talk of extending the war to Manchuria and of using the atom bomb, Mr. Attlee at once flew to Washington to make certain that U.N. forces were not to be committed to any extension of the fray without consultation with the other powers involved. Mr. Luard relates this episode in a particularly effective deadpan style which contrasts vividly with the drama of the events. This British intervention epitomises the new role that Britain has since played in the world; she has been a mediator between ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 118 COLINA LUPTON China and the U.S. The Korean war of course accounts for much which has gone awry since; the Chinese cannot forget that the Americans (as they always regarded the U.N. army) showed no hesitation in overstepping the 38th parallel and advancing towards the Chinese frontier; they also remember Truman's action taken at the outbreak of war assigning the U.S. seventh fleet to the "neutralisation" of Formosa, thus cheating them, so they felt, of their rightful prey: as Mr. Luard says, in the summer of 1950 the Communists were almost certainly poised to invade and exterminate the Chiang Kai-shek regime once and for all. As bad was the fact that American interference brought the question of Formosa from the purely internal to the international level. The fear and resentment engendered in Chinese hearts exists to this day to colour their suspicions of all American actions, and is fostered by the evident American determination to keep them out of the U.N. The great merit of Mr. Luard's account of these events, which is relatively sympathetic to the Chinese point of view, is that it makes clear that Chinese fulminations against, for instance, the landing of U.S. marines in Thailand are inspired by a genuine fear of American imperialism. If the U.S. would comprehend how her actions are misconstrued in Peking she might be more willing to have China increase her contacts with the West in the hope of dispelling Chinese ignorance. Britain's position in the dispute over the China seat is a paradoxical one. There is not much doubt that, left to its own devices, the British government would choose to have Peking rather than Taipei in the U.N., partly because Peking is the government which is more representative of the Chinese people as a whole, and partly because it believes that China's isolation from the rest of the world can only be dangerous. Mr. Luard draws an interesting parallel between the present situation and that which prevailed before any westerners came to China at all: then and now, the country was and is culturally self-sufficient, inward-looking, arrogant, ignorant of foreigners and their ways and full of misapprehensions about the outside world. Since today such misapprehensions can have world-wide and dangerous consequences, Britain would like to see China mixing with other nations at least to the extent of rubbing shoulders with their representatives in the corridors of the U.N. building. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f BRITAIN AND CHINA 119 But only once, in September 1950, has Britain voted for a resolution in the General Assembly calling for the admission of Communist China. From June 1951 the British representative has continued to vote in favour of postponement of discussion of the question, even when, on conclusion of the Korean war, the argument that China was participating in aggression against United Nations forces no longer held good. Mr. Luard well brings out, though unfortunately he does not try to explain, the expediency which guided western policies; how one argument was produced after another when the old ones went out of date; how the British government allowed itself to be swayed in this matter by the wishes of the Americans. He does not go into the intricacies of American internal politics, which are at the root of this matter—obviously he could not in a book about Britain and China—but without some understanding of them, Britain's behaviour, somewhat unfairly, seems feeble and misguided. Britain could have done more than she has to influence American public opinion, but to have brought China into the UN against the wishes of numerous Americans would only have devalued the institution in their eyes, and might even have resulted in earlier days in an American withdrawal of funds (upon which the U.N. is very dependent) or even, disastrously, of membership. Such a criticism does not affect the discussion of Hong Kong, which is a matter purely for the British and the Chinese. As in the rest of the book, the historical background is only sketched in; the interest is all concentrated on wartime and post-war developments. Hong Kong is unique among British colonies in that since the war it has made no progress towards independence; having narrowly escaped being "liberated" by Kuomintang armies at the end of the war, the prospect of a more democratic constitution was shelved when the Communists overran neighbouring Kwangtung. As Mr. Luard points out, the constitution of the Colony remains, in all essentials, exactly what it was in 1843. And this is where the British government's devotion to commercial interests in its relations with China again becomes apparent. Now that Hong Kong has found a new lease of economic life in manufacturing, neither the British nor the Hong Kong government are prepared to do anything which may upset the present favourable climate for investors. It is generally ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f BRITAIN AND CHINA 121 either upon more powerful allies or groups of nations such as the U.N. or SEATO. And the policies which Mr. Luard would most like to see the British government influencing are the transfer of the China seat in the U.N. to Peking; KMT withdrawal from the offshore islands; and the abandonment of Chiang Kai-shek's claim to the mainland. These accomplished, he contends - rightly, I think - that the Peking government, mollified and with the equanimity which comes from assured status, would pursue the extension of its aims with less belligerence. Britain's next move, in order to prevent the spread of Communism (it is a pity that Mr. Luard does not analyse for us why this should be a British policy, since, as he says, most Britons are ideologically vague) should be to cultivate friendly relations with the peoples of other nations. This is better than just being friendly with governments, which after all can collapse overnight. Further, many governments are highly unpopular and associating with them merely brings one into disrepute. Britain must also be prepared to contribute money to under-developed non-Communist countries to supply them with the capital needed for investment; otherwise they might be tempted by the economic advantages of Communism, the chief of which is the high rate of internal saving it makes possible. Britain, with her comparatively high standard of living, can well afford to give more to the shockingly poor countries of the east. Mr. Luard's last advice to the British government is to try to make possible more visits from Chinese leaders to the west. He is undoubtedly right in his assessment of the ignorance and misunderstanding of the outside world which exist on all levels in the Chinese government, and there can be no doubt that travel in Europe would help. To think that Britain can do much in this sphere at present is perhaps optimistic; it might be worth giving the advice to one or two of the governments of eastern Europe, who are more likely to be believed in Peking than the British, and who, for all their Communism, have both knowledge and understanding of the west. Despite that, however, this analysis of the paths which British policy might follow is a splendidly thorough and practical one. To this the rest of the book leads up; the author's eye is firmly on the present and the future, his intention being to explain why China is as she is and what Britain can do about it. He succeeds admirably. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 128 CHAN, Dr. H. C. - CHAN, Hok-lam, William CHAU, Hon. Sir Tsun-nin CHENG, T. C... CHEONG-LEEN, Hilton · CHEUNG, Oswald - CHING, Henry CHING, Joseph CHIU, Ling-yeong CHOA, Dr. Gerald H.- CLARK, Mrs. N. E. COHN, Dr. A. J.- COLE, Martin + CRANMER-BYNG, J. L. CUMINE, E. · - + T Bank of Canton Building, 5th floor, H.K. c/o Dept. of History, Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, Shatin, New Territories, 8, Queen's Road, West, Hong Kong. c/o S.C.A., Fire Brigade Building H.K. G.P.O. Box 584, 310 Yu To Sang Bldg., Hong Kong. 1002, Alexandra House, Hong Kong. 9, Village Road, 1st floor, Hong Kong. c/o U.S. Consulate-General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. 167, Yee Kuk Street, 3rd floor, Shumshuipo, Kowloon. Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 116, Leighton Road, Leisham Court, 6/F., "F", Hong Kong. 16, Conduit Road, Hong Kong. Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong. 14, Embassy Court, Hong Kong. CUMMING, Mount Stephen e/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union DAIKO, Paul - T DAVIES, Miss Ann Carol DAVIS, Dr. S. G.- DEANS PEGGS, Dr. A. - DENNYS, Miss Sylvia M. DJOU, G. G. - DONOHUE, Hon. Peter DRAKE, Mrs. F. S. DRAKE, Prof. F. S. L House. L P. O. Box 201, Hong Kong. ■ J L + DRAKEFORD, Louis Samuel DUNCANSON, J. D. - + DUNT, Percy EDWARDS, O. P. ENDACOTT, G. B. ENGEL, Dr. D. - 2, Friston, 15, Old Peak Road, Hong Kong. Dept. of Geography and Geology, Hong Kong University, c/o Education Department, Battery Path, Hong Kong. c/o Economic Survey Section, 804 Man Yee Bldg., H.K. c/o American International Assnce. Co., Ltd. 12/14 Queen's Road, Central, Hong Kong. Education Department, Battery Path, H.K. 92 Bonham Road, Hong Kong. Dept. of Chinese, Hong Kong University, Hong Kong. 25, Chatham Road, 11th floor, Front, Kin. c/o Barclays Bank (D.C.O.), 1 Cockspur Street, London, S.W.1. England. P. O. Box 94, Hong Kong. c/o Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Dept. of History, Hong Kong University, Hong Kong. 542 Alexandra House, Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1962 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f 130 HENSMAN, Dr. Bertha - Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, New Territories. HINDMARSH, Robert Henry c/o Hong Kong Club, Hong Kong. HO, Hung-pong HO, Teh-kuei - c/o Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., Hong Kong, 61, Fort Street, 3/F., North Point, H.K. HOGAN, The Hon. Sir M. Chief Justice's Chambers, Supreme Court, H.K. HOLMES, D. R., C.B.E. HORSMAN, Miss A. M. HOWORTH, J. F. HSIA, Tung-pei HUANG, Sheng-fu HUGHES, G. M. HUGHES, Mrs. G. M. (Marion) HUGHES, Prof. W. Ieuan HUNG, C. S. INGLES, Miss J. M. JACKSON, R. N. JONES, J. R., C.B.E. KAY, Bernard H. KEOWN, W. C. - N.T. Administration, N. Kowloon Magistracy, Kln. KEYES, Michael Patton - Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K. KHAN, Dr. Latif Ahmed - c/o Leigh & Orange, P. & O. Building, H.K. KIDD, S. T. - 131B Wanchai Building, 8/F, 131 Wanchai Rd.. H.K. KILBORN, Prof. L. G. KIRBY, Prof. E. S. KNOWLES, W. C. G. - P. O. Box 6870, Kowloon Post Office, Kln. L KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G. - c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. KVAN, Rev. Erik - American International Assurance Co. Ltd. American International Building, H.K. KWOK, Hon. Chan - RBL 175, Sassoon Road, Hong Kong. KWOK, Miss Rose Y. KWOK, Walter - Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, H.K.U. LACEY, John A. - 19, Hee Wong Terrace, 1/F., Hong Kong. LAI, T. C. - Government House. Garden Road, H.K. St. John's College, H.K. University, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o Hang Seng Bank Ltd., Hong Kong. 7 Arbuthnot Road, Hong Kong. 39-B, Estoril Court, Hong Kong. c/o American Consulate-General, Garden Road, H.K. No. 3, Church Bank, Richmond Road, Bowdon, Cheshire, England. 131 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v K. PROTESTANT CEMETERY IN MACAO KENNEDY, George KERR, Abby L. ... KEY, Peter KINSMAN, Nathaniel ++ 110 L. LARKINS, Edward G. ... LARKINS, John Henry LEACH, Benjamin Ropes LEATHLEY, John --- LEGGETT, William Henry LIVINGSTONE, Charlotte M. LJUNGSTEDT, Anders M. MACKENZIE, Donald MARKWICK, Richard MARGESSON, Henry Davies MARQUIS, William --- 223 ... T 83 L 29 U 107 L 112 L LLL J 90 L 122 L 52 L +++ ++t -- 111 L Itt 78 L 70 L - 41 L - 60 L 86 L 104 L г г г г г 164 C Lr --- J 124 L + ILL 126 L 148 L Pr 119 L 111 гг. 129 L -L 35 U Pri L 91 L MARTIN, Robert Francis McCALLY, Arthur Hamilton McCARTHY, Robert McDOUALL, James MEDHURST, MILNER, Emily MITCHELL, Oliver MONSON, Samuel H. MORGAN, William --- MORRISON, John Robert MORRISON, Mary MORRISON, Robert + + LIL ייי +++ --- J PII N. NAPIER, William John O. ORTON, Maria J. OSBORNE, Henry James OSBORNE, Thomas J. P. PATERSON, Andrew PATTLE, Thomas Charles PIEROT, Jacques LLL J-J rrr ... +++ J PLOWDEN, Catherine PLOWDEN, R. Chicheley PRESTON, Charles Hodge RABINEL, John Henry J P L - R. RAWLE, Samuel Burge LL JL REES, George REES, Maria REYNVAAN, Clazina van Valkenburg RIDDLES, Thomas William RITCHIE, John Hamilton г г г ROBARTS, James Thomas ROBERTS, Edmund ROBERTSON, Roderick Frazer J -- Irr ILL ггг J ייי ... ... 1 U 56 L 120 L 143 L 142 L 141 L rt 141a L 85 L + + 71 L 69 L 82 L +++ + 42 L 45 L I rrr 161 L 158 L 31 U 43 L JJ 134 L 127 L 109 L 106 L 63 L 61 L ILI LLL 157 L 88 L 54 L ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 38 L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH Tibet, Paris, 1940, p. 161.) Actually from the last named (see p. 129, n. 5) and from other sources (such as S. Lévi, Le Népal, II, Paris, 1905, p. 148), we learn that writing was just then being introduced to Tibet. This is a far cry from China's experience of two millennia of writing (before A.D. 600), and the great urge for multiple copies of texts on the part of all sections of the literate community. The first known example of wood-block printing came from Japan during the years 764-770. This is explained by the constant coming and going of Japanese students to T’ang China, and some scholars and Buddhist priests from the mainland to Japan. We learn, for example, of one Chinese scholar becoming head of the new University at Nara in 735, and of one Japanese who, after 19 years in the Chinese capital, returned to Nara, and in 735 became tutor to the empress Shotoku. It was she who ordered the production of one million three storey stupas, in each of which were to be placed six charms. (Only last spring I saw at Horyuji # 96 of these reliquaries, together with six copies of the printed dharani.) The first recorded notice in China is dated 835. It tells of a memorial to the throne suggesting an edict forbidding the printing of calendars from wood-blocks. After this the notices and dated materials recently discovered multiply. I list some of these: 1. Under the date of 839 Ennin mentions seeing one thousand copies of the Nirvana Sutra at Mount Wu-t'ai § J. This is so large a figure one may well wonder if they were printed. 2. It has been suggested that the Vinaya was first printed before 845. We know that the wood-blocks were burned in a fire at Ching-ai ssu in Loyang. So the poet Ssu-k’ung T'u (837-908) proposed the preparation of a fresh edition. 3. Fan Shu, who flourished during the years 860-874, is authority for the statement that Ho-kan Chi T✯ who was active in Kiangsi ⇓ in 846-851, printed several thousand copies of a book concerned with alchemy. 5 4. A beautiful copy of the Diamond Sutra &♬Į✯, printed 868 (it is 174 feet long and 10 inches wide) on white buff paper, was discovered in 1907 at Tunhuang and is now in the British Museum. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 42 L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH manuscripts more than printed ones. To enlarge their collections private owners also exchanged books among themselves. In Sung times a number of collectors left detailed descriptions and catalogues of their collections. Some of these private libraries were put at the disposal of the public; others were turned over to students for their use. The Sung was a period in the history of China noted for many things: advances in material culture, in political development, in science, in the fine arts, in literature, in music, and in thought. These advances may well have been due in large measure to the accessibility of the printed word. BIBLIOGRAPHY For a general discussion of the beginnings of printing in China see Thomas Francis Carter, The Invention of Printing in China and its Spread Westward, revised by L. Carrington Goodrich, second edition, New York, 1955. As a result of new finds in China and fresh investigations some of our earlier conclusions no longer hold. Here are some of the principal studies which have appeared between 1955 and 1962. Chang Hsiu-min, Chung-kuo yin-shua shu ti fa-ming chi ch'i ying-hsiang, Peking, 1958. Chen Tsu-lung, Liste alphabétique des impressions de sceaux aux certains manuscrits retrouvés à Touen-houang et dans les régions avoisinantes, Mélanges publiés par l'Institut des Hautes Études Chinoises II, Paris, 1960. Jao Tsung-i, A study of the Ch'u silk manuscript, Hong Kong, 1958. Ling Shun-sheng, Bark cloth culture and the invention of paper making in ancient China, Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, 11 (Spring 1961), pp. 1-19. Li Shu-hua, The early development of seals and rubbings, Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies, n.s. I, No. 3 (Sept. 1958), pp. 61-90. The printing of books in the latter half of the Tang dynasty, ibid. II, No. 2 (June 1961), pp. 18-32. Chih ts'ung ch'i-yüan, Taipei, 1955. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v PRINTING IN CHINA 43 Tsao chih ti ch'uan-po chi ku chih ti fa-hsien ✯ ✯ 6 #BA÷* ♣, Hsüeh-shu chi k'an $i$i] VI, No. 2 (Dec. 30, 1957), pp. 1-12. T'ang-tai i-ch'ien yu wu tiao-pan yin-shua ARR★T***? , The Continent Magazine ✯✯✯✯ XIV, No. 4 (Feb. 28, 1957), pp. 101-107. Yin-shua fa-ming ti shilrch'i wên-ti * B*A64AM M. ibid. XVII, No. 5 (1958), pp. 133-138; No. 6 (1958), pp. 177-182. Wu-tai shih-ch'i ti yin-shua £ R ★ ép 8), ibid. XXI, No. 3 (Aug. 15, 1960), pp. 107-115, Tun-huang fa-hsien yw-nien-tai ti yimpen ✯UELTIRAP $ ibid. XXI, No. 11 (Dec. 15, 1960), pp. 367-373. Paik, Dr. Nak Choon # #, Tripitaka Koreana ZRAKA, Seoul, 1957. Tsien, T. H. . Written on Bamboo and Silk. The beginnings of Chinese books and inscriptions, Chicago, 1962. For the latter part of my paper I have leaned heavily on K. K. Flug, The history of the printed book in China during the Sung (in Russian), Academy of Sciences, Institute of Orientology, Moscow-Leningrad, 1959. I am grateful to Mrs. Leah Kisselgoff of New York for making its contents available to me. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 70 J. L. CRANMER-BYNG The life of a young attaché is described by Freeman-Mitford in all its facets; fun and boredom together. By mid-June the temperature in the Legation was between 95° and 107° Fahrenheit, so the majority of its members moved out to the Western Hills and took up residence in part of the Pi-Yün Ssu, the Temple of the Azure Clouds, the most beautiful of all the temples in the Western Hills. But even then he had to ride to the Legation (a distance of about 12 miles) from time to time to 'copy despatches'. Even while in the Western Hills it was not all sightseeing, as his teacher went with him, and Mitford had to press on with his Chinese studies. However, he contrived to ride out to the Great Wall and to visit the Ming Tombs and the Summer Palace (the I-Ho Yüan) among other places. Not all was heat and perspiration. By the end of October he was writing: "Outside, the rain is falling fitfully and the wind blowing a hurricane; it moans and howls dismally through the courts and cranky buildings of the Legation, piercing its way into all sorts of odd nooks, and routing out old bells that jangle in a harsh and discordant way from the quaint eaves, as if they were angry at being disturbed in their dusty dens. Doors are creaking and timbers groaning in every direction, and the windows threaten to burst in, but the stout Corean paper holds good, though it gets stretched and flaps unpleasantly like loose sails in a calm, and on the whole I confess I prefer glass. Every now and then, as the storm abates for a while, I hear the tap, tap, tap, of the watchman's bamboo as he goes his rounds. In short, we are working gradually into winter."13 The rest of his letters are principally concerned with snow and ice, and on 25th November he mentions that they are sending off the mail that day "in the hopes that it will yet be able to leave Tientsin for Shanghai before we are finally shut out by the frost from all communication with the outer world." However, in winter there were compensations. A skating rink was fixed up inside the Legation; food was more enjoyable because there was now plenty of game—hares, pheasants, wild duck, and venison; and also by now pears and grapes were available. In February 13 Ibid., 163-4. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v NOTES AND QUERIES 145 September 1834 stated: "The English barbarians have always been very cunning. Hitherto they have squatted in Macao and have coveted Ta Yu Shan.1 Towards the end of this memorandum he wrote: "Moreover your minister has dispatched three hundred picked troops from [his] Regiment and appointed the tu-ssu2 (? 'Captain') Hung Fa-k'e to go to Macao to reinforce the garrison. As to the fort[s] on Ta Yü Shan we have sent an officer there to take measures for defence and secretly to make dispositions at every place, without arousing suspicion. As soon as it is ascertained that the barbarians are peaceful we will withdraw them." These precautions were confirmed by an edict issued to the members of the Grand Council dated the 28th day of the 8th month of the 14th year of Tao-kuang's reign (30 September 1834) which contained the following words: "Junior officers and men must be dispatched to the places both inside and outside the provincial capital and to the neighbourhood of Macao and to the forts of Ta Yü Shan, and patrolling must be increased without arousing suspicion, and precautions taken unostentatiously. Inside the walls of the old fort there is now a flourishing Government-subsidised school and it all looks very neat and peaceful; very different from the time when active preparations were made there to repel a possible attack from the British. It would be interesting to know more about this fort and also the one at Fan Lau. Can anyone add any further information? J. L. CRANMER-BYNG. 1 The Chinese name of the island called by foreigners Lantao. Text in Shih-liao hsün-k'an, #21, 765b, column 6. 2 Ibid., 766, columns 11-12. 3 There was another fort on Lantao at Fan Lau on the Southwest corner of the island, 4 Tung-hua hsü-lu. Reprinted in Chiang T'ing-fu, Chin-tai Chung-kuo wai-chiao shih tzu-liao chi-yao, Vol. I, p. 10, columns 12-13. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 150 BOYD, J. D. I. BRAGA, J. M. - BREUIL, Mrs. N. du BROMHALL, J. D. BROOKS, D. E. BRUUN, F. - A-1 9th Floor, 2 Oaklands Path, H.K. - P. O. Box 951, H.K. 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. Fisheries Research Station. The Fish Market, Island Road, Aberdeen. Radio Hong Kong, Rodney Block, G/F., Wellington Barracks, H.K. 908, Takshing House, H.K. BURKHARDT, Col. V. R. - 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. BYRNE, D. J. - CALCINA, P. G. * CHAN, Dr. H. C. - CHAN, Hok-lam CHAN, Leonard + CHAU, Hon. Sir T. N. *- CHAU, Wah-ching CHENG, T. C.. CHEONG-LEEN, Hilton + c/o China Light & Power Co., Ltd. Argyle St., Kowloon. Commercial Investment Co., Ltd., Union House, 12th Floor, H.K. Bank of Canton Building, H.K. c/o Department of History, Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. c/o Pâzer Corporation, G.P.O. 323, H.K. 8, Queen's Road, West, H.K. English Department, Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. United College of H.K., Bonham Road, H.K. G.P.O. Box 584, 310 Yu To Sang Building, H.K. CHESTERMAN, Prof. W. D. 4 Felix Villas, Pokfulum, H.K. CHEUNG, O. CHING, Henry CHING, Joseph - CHIU, Miss B. T. CHIU, Ling-yeong CHOA, Dr. G. H. CHOW, Edward T. CLARK, Mrs. N. E. COHN, Dr. A. J. - COLE, M. 1002, Alexandra House, H.K. 9, Village Road, 1st Floor, H.K. c/o U.S. Consulate-General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. Department of Botany, The University, H.K. 167, Yee Kuk Street, 3rd Floor, Shumshuipo, Kowloon. Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K. 3 Village Terrace, Happy Valley, H.K. 71, Peak Road, H.K. 116, Leighton Road, Lei Shun Court, 6th Floor, "F", H.K. 16, Conduit Road, H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 152 FABER, S. E. FAERBER, M. + FAERBER, Mrs. M. FEARON, J. FISHER-SHORT, W. FITZGIBBON, D. J. - FOERSTER, E. J FOORD, Dr. Roy D. FREEDMAN, Dr. M. FRIEDMAN, J. FUNG, K. S. FUNG, Hon. Ping-fan * + GABBOTT, F. R. GALVIN, J. A. T. * GARCIA, A. GEORGE, Mrs. R. M. GEORGE, T. J. B. GIBB, H. GIEDROYC, M. J. H. GILES, R. GLOVER, G. F. GLOVER, Mrs. J. GOLDNEY, Miss C. M. GOOD, Major D. A. - - + I. Repulse Bay Road, H.K. + c/o Paragon Book Gallery, 140 East 59th Street, New York 22, N.Y., U.S.A. c/o Paragon Book Gallery, 140 East 59th Street, New York 22, N.Y., U.S.A. 41, Thorny Road, Thornhill, Cumberland, England. c/o Education Department (H.K. Sub-Office), Fung House, H.K. c/o P. W. D., Central Government Offices, H.K. c/o P. O. Box 25, H.K. c/o Medical & Health Department, Tower Court, Hysan Avenue, H.K. 187, Gloucester Place, St. Marylebone, London, N.W.1., England. American Consulate-General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. c/o Hang Tai & Fungs Co., Ltd., 20, Queen's Road, Central, H.K. Bank of East Asia Ltd., 10 Des Voeux Road, C., H.K. P. O. Box 232, H.K. c/o G. B. Godfrey, Esq., Jardine House, 13/F., H.K. c/o South Kowloon Magistracy, Kowloon. c/o Political Adviser, Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o Political Adviser, Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Vantage House, Tai Po Road, Kowloon. c/o Crown Lands & Survey Office, P.W.D., H.K. 5-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. 5-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. CRE, Hong Kong, British Forces Post Office 1, H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 154 HSUEH, Dr. C. T. HUGHES, G. M. - HUGHES, Mrs. G. M. * HUGHES, W. I. - HUNG, C. S. INGLES, Miss J. M. INGLETON, N. J. C. JACKSON, R. N. JONES, Dr. J. R.* KELLY, Miss E. KEOWN, W. C. - KEYES, M. P. KHAN, Dr. L. A. KIDD, S. T. KILBORN, Prof. L. G. KIRBY, Prof. E. S. KNIGHTLY, F. J. H + - + Department of History, The University, H.K. American International Assurance Co., Ltd., American International Bldg., H.K. RBL 175, Sassoon Road, H.K. Department of Extra-Mural Studies, H.K.U. 19, Hee Wong Terrace, 1st Floor, H.K. Government House, Garden Road, H.K. Tung Hai Navigation Co., 802, Grand Building, H.K. The Registry, H.K. University. H.K. Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. P. O. Box 117, H.K. c/o Butterfield & Swire, (H.K.) Ltd., Union House, H.K. c/o Jardine. Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. M. O. Tai Lam Prison, N.T. N.T. Administration, N. Kowloon Magis- tracy, Kowloon. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. - 2, University Drive, H.K. The H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn.. H.K. KNOWLES, Hon. W. C. G.* c/o Butterfield & Swire Ltd., Union House. H.K. KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G.* c/o Butterfield & Swire Ltd., Union House, KRAMERS, Dr. R. P. KVAN, Rev. E. * KWAN, Hon. C. Y. * KWOK, Hon. Chan * KWOK Miss Rose Y. KWOK, W. LACEY, J. A. L - - - H.K. Pink House, 8-B Shatin Heights, N.T. St. John's College, Hong Kong University. Pokfulum, H.K. Room 736, Alexandra House, H.K. c/o Hang Seng Bank Ltd., Hang Seng Bank Building, Des Voeux Road, Central, H.K. 7 Arbuthnot Road, H.K. 39-B Estoril Court, H.K. c/o American Consulate-General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 156 LUPTON, G. C. M. MA, Meng MCBAIN, E. B. MCCABE, Mrs. S. J MCCRARY, M. * McDOUALL, Hon. J. C. MCGRATH, D. B. MACK, A. M. The District Officer, Taipo, N.T. Institute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K. c/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K. New Tregunter Mansion, Old Peak Road, H.K. 25-A Robinson Road, Top Floor, H.K. c/o Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, Connaught Road, Central, H.K. c/o U.S. Consulate-General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. c/o Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn, 9 Gracechurch Street, London, E.C.3, U.K. MCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. M. J. Maryknoll Fathers, Stanley, H.K. MALLORY-BROWNE, W. MANEELY, R. B. MARTIN, Rev. Canon E. W. L. MAYNARD, Prof. D. M. MIDDLEBROOK, R. W. 2, Old Peak Road, H.K. Anatomy Department, The University, H.K. St. John's College, 82, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. c/o Pfizer Corporation, 1524/36 Union House, H.K. MINETT, Lt. Col. F. R. D. British Military Hospital, Rinteln, Weser, B.F.P.O. 29, West Germany. MORGAN, L. G. MOSCROP, Miss M. E. c/o Hong Kong & Shanghai Bank, 9 Gracechurch Street, London, E.C.3, England. MOYLE, G. C. NEWBIGGING, D. K. NIXON, F. A. NG, Y. L. NOBLE, H. OKA, T. 47 Eastern Street, 2nd Floor, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. (Shipping A/C's Department), Jardine House, H.K. Room 63, Hong Kong Club, H.K. Department of History, The University, H.K. Ying Wah College, Bute Street, Kowloon, H.K. 124, Pokfulum Road, H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1963 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v 158 SCHWARZ, Miss M. D. * 1, Clovelly Court, 12 May Road, H.K. SCOTT, A. C. SCOTT, J. M. SELLERS, D. - SHEPHARD, A. J. SHU, Dr. H. T. SHUI, Chien-tung SIDBURY, H. SIDWA, Mrs. M. C. SIMPSON, R. F. ++ SKELSON, Mrs. M. C. - SKELSON, R. E. SMALL, C. J. SMITH, L. * SMITH, L. A. SMITH, S. H. * SOONG, N. - G = SPERRY, H. M. * - STANTON, W. T. * STANLEY, Major H. F. STARBIRD, L. R. STENTON, Prof. H. STOCK, Prof. F. E. STOKES, J. STONEY, G. S. STONEY, Mrs. G. S. University of Wisconsin, Madison 6, U.S.A, c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. c/o Labour Department, 22 Ice House St., H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Rd., H.K. 70, Mt. Davis Road, G/F., H.K. Maryknoll Convent School, Kowloon. Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. Department of Education, The University, H.K. c/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. c/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. 34, Arundel Avenue, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada. 23-A, Robinson Road, H.K. 2741, SW 22nd Ave. Coconut Grove, Miami 33, Florida, U.S.A. c/o Messrs. Scott & English Ltd., P. O. Box 1555, H.K. Asia Magazine, 31 Queen's Road, Central, H.K. 2 Queen's Road, Central, H.K. Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. Hong Kong Tourist Association, Caroline Mansion, H.K. c/o The American Consulate-General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. Department of Botany, The University, H.K. Hong Kong University, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o Education Department, Battery Path, H.K. 301, Grand View Mansion, 1 Wang Fung Terrace, H.K. 301, Grand View Mansion, 1 Wang Fung Terrace. H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON 39 was persuaded to join the firm of Baring Brothers & Co. In 1873 he became senior partner of the house, finally retiring in 1882. (L.T.R.) 24 Lin Tse-hsü's fate. Hunter long survived Commissioner Lin. Lin Tse-hsü was dismissed from office in 1840 and later sentenced to exile in Ili in Chinese Turkistan, where he remained for three years. He was allowed to return to Peking in 1845. He later served as Governor-General of Yunnan and Kweichow, and retired from office in 1849. He died in 1850 at the age of sixty-seven. (J.L.C.B.) 25 Heang-shan (Heungshan). Former name of the District in which Macao lies. Re-named Chung-shan in honour of Sun Yat-sen. (J.L.C-B.) 26 Morrison. John Robert Morrison (1814-1843) was born in Macao, the second son of Dr. Robert Morrison and his first wife Mary (née Morton). He had some schooling in England but at the age of twelve he came back to Canton with his father in 1826. He became a fluent Cantonese speaker as well as a Chinese scholar, and on the death of his father in 1834 was appointed Chinese Secretary to H.M.'s Commission in China. In 1838 he became, in addition, Interpreter, and in 1841 succeeded Elmslie as Secretary and Treasurer to the Superintendent of British Trade in China. In 1843 he was appointed Chinese Secretary and member of the Executive Council of the newly founded Colony of Hong Kong and was recommended for appointment, by the Governor, as Colonial Secretary. Before the appointment was approved, however, he died in Macao in August 1843, and was buried in the Old Protestant Cemetery there. (L.T.R.) 27 Kwang Chow Foo. Kuang-chou fu The Prefect of the Prefecture of which Canton was the chief city. (J.L.C-B.) 28 Kam Hay Hue. No such title. But I suspect Hunter intended to indicate the Namhoi Hien which title was sometimes written Nam Hoy Hien. See note 14. (J.L.C-B.) 29 Pwan Yu Hue. Also written Punyu Hien. The magistrate having jurisdiction over the eastern part of Canton city and the District lying to the westward of the walls which included Whampoa and the foreign shipping there. (J.L.C-B.) 30 Fearon, Samuel Turner Fearon was the second son of Christopher Fearon and Elizabeth Noad who were married on 14 May 1818 at the Streatham Parish Church. His father served as a midshipman at the Battle of Trafalgar and after being discharged from the Royal Navy he joined the Honourable East India Company's marine service. In this service he made a number of voyages to Canton and when he decided to take a shore posting there he brought his wife and family out with him. Samuel became a fluent Cantonese speaker and in 1838 was appointed Interpreter to the Canton General Chamber of Commerce. After the cession of Hong Kong he was appointed interpreter and clerk of the Chief Magistrate's Court and a couple of months later were added the duties of Notary Public and Coroner. Three years later he was appointed Assistant Magistrate of Police and on 1st January 1845 he became Registrar General and Collector of Revenue. In July 1845 he was granted a year's sick leave and while in England he was appointed Professor of Chinese at King's College, London, an appointment which he held from December 1846 until December 1852. (L.T.R.) 31 Van Basel. Magdalenus Jacobus Senn van Basel, born in Groningen, Holland on 27 September 1808, was appointed clerk in the Dutch Consulate at Canton in 1826, and Vice-Consul in November 1831. He was later in partnership with G. M. Toe Laer and P. Tiedenan in the firm of Senn van Basel & Toe Laer & Co. In 1848 he became Collector General of Taxes ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r HONG KONG BEFORE THE CHINESE 61 D 27 Now known as Daar-gwuur-Irerng, , an odd name for a valley. 28 dheng, $7. 29 dheonn, *. 30 Dhung-chung, kia. 31 Dhung-gwuurn, **, previously Dhung-gwhuunn, ★T. + 32 Discovery Bay is the bay NW of Peng Chau109 on which stand the villages of Tai Pak, Yi Pak, Sam Pak and Sz Pak,35 33 Draai-bou or Draai-brou, that the latter pronunciation is the original is shown by the Hakka Thay-puuh, not -bhuuh. 34 Draaibou-traw, . 35 Draai-braak, ē, Jri-braak, Sei-braak, N‘. 36 Draai-brou-xoe, ★#* - , Shaamm-braak, and Draai-durng-shaann, AB4 or Draai-dungv-shaann, tu see 37. 37 Draai-jryr-shaann, ★★λ, formerly Draai-xray-shaann, ★★; the name Lantao appears to be of Portuguese rather than Chinese origin, like Lamma, Lema etc. The two peaks are Frungwrong-shaann, ABEL and Draai-durng-shaann, AB or Draai-dungv-shaann. ★ikus, . 38 Draai-laarm, £. 39 Draai-mrou-shaann, ★Ḭu, or ★# + 40 Draal-prang, see the section on sea defence in the San On Yuen Chi,123 The fort so named was originally on the Saikung126 Peninsula, then shifted to its present location N.E. of Mirs Bay, 41 Draaiprang-whaann, ★★. The English name is a corruption of Ma Shi Wan,92 42 Draaltraw-shaann, AML, formerly Sreoi-jran **. Draai-xray. shaann, i see 37. — 43 Draan-ghaah, . There have been many attempts to prove that these people are anything but what they clearly are the original inhabitants of the South China coast. 44 Drang, B. 45 Druk-ngrow-gorng, H¶4. 46 drungv,, a word repeatedly used in the Histories to denote different Man88 tribes. 47 Dryn . F 48 Farn-Irearng, Fhann-Irearng, (formerly Fhann-Irearng, $4). see 48. 49 Fhukgin-saarng, No★★. 50 Fhukzhaw, 15M - ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r BOOK REVIEWS 135 The First 50 Years is not only a beautiful memento of the Jubilee Year but also an interesting first history of the University and a useful work of reference. More research is needed on certain subjects, such as the activities of graduates in China and in Southeast Asia as well as in the colony itself. I suspect that the University and the Medical College which preceded it, and such secondary schools as Central (later Queen's College) and Belilios, exercised more influence in China than is generally recognized. For that matter all of the contributions of Hong Kong to the modernization of China need study; many of these have not even been identified. When the definitive history of the University of Hong Kong is written, after considerably more research has been done, The First 50 Years will be one of the principal sources. Cornell University KNIGHT BIGGERSTAFF, THE CHINESE ON THE ART OF PAINTING: TRANSLATIONS AND COMMENTS. Osvald Sirén. Schocken Books, New York, and Hong Kong University Press, 1963. 21 monochrome illustrations. H.K.$16. U.S.$1.95. This book was first published by the firm of Henri Vetch in Peiping in 1936 and had long been out of print. It is excellent to see it available again, this time in a paper-back edition, printed on good paper, with reasonably wide margins, attractive print, and twenty-one extremely good black and white illustrations. This book was a landmark in the study of Chinese painting in the West when it first appeared because it gave the reader, through translation and comment, a knowledge of the attitudes of Chinese painters to their craft throughout the centuries. Now it is again available to a new generation of readers who will be able to discover what the Chinese themselves have said about the art of painting. It contains extracts in translation from Kuo Hsi's famous Shan Shui Hsün (“Comments on Landscape"), put together by his son who gives us a vivid picture of his father's method in the following passage: "On the days when he was going to paint (he would place himself) at a bright window before a clean table and burned incense right and left. He took a fine ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 136 BOOK REVIEWS brush and the most excellent ink, washed his hands and cleaned the ink stone as if to receive an important guest. He let the thoughts settle in his soul, and then he work” (page 46). Among other essays and jotting here translated should be mentioned Ching Hao's "Notes on Brush-work" and the Hua Yü Lu #4 ("Notes on Painting") by Shih-t'ao of the Ch'ing dynasty. One sentence from Shih-t'ao's essay is typical of his attitude: "When the superior man borrows from the old masters, he does it in order to open a new road Two illustrations gave me special pleasure: "Misty Hills" by Ch'en Shun and "Peach-blossom Spring" by Shih-t'ao (plates 18 and 19). The book is equipped with a full index of Chinese names, terms and books with their Chinese characters. This new edition of an important work by the doyen of Western authorities on Chinese art can be recommended to all who are interested in Chinese painting and it serves as introduction to Sirén's magnum opus, his Chinese Painters, Leading Masters and Principles in seven volumes.* J. L. C-B. THE ART OF CHINESE POETRY. James J. Y. Liu. Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1962. 166 pages. 30/- Mr. James Liu's book is a fine introduction to the poetry of China for the uninitiated, and a substantial source of information and enjoyment for the sophisticated. Of a moderate size, the book is divided into three sections. Part I consists mainly of information, Part II of interpretation and Part III of criticism. The subject is generously illustrated with short poems translated by Mr. Liu and others. A remarkable feature of this book is the way in which Chinese poems are translated. Mr. Liu has in many cases followed the original verse form and rhyme scheme, a difficult and painstaking process requiring considerable virtuosity and originality. What he does, goes contrary to prevailing fashion and one is not surprised to find the critic of the Times Literary Supplement, while maintaining the general excellence of the book, taking *Lund Humphries, 1956. Profusely illustrated, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r NOTES AND QUERIES 153 the cultivation of all plants whose names are qualified by the prefix faan," used for immigrants such as the tomato, the guava, the rambutan, one kind of melon, and the sweet potato. The peanut is not so qualified and it would appear that the prefix faan is used only for importations from the Pacific. The peanut bears no indication of foreign origin in its name. I do not know what it is called in the various dialects of Fukien, but Chinese books of reference refer to it as lok fa shang. The Cantonese name is fa shang, which is clearly an abbreviation of the former, while the Hakka name is ti tiu, which means earth bean. Again it might be of some assistance if there could be recorded the names by which this plant has been known both in Arabia and in other countries of the Middle and Far East to which the Arabs introduced it. Another introduction, perhaps better described as a reintroduction, was the lemon. It would appear that the first Arab traders on their admission to Canton at the end of the sixth century took back with them the seeds of a plant then described in Chinese as yi mo (itself clearly a non-Han name) and from that plant developed and cultivated the now well-known lemon-shaped lemon which they called by the name Al-Laimûn which is the old Chinese name arabized by the common ending -n and the initial slurred with the definite article. The Cantonese then re-borrowed the Arabic name in the form of ning mung12 which we still use. Another Arabic word which was introduced into the language of Canton was the word amah, now familiar in the meaning of a Chinese female servant employed by a foreign family, which has nothing to do with the Cantonese word for grandmother2 but is a word for a female servant common to all the Semitic languages, including Hebrew it will be found in the Books of Exodus, xxiii. 12, Judges xix. 9 and many other places in the Bible. I suspect that many of the other words commonly used in Cantonese to express special relationships between Chinese and foreigners could also be found to have an origin in Arabic, Malay or other languages used by foreign traders in Canton before any Europeans were heard of: for example, sz tsai,16 sz tau,15 (which I think is the Arabic sayyid,1 fa wongł which is clearly the same word as the Urdu malik, originally meaning king and then gardener; kwun-tim," sz-naai14 and taipan3 If this surmise is correct, then these words are likely to have been ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 156 BENHAM, Miss M. E. M. - Harcourt Health Centre, Morrison Hill Rd., BERTOVICH, Miss R. C. BIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D. BLACK, D. BLACK, Mrs. W. A. BLACKMORE, M. BLATCHFORD, C. H. BLUNDEN, Prof. E. C. BOAK, C. D. BOARD, D. B. M.* BOLLMEYER, Mrs. H. BONSALL, G. W. BORGEEST, G. BOXER, B. BOYD, J. D. I. BRAGA, J. M. BREUIL, Mrs. N. du BROMHALL, J. D. BROOKS, D. E. BROWNE, H. J. C. BRUNN, F. BUCKNELL, P. BYRNE, D. J. H.K. R.D. No. 1, Box 220, Masontown, Pa. U.S.A. 7, Braga Circuit, Kowloon. Long Acre, Gullane, East Lothian, Scotland. 10-A, Stanley Beach Road, Stanley, H.K. Dept. of History, H.K. University, H.K. New Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. H.K. University, Pokfulum, H.K. Dept. of Modern Languages, H.K. University, H.K. c/o Education Dept., Battery Path, H.K. 408/9 Yu To Sang Building, 37 Queen's Road, C., H.K. H.K. University Library, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 1058, H.K. 2, Percival Street, 3rd floor, H.K. c/o Political Adviser, Colonial Secretariat, H.K. P. O. Box 951, H.K. 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. Fisheries Research Station, The Fish Market, Island Road, Aberdeen, H.K. Radio Hong Kong, Mercury House, H.K. c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. 908 Takshing House, H.K. Legal Dept. Central Govt. Offices, H.K. BURKHARDT, Col. V. R. 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. CALCINA, P. G.* CAMERON, N. CASHMORE, Miss M. CHAN, Fook-Lam CHAN, Dr. Hee Chi P. O. Box 15118, H.K Commercial Investment Co., Ltd., Union House, 12th floor, H.K. 75, Deepwater Bay Road, H.K. 9A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. 77 Chun Yeung Street, 10th floor, H.K. Bank of Canton Building, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 157 CHAN, L. CHAN, Hok-Lam CHAPMAN, Dr. G. W. - CHẦU, Hon. Sir Tsun-nin CHAU, Wah Ching CHEN, Yih CHENG, Dr. Irene CHENG, T. C. - CHESTERMAN, Prof. W. D. CHEUNG, Oswald CHING, Henry CHING, Joseph CHIU, Miss Bek To CHOA, Dr. Gerald H. CHOW, Edward T. CHUN, Dr. C. T. = CLARK, Mrs. E. E. CLARK, Mrs. N. E. + CLUTTERBUCK, Miss A. COBBAN, K. M. COHN, Dr. A. J. COLE, M. CRAGG, N. F. - - CUMINE, E. CUMMING, M. S. DAIKO, P. D'ALMADA, C. P. + - + - c/o Pfizer Corporation, G.P.O. Box 323, H.K. 3327 Graduate College, Princeton University, Princeton, N.Y., U.S.A. c/o The Nethersole Hospital, Bonham Rd., H.K. 8 Queen's Road, West, Hong Kong. English Dept. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. 406A Bank of East Asia Building, H.K. c/o Confucian Tai Shing School, H.K.L.L. No. 4405, Sam Po Kong, Kowloon. United College, Bonham Road, H.K. 4, Felix Villas, H.K. 1002, Alexandra House, H.K. 9 Village Road, 1st floor, H.K. c/o U.S. Consulate-General, 26 Garden Rd., H.K. 168 Ebury Street, London S.W.1., England. Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K. 3. Village Terrace, Happy Valley, H.K. New Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. Tytam Villa, 30 Tai Tam Road, H.K. c/o The H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. The Helena May, Garden Road, H.K. Flat 33, Mount Austin Mansions, 8 Mt. Austin Road, H.K. 116, Leighton Road, Lei Shun Court, 6th floor, "F", H.K. 16 Conduit Road, H.K. 11, Peak Pavillons, 12 Mt. Kellett Road, H.K. 14, Embassy Court, H.K. c/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. P. O. Box 201, H.K. Casa Branca, Lot No. 270, Silver Strand, Clearwater Bay Road, N.T. • Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 158 DANSEY-BROWNING, Lt. Col. G. C. - Government Ophthalmic Centre, Arran St., Mongkok, Kowloon. DANSEY-BROWNING, Mrs. S. M. - c/o The European Y.M.C.A., Salisbury Rd., Kowloon. DAVIES, D. G. - Flat 5, 94D, Pokfulum Road, H.K. DAVIS, Dr. S. G. - Dept. of Geography & Geology, The University, H.K. DEANS PEGGS, Dr. A. - c/o Education Department, Battery Path, H.K. DJOU, G. G. - c/o American International Assnce. Co., Ltd., 12-14 Queen's Road, Central, H.K. DOLBY, A. W. E. - Flat A1, 9th Floor, 2 Oaklands Path, H.K. DONEGAN, Miss P. L. - American Consulate-General, Hong Kong. DONOHUE, P. - 31, George St., Mablethorpe, Lincs., England. DRAKE, Mrs. F. S. - Lincot, Stoke Road, North Curry, Taunton, Somerset, England. DRAKE, Prof. F. S. - As above. DRAKEFORD, L. S. - 25 Chatham Road, 11th Floor, Front, Kowloon. DUNCANSON, J. D.* - c/o The British Embassy, Saigon, Vietnam. DUNT, P. - P. O. Box 94, H.K. EDWARDS, O. P. - c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn. H.K. EITZEN, Mrs. J. - 22 Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. ELLISON, K. - c/o Housing Authority, G.P.O. Building, H.K. ELWOOD, O. J. O. - A-4, Royden Court, 129 Repulse Bay Rd., H.K. ENDACOTT, G. B. - Warden, May Hall, The University, H.K. ENGEL, Dr. D. - 542, Alexandra House, Hong Kong. EVANS, Mrs. P. J. - Ray-O-Vac International Corpn., 604 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. EVANS, Mrs. P. J. - 33 Tung Tau Wan Road, Stanley, H.K. EWING, Miss E.* - 13, Rodmarton Street, London, W.1. England. FABER, Mrs. A. - 10, Cooper Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. FABER, S. E. - 1 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. FAERBER, M. - c/o Paragon Book Gallery, 140 East 59th Street, New York 22, N.Y., U.S.A. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 159 FAERBER, Mrs. M. FEARON, J. FISHER-SHORT, W. FITZGIBBON, D. J. FOERSTER, E. J. FOGG, Miss M. FOORD, Dr. R. D. FRASER, A. N. FREEDMAN, Dr. M. FUNG, K. S. FUNG, Hon. Ping-fan* FUSSELL, A. P. GABBOTT, F. R. GALVIN, J. A. T.* GARCIA, A. GARD, Dr. R. A. GEORGE, T. J. B. GIBB, H. GIEDROYC, M. J. H. GILES, R. GLASGOW, Mrs. J. A. GLOVER, G. F. GLOVER, Mrs. J. GODFREY, G. GOLDNEY, Miss C. M. c/o Paragon Book Gallery, 140 East 59th Street, New York 22, N.Y., U.S.A. Flat A, 123 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. Education Dept. (H.K. Sub-Off.), Fung House, H.K. Honeysuckle Cottage, Cinder Hill, North Chailey, Sussex, England. c/o P. O. Box 25, H.K. c/o Physiotherapy Training School, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. Flat 33, Mount Nicholson, H.K. Apt. 6, 88 Pokfulum Road, H.K. London School of Economics & Political Science, University of London, Houghton St., Aldwych, London, W.C.2., England. c/o Hang Tai & Fungs Co., Ltd., 20 Queen's Road, C., H.K. Bank of East Asia, Ltd., 10 Des Voeux Rd., C., H.K. "Inspectorate Mess", Wong Tai Sin Police Station, Kowloon. P. O. Box 232, H.K. c/o G. B. Godfrey, Esq., Jardine House, 13/F., H.K. c/o South Kowloon Magistracy, Kowloon. c/o American Consulate-General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. c/o Political Adviser, Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Vantage House, Tai Po Road, Kowloon. c/o Crown Lands & Survey Office, P.W.D., H.K. 39-E, Burnside Estate, South Bay Road, H.K. 5-A Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. As above. Peninsula Court, Kowloon, c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy LYRIAU DOVANJ ** ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 160 GOOD, Major D. A. - GOODRICH, Prof. L. C. CRE, Hong Kong, British Forces Post Office 1, H.K. 504 Kent Hall, Columbia University, New York 27, New York, U.S.A. GORDON, The Hon, S. S.* Messrs. Lowe, Bingham & Matthews, 701 GOTTSCHALK, E. GRAY, Dr. D. E. - Alexandra House, H.K. 6, Macdonnell Road, Apt. 15, H.K. Dept. of Biochemistry, The University, H.K. GUADAGNINI, Dr. P. GUILLAUME, Baron P. de 5. Coombe Road, H.K. Via Buon compani, No. 16, Rome. HARMAN, A. L. HARRISON, Prof. B. HAYDON, E. S. HAYES, J. W. HAYIM, E. J.* HAYWARD, G. W. HENSMAN, Dr. Bertha HERRIES, M. A. R. D'HESTROY, Baron de Gaiffier HILL, D. A. HINDMARSH, R. H. HO, Mrs. Hung Chiu HO, Hung-pong HO, Teh-kuei HO, Tickon* HOCHSTADTER, W. HOGAN, T The Hon. Sir M., Kt. HOLMES, Hon. D. R. + HOPKINSON, Mrs. J. E, T ■ H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Dept. of History, The University, H.K. The Supreme Court, H.K. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K. 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. White Mill End, 5 Granville Road, Sevenoaks, Kent, England. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. c/o Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. Belgian Consul-General, 105 H.K. & Shanghai Bank Bldg., H.K. USOM-UD-P, American Embassy, Seoul, Korea. 228 Wang Hing Building, H.K. 11, Briar Avenue, First Floor, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 340, King's Road, 3rd floor, H.K. 50, Village Road, Ground Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. c/o Mme. N. du Breuil, 86, Main St., Stanley, H.K. Chief Justice's Chambers, Supreme Court, H.K. Commerce and Industry Dept. Fire Brigade Bldg., H.K. c/o Legal Dept., Central Govt. Offices, H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 163 LECKIE, J, B. H. LEE, Harold W. LEE, J. S. LEE, Hon. R. C.* LEUNG, Kai-cheong + LI, Shi-yi LI, T. K. LI, Dr. Tsoo-yiu* LINDSAY, T. J. LINDSAY, Mrs. B. E. LIU, D. H. LIU, Dr. Tsun-yan LLEWELLYN, J. LO, Chin-tang LO, Hsiang-lin LO, T. S.* LOSEBY, Miss P. LOTHROP, F. B.* LUCAS, Col. E. S. S. LUM, Miss Ada* LUPTON, G. C. M. LYM, Miss R. M. - MA, Meng MCBAIN, E. B. MACCABE, Miss E. MCCABE, Mrs. S. J. + + + - + P. O. Box 94, H.K. 604 Edinburgh House, H.K. 74, Kennedy Road, H.K. Lee Hysan Estate Co., Ltd., 604 Edinburgh House, H.K. c/o Registration Section, Education Dept., Battery Path, H.K. 72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon. 49, Village Road, Ground floor, H.K. 1C-3C Broom Road, H.K. Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. 26 Severn Road, H.K. c/o American Consulate-General, Garden Road, H.K. c/o Faculty of Oriental Studies, Australian National University, Box 197, Post Office, Canberra, A.C.T., Australia. Dept. of Geography & Geology, H.K.U. Dept. of Chinese, The University, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University, H.K. c/o Lo and Lo, Jardine House, 7/F., Pedder St., H.K. c/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K. c/o Peabody Museum, Salem, Mass, USA. 94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. 142, Boundary Street, Kowloon. The District Officer, Taipo, N.T. Park Mansions, 4 Mile Taipo Road, 1st floor, Kowloon. Institute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K. c/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K. King's Park House, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon. New Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 164 MCCRARY, M.* MCDOUALL, Hon. J. C. MACK, A. M. MCELNEY, B. S. MCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. M. J. MACKENZIE, J. MACKENZIE, Miss S. MALLORY-BROWNE, G. E. 25-A Robinson Road, Top floor, H.K. Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, Connaught Road, C., H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., 9 Gracechurch Street, London, E.C.3., England. Johnson Stokes & Master, H.K. Bank Building, H.K. St. Peter in Chains Catholic Church, Kowloontsai, Kowloon, Davie, Boag & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. 17 Chater Hall, Conduit Road, H.K. 15, Cooper Road, H.K. MALLORY-BROWNE, W. Asta Foundation, 2 Old Peak Road, H.K. MANEELY, R. B. MARSHALL, Dr. Patricia M. MARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J. Anatomy Dept., The University, H.K. Zoology Dept., The University, H.K. P. O. Box 472, Macau. MAYNARD, Prof. D. M. Foothill College, Los Altos Hills, California, U.S.A. MIDDLEBROOK, R. W.* 165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A. MILBURN, K. MILLER, C. F. O.* Marine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C., H.K. c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea, MINETT, Lt. Col. F. R. D. British Military Hospital, Rinteln, Weser, MORGAN, L. G. MOSCROP, Miss M. E. MOYLE, G. C. NABHOLZ, Mrs. M. E. NEWBIGGING, D. K. NG, Peter Y. L. NG, Ronald, C. Y. British Forces Post Office 29, West Germany. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Bank, 9 Gracechurch Street, London, EC.3., England. 76, Peak Road, The Peak, H.K. c/o Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. 820-823, Union House, H.K. Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. (Shipping Accounts Dept.) H.K. Dept. of History, The University, H.K. 164, Prince Edward Rd., 1st floor, Kowloon. * Life Member Please notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 166 RATH, F. C. REID, A. R. RICHARDS, G. RIDE, Lady L. T.* RIDE, Sir L. T.* ROBINSON, F. C. + ROOKE, Miss B. E. ROSS, Cdr. R. D. ROTHE, U.* ROY, Dr. A. + RUDGE, Mrs. A. K. RUMJAHN, S. M. + RUTTONJEE, Mrs. A. RUTTONJEE, Hon. D. RYAN, The Rev. Father T. F. RYDINGS, H. A. SAUNDERS, J. A. H. SCHOYER, B. P. SCHWARZ, Miss M. D.* SCOTT, A. C. SCOTT, J. M. SELLERS, D. SELLETT, G.* SHEKURY, Miss E. SHEPHARD, A. J. SHU, Dr. H. T. SHUI, Chien-tung H + Muller & Phipps (China) Ltd., P.O. Box 25, H.K. P.O. Box 479, H.K. 19, Douglas Apts., Old Peak Road, H.K. The Lodge, 1 University Drive, H.K. As above. c/o The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. 3-B, 3 University Drive, H.K. H.M.S. Tamar, H.K. c/o Deutsch-Asiatische Bank, Postfach 944, 2 Hamburg 1, Germany. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, New Territories. 2 Macdonnell Road, H.K. P.O. Box 448, H.K. 2 Conduit Road, H.K. As above. Wah Yan College, 281, Queen's Road, East, H.K. H.K. University Library, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. New Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. 1 Clovelly Court, 12 May Road, H.K. Univ. of Wisconsin, Dept. of Speech, 2201 Univ. Ave., Madison 6, Wisconsin, U.S.A. c/o H.K. Exchange Control, Fung House, H.K. c/o Labour Department, 22 Ice House Street, H.K. "Pinecrest", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon. 14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. 70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. Tsing Hua College, 263 Prince Edward Road, Kowloon. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 167 SIDBURY, H. SIKORA, F. SIMPSON, R. F. SINFIELD, G. H. C. SKELSON, Mrs. M. C. SKELSON, R. E. SLEVIN, B. SMALL, C. J. SMALL, Dr. D. H. SMITH, L. SMITH, L. A. SMITH, S. H. SMITH, Miss M. H. SOONG, N. SPERRY, H. M. STANLEY, Major H. F. STANTON, W. T. STARBIRD, L. R. STENTON, Prof. H. STOKES, J. STONEY, Mrs. G. S. STONEY, G. S. STOCK, Prof. F. E. T Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. 29 Southbay Road, H.K. Dept. of Education, The University, H.K. H.K. Telephone Co., Ltd., Lane Crawford House, H.K. c/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K. As above. c/o 1st floor, Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. 34, Arundel Avenue, Canada. Ottawa, Ontario, Canada. Dental Unit, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. 23-A Robinson Road, H.K. 2741, SW 22nd Ave. Coconut Grove, Miami 33, Florida, U.S.A. c/o Messrs. Scott & English Ltd., P.O. Box 1555, H.K. 610, King's Park House, Kowloon. Asia Magazine, 31 Queen's Road, Central, H.K. 2, Queen's Road, Central, H.K. H.K. Tourist Assn., Caroline Mansion, H.K. Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. c/o American Consulate-General, Garden Road, H.K. Dept. of Botany, The University, H.K. c/o Education Department, Battery Path, H.K. 301, Grand View Mansion, 1 Wang Fung Terr., H.K. As above. University of Liverpool, Dept. of Surgery, Liverpool, England. STRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd. SWAN, Miss D. L. SWIRE, A. C. Union House, H.K. Chatham Galleries, 103 Chatham Road, Kowloon. Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. • Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 24 T. HARRISSON and carved wood have also survived there. Some fifty rush mats and wrappings survived under late neolithic or early metal burials in the West Mouth of the Great Cave. PUBLICATIONS Many smaller caves have been studied; and many others are available for study - over fifty. But there is no point in constantly repeating work that is very costly. Rather we seek constantly to define and re-define the project, so as to add new data, modifying or widening ideas — in preference to multiplying the established points. So far, about fifty papers have been published on the Niah results in Asian Perspectives (annually), Archaeological Newsletter, Journal Royal Society of Arts (a general review to 1963), Man (three papers), Oriental Art (Oxford), Artibus Asiae (Switzerland), Bijdragen (Holland), and the Geographical Journal (Royal Geographical Society, London). The full background and a long series of technical reports are published in the last eight issues of the Sarawak Museum Journal (Kuching, Sarawak, East Malaysia). The S.M.J. papers include specific contributions from Dr. R. Brothwell of the British Museum, Miss J. Clutton-Brock of the Institute of Archaeology, Dr. Calvin Wells of the Norwich Museum, Dr. D. A. Hooijer of Leiden and Professor G. H. R. von Koenigswald of the University of Utrecht, Dr. W. S. Solheim of the University of Hawaii, Drs. R. Inger and Wayne King of Chicago, the Earl of Cranbrook and Miss Pat Aldridge (now Dr. P. Marshall) of the University of Hong Kong. While those who have made specialist studies on the spot, working in Kuching, include Lord Medway (both here and at the University of Malaya), Dr. Alastair Lamb (glass beads), Dr. Solheim with Mrs. Lindsay Wall (prehistoric earthenware), Mrs. E. Moore in association with Miss Mary Tregear at the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (Yueh and other early porcelains), Mr. Benedict Sandin and Mr. R. Nyandoh (links to cave and other Niah folklore), Mr. Geoffrey Barnes (burial rites), Mr. J. Revers (U.S. Peace Corps; topography), Professor N. Haile (geology; now of the University of Malaya), Mrs. Barbara Harrisson and her husband. Work of this sort involves multiple cooperation, as has already been well demonstrated by the University team from Hong Kong working on Lantau Island. In 1965-66 we hope to get additional outside help from Dr. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 44 SIR JOHN BOWRING (No. 3.) CANTON, 29TH JUNE, 1855. DEAR SIR, In respect to the question of the Population of China, I have nothing new of any general application to the subject. It would be a good service to the statistics of the race, for Hienfung to make out a general census, as his grandfather did, now forty-three years after the last. The visits made to villages and towns in this prefecture since the breaking out of disturbances last June, have strengthened rather than diminished one's faith in the accuracy of the census. Large towns, like Shihlung, Kiúkiáng, Kinchuh, Fuhshán, Sintsiun, and others, have been found to contain even larger numbers than the representations of the Chinese had led one to believe. Fuhshán occupies even more ground than Canton, rather than less; and several observers agreed in estimating the portion which was burned last autumn as large as the entire western suburbs of Canton. Sintsiun is estimated at Half a Million, though data are wanted to confirm this figure. You will see a list of villages enumerated by Mr. Bonney in the Anglo-Chinese Calendars for 1852 and 1853, all of which were situated within a radius of two miles of Whampoa, or on Fa-té island, west of Macao passage. Few spots in the world maintain a denser population than the delta of Pearl River, nearly all of which is included in the prefecture of Kwangshan, which is about one-ninth of the whole province. Its density of population doubtless is greater than any other equal area in the whole province; for if the whole contained as many, the entire amount could hardly be less than thirty millions instead of nineteen millions as now reckoned. The Registrar General must needs be content with an approximate estimate, from the nature of the case, our inability to make minute personal examination, and the lapse of time since the last general census. Hue, I see, estimates the combined population of Wúcháng, Hányáng, and Hánkau in Húpeh, at the high figure of Eight Millions, if I remember aright, for I have not the book to refer to; this is more than I have seen any one else reckon it. He ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 54 J. MCCOY The aspirated stops are analyzed as unit phonemes simply to maintain the pattern of single consonant initials; all other arguments seem equally strong for interpreting them either as units or clusters. Two special points should be noted about the distribution of the consonants. Unlike SC, KS /m,p/ do not appear finally in a syllable but are replaced with /n, t/ respectively. Thus we find KS /sen1/ 'heart' and /it2/ 'leaf' as compared with SC /sêm1/ and /ip6/, with the SC tone contours here the same as the KS counterparts. The possible final consonants in KS then are /n, ng, t, k/. Again unlike SC, KS /n/ does not occur initially and /ng/ occurs initially only before zero final. Initial /n/ has merged with /l/ giving /lui6/ 'female' and /lan2/ 'male'. We find /ng5/ 'five', but all other categories of words which may have initial /ng/ in other Kwangtung Province dialects have a vowel initial in KS, e.g., /ui5/ 'outside', /ngo5/ 'hungry', and /jit2/ 'hot'. It should be noted that KS has no labialvelar consonant phonemes of the type /kw, kwh/ as postulated for SC by many analysts. There are no KS contrasts of the type which might suggest such a phoneme; thus we have KS /kong3/ 'to speak' and /kwong1/ 'bright', /kok3/ 'each, every' and /kwok3/ 'nation'. The point might well be made here that even in SC the phoneme /kw/ is not strictly required by the phonological evidence since there are no contrasts /k/ versus /kw/ which cannot be just as easily handled by /k/ plus /u/ with a saving in the phoneme inventory. The KS vowel system is: Front i Central Back u The vowels require more detailed explanation since, unlike the KS consonants, they are not similar enough to SC to permit descriptions of that dialect to suffice. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 127 ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH List of Members on the 31st May, 1965 Patron: His Excellency Sir David Trench, K.C.M.G., M.C. Honorary Members: Sir Robert Black, G.C.M.G., O.B.E.* J. L. Cranmer-Byng, M.C., M.A.* Dept. of History, University of Toronto, Sidney Smith Hall, Toronto 5, Canada. Members: ABRAHAM, R. D.* ADDIS, Mrs. Diana - 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. ADDIS, W. S. - Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K. AIDE-DE-CAMP, The AKERS-JONES, D. - Government House, Garden Road, H.K. ARMERDING, L. E.* - c/o District Office, Yuen Long, N.T. BADAMS, P. W. M. - 426 La Grande Avenue, Fanwood, New Jersey, U.S.A. BAHR, Mrs. Kay BAKER, Mrs. Ann BAKER, W. E. BARD, Dr. S. M. - c/o H.K. & Shanghai Bank, H.K. (Trustee) Ltd. Shell House, 6th floor, H.K. BARNETT, K. M. A. - 4, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. BARON, D. W. B. - 23, Coombe Road, H.K. BARR, Miss E. - c/o The H.K. Electric Co., Ltd. BARR, J. S. - P. O. Box 915, H.K. BARRY, Comdr. R. S. - Hong Kong University, Pokfulum, H.K. BASHALL, Mrs. C. G. - P. O. Box 248, H.K. BASTO, G. de - 30 Severn Road, H.K. BASTICK, Capt. W. G. - 78 Robinson Road, H.K. BENANZIO, Dr. M. - Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 128 BENHAM, Miss M. E. M. Harcourt Health Centre, Morrison Hill Rd., BERTOVICH, Miss R. C. BERTUCCIOLI, Dr. G. BEVERIDGE, R. J. BIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D. + BLACK, D. BLACKMORE, M. BLAKER, D. J. R. - BLATCHFORD, C. H, BLUE, A. D. - T BLUNDEN, Prof. E. C. BOAK, C. D. BOARD, D. B. M.* BODILLY, Mrs. M. BOLLMEYER, Mrs. H. BONSALL, G. W. BORDWELL, J. H. BORGEEST, G. BOXER, B. BOYD, J. D. I. BRAGA, J. M. BRAUN, F. 7 ד BREUIL, Mrs. N. du - BRITTON, Mrs. N. M. BROMHALL. J. D. BROOKS, D. E. BROWN, Miss B. BROWN, Mrs. D. L. + - - + + + H.K. R.D. No. 1, Box 220, Masontown, Pa. U.S.A. Italian Embassy, Tokyo, Japan. University Press, Hong Kong University, Pokfulum, H.K. 7, Braga Circuit, Kowloon, Long Acre, Gullane, East Lothian, Scotland, Dept. of History, H.K. University, H.K. c/o Gilman & Co., Ltd., P. O. Box 56, H.K. New Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. c/o World Wide Shipping, Cornes & Co., C. P. O. Box 158, Tokyo, Japan. Merton College, Oxford University, England. Dept. of Modern Languages, H.K. University, H.K. c/o Education Dept., Battery Path, H.K. 12A Mt. Nicholson Road, H.K. c/o W. F. Bollmeyer & Co. (H.K.) Ltd., Rooms 408-9 Yu To Sang Building, H.K. Flat 4-B, 3 University Drive, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 25, H.K. P. O. Box 1058, H.K. Dept. of Geography, Michigan State Univ., East Lansing, Michigan 48824, U.S.A. c/o Political Adviser, Colonial Secretariat, H.K. P. O. Box 951, H.K, 8 Kotewall Road, 4th floor, H.K. 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. 6 Peel Rise, The Peak, H.K. Fisheries Research Station, The Fish Market, Island Road, Aberdeen, H.K. Radio Hong Kong, Mercury House, H.K. Medical Rehabilitation Centre, L. 254 Kun Tong, Kowloon, Chatham Galleries, 103 Chatham Road, Kowloon. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 129 BROWNE, H. J. C. BRUUN, F. BRYAN, Mrs. F. L. - BUCKNELL, P. BURKHARDT, Col. V. R. BUTT, Dr. Nancy S. G. BUTTON, Miss J. V. - BUXEY, Miss M. J. BYRNE, D. J. CALCINA, P. G.* CAMERON, N. CAPLAN, M. CAREY-HUGHES, Dr. J. CASHMORE, Miss M. CATER, J. CHAN, Gilbert Fook-fam CHAN, Dr. H. C. - CHAN, Leonard CHAN, William Hok-Lam CHAPMAN, Dr. G. W. - CHAU, Hon. Sir Tsun-nin CHEN, Prof. Cheng-siang CHEN, Yih CHENG, Dr. Irene - CHENG, T. C. CHESTERMAN, Prof. W. D. c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. 908 Takshing House, H.K. 3-F Robinson Road, 10th floor, H.K. 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. The Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen, H.K. c/o Physiotherapy Dept., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. Flat 201 Sisters' Qtrs., King's Park House, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. 11, Cambridge Road, Kowloon, Commercial Investment Co., Ltd., Union House, 12th floor, H.K. A-9 Repulse Bay Towers, Repulse Bay Road, H.K. 6, Homantin Hill Road, Kowloon, Room 315 Hong Kong & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. 9A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. 3 Peak Pavilions, Mt. Kellett Road, H.K. La Belle Mansion, 118-120 Argyle Street, 7th floor, Flat A, Kowloon. 5 Shan Kwong Road, Happy Valley, H.K. c/o Pfizer Corporation, G.P.O. Box 323, H.K. 3327 Graduate College, Princeton University, Princeton, N.Y., U.S.A. c/o The Nethersole Hospital, Bonham Rd., H.K. 8 Queen's Road, West, Hong Kong. Dept. of Geography, United College, 9 Bonham Road, H.K. 406A Bank of East Asia Building, H.K. c/o Confucian Tai Shing School, N.K.I.L. No. 4405, San Po Kong, Kowloon. United College, Bonham Road, H.K. 4, University Path, Pokfulum, H.K. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 131 DRAKEFORD, L. S. DUFF, Miss E. J. - DUNCANSON, J. D.* 124 Miles, Clearwater Bay Road, Kowloon. Kowloon, Sisters' Quarters., Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o The British Advisory Mission, 196 Cong Ly, Saigon, Vietnam. DURANT, LI, Col, R. J. W. Education Branch, HQ. Land Forces, Victoria Barracks, H.K. EDWARDS, O. P. EITZEN, Mrs. J. ELSAESSER, Dr. M. - ENDACOTT, G. B. ENGEL, Dr. D. EUSTACE, Col. F. A. EVANS, P. J. - EVANS, Mrs, P. J. EWING, Miss E.* FABER, Mrs. A. FABER, S. E. FAERBER, M. FAERBER, Mrs. M. FEARON, J. - FESSLER, L. FISHER-SHORT, W. FITZGIBBON, D. J.- FOERSTER, E. J. FOORD, Dr. R. D. FRASER, A. N. FREEDMAN, Dr. M. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn. H.K. 22 Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. c/o German Consulate General, 1 Duddell Street, H.K. Warden, May Hall, The University, H.K. Eitmattstrasse 13, 8820 Wädenwil, Nr. Zurich, Switzerland. c/o Hong Kong Sea School, Stanley, H.K. Ray-O-Vac International Corpn., 604 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. 33 Tung Tau Wan Road, Stanley, H.K. 13, Rodmarton Street, London, W.1. England. 10, Cooper Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. 1 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. c/o Paragon Book Gallery, Ltd., 14 East 38th Street, New York, N.Y. 10016, U.S.A. As above. Flat A, 123 Repulse Bay Road, H.K, c/o Time-Life News Service, Room 1719 Prince's Building, H.K. Education Dept. (H.K. Sub-Off.), Fung House, H.K. c/o Haigh Zinn & Associates Consulting Engineers, Inst. of Engineers Building, Ramna, Dacca-2, East Pakistan. c/o P. O. Box 25, H.K. c/o 661 Kenton Road, Harrow, Middx., England. Apt. 6, 88 Pokfulum Road, H.K. 187 Gloucester Place, St. Marylebone, London, N.W.1., England. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 133 J'HESTROY, Baron P, de G. Belgian Embassy, 1653 Calle Viamonte, Buenos Aires, Argentina. 1633 Compton Road, Cleveland, Ohio 44118, U.S.A. HILL, D. A. HINDMARSH, R. H. Room 606, Gloucester Building, H.K. HỌ, Mrs. Hung Chiu HO, Hung-pong c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. HO, Teh-kuei 143 Wongneichong Road, 1st Floor, H.K. HO, Tickon* 50, Village Road, Ground Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. HOCHSTADTER, W. c/o Mrs. N. du Breuil, 86, Main St., Stanley, H.K. HOGAN, The Hon. Sir M. Kr. Chief Justice's Chambers, Supreme Court, H.K. HOLMES, The Hon. D. R. Commerce and Industry Dept. HOPKINSON, Mrs. J. E. Fire Brigade HORSMAN, Miss A. M. 11, Briar Avenue, First Floor, H.K. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C. HOTUNG, Eric Edward HOWARD, Miss V. HOWARD, W. J. HOWE, D. H. HOWE, Mrs. P. M. Peninsula Court, Kowloon. HOWNAM-MEEK, R. S. Room 8 St. George's Building, H.K. HOWORTH, J. F. Sisters Quarters, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von P. O. Box 282, H.K. HSIA, Tung Pei D-1, "On Lee", 2 Mount Davis Road, Pok-fulum, H.K. HUGHES, G. M. As above, HUGHES, Mrs. G. M.* P. O. Box 70, H.K. HUGHES, Prof. W. I. c/o Leigh & Orange, 2013, Union House, H.K. 9-A Stanley Beach Road, H.K. 131B, Wanchai Building, 8th floor, 131 Wanchai Road, H.K. American International Assurance Co., Ltd., American International Building, H.K. RBL 175 Sassoon Road, H.K. Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, The University, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 137 MCELNEY, B. S. MCFADZEAN, A. J. S. MACK, A. M. MCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. M. J. · H - MACKEITH, J. S. MACKENZIE, J. MACKENZIE, Miss S. MCLEVIE, J. G. MALLORY-BROWNE, G. E. + · MALLORY-BROWNE, W. MANEELY, Miss M. 5. MANEELY, R. B. MARSHALL, Dr. Patricia M. MARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J. T - + - - · + MAYNARD, Prof. D. M. MIDDLEBROOK, R. W.* . MILBURN, K. MILLER, A. C. - MILLER, C. F. 0.* MORGAN, L. G. MOSCROP, Miss M. E. - MOUSSAYE, R. D. de La MOYLE, G. C. · NABHOLZ, Mrs. M. E. - NEILD, Mrs. C. - · J - Johnson Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, H.K. The University, Pokfulum, H.K. 34 Wilton Crescent, London, S.W.1., England, St. Peter-in-Chains Catholic Church, Kowloontsai, Kowloon, 80 Robinson Road, H.K, Davie, Boag & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. 17 Chater Hall, Conduit Road, H.K. Dept. of Education, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. 42 Bonham Road, 7th Floor, H.K. 11, Awley 5, Lane 1274, Chung Cheng Road, Taipei, Taiwan. Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon. Anatomy Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K. Zoology Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 472, Macau, c/o Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. 165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A. Marine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C., H.K. Union Research Institute, 9 College Road, Kowloon. c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Bank, 9 Gracechurch Street, London, E.C.3., England. c/o Mrs. N. du Breuil, 86 Main Street, Stanley, H.K. c/o Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K. 820-823, Union House, H.K. c/o Welfare Handicrafts, Salisbury Road, Kowloon. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 138 NEWBIGGING, D. K. NG, Ronald, C. Y. NICHOLS, E. N. - NISSANKA, Miss L. S. NIXON, F. A.* - NORONHA, J. E. OGDEN, B. J. N. - OKA, T. OLIPHANT, R. G. L. OLIVER, J. R. ORD, Miss I. M. - OVERBURY, Miss U. M. PAYNE, Mrs. M. M. PAYNE, Miss P. M. PELZEL, J. C. - PENNELL, W. V. PERDIEUS, H. - PERESYPKIN, O. P. - PHILLIPS, Prof. J. G. PICCIOTTO, Mrs. J. R. - PICKFORD, I. B. PICKFORD, Mrs. J. P. PIKE, E. N. - PIRIE, J. POLAND, T. D. POLDY, Mrs. K. + - - Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. (Shipping Accounts Dept.) H.K. 164, Prince Edward Rd., 1st floor, Kowloon. c/o Dept. of Agriculture & Fisheries, North Kowloon Magistracy, Taipo Road, Kowloon. 33 Granville Road, Kowloon, Room 63, Hong Kong Club, H.K c/o W.F. Bollmeyer & Co., (H.K) Ltd. 408, Yu To Sang Building, H.K. c/o The H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 124 Pokfulum Road, H.K, c/o The H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. c/o Supreme Court, H.K. Sisters' Qtrs., 802 King's Park House, Kowloon. The Helena May, Garden Road, H.K. Flat 2-A, 17 Babington Path, H.K. Physiotherapy Dept., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. Flat 49, 7th floor, 79 Waterloo Road, Kowloon, C'an Boyet Mear Puerto Pollensa, Majorca, Spain. Dagobertstraat 45, Leuven, Belgium. P. O. Box 1382, H.K. Alberose, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. 46 Stubbs Road, H.K. Flat 2, Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. As above. The Asia Foundation, 2 Old Peak Road, H.K. P. O. Box 117, H.K. CA.S. Headquarters, 39 Gloucester Road, 2/F., H.K. 37, Macdonnell Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 PORDES, Mrs. A. PORDES, F. - PRESCOTT, J. A. - RASSIM, Mrs. E. RAYNE, R. N. REID, A. R. RICHARDS, G. RIDE, Sir L. T.* RIDE, Lady L. T.* ROBINSON, F. C. - ROE, Capt. J. S. ROOKE, Miss B. E. - ROSS, Cdr. R. D. ROTHE, U.* ROY, Dr. A. + RUDGE, Mrs. A. K. - RUMJAHN, S. M. - RUTTONJEE, Mrs. A. · - 139 9 Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. Room 209, Gloucester Building, H.K. West Penthouse, 11 Conduit Road, H.K. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. P. O. Box 479, H.K. The British Council, 166 Avenue Louise, Brussels, Belgium. New Haven, Taipo Kau, N.T. As above. c/o The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., Union House, Hong Kong. 3-B, 3 University Drive, H.K. Cromarty Cottage, St. Catherine's Row, Hayling Island, Hants, England. Ernst-Albers-Str. 2, 2 Hamburg-Wandsbek, Germany. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, New Territories. 2 Macdonnell Road, H.K. P. O. Box 448, H.K. 2 Conduit Road, H.K. RUTTONJEE, The Hon. D. As above. RYAN, The Rev. Father T. F. - RYDINGS, H. A. SAUNDERS, I. A. H. - SCHALLER, Miss K. - - SCHOYER, B. P. SCHWARZ, Miss M. D.* SCOTT, A. C. SCOTT, J. M. SELLERS, D. + + Wah Yan College, 281, Queen's Road, East, H.K. H.K. University Library, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon. New Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. 746 West Main Street, Apt., 110 Madison, Wisconsin, U.S.A. Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K. c/o Dept. of Commerce & Industry, Fire Brigade Building, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 140 SELLETT, G.* SHEKURY, Miss E. SHING, D. SHEPHARD, A. J. SHU, Dr. H. T. SHUI, Chien-tung SIEGEL, H. W. SIKORA, F. SIMPSON, R. F. SINFIELD, G. H. C. SKELSON, Mrs. M. C. SKELSON, R. E. SLEVIN, B. SMALL, Dr. D. H. SMITH, Miss A. M. SMITH, L.* SMITH, L. A. SMITH, Miss M. H. SMITH, S. H.* SOONG, N. SPERRY, H. M.* STANLEY, Major H. F. STANTON, W. T.* STEWART, Miss E. M. "Pinecrest", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon. 14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon. Florida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K. Administrative Officer, Police H.Q., H.K. 70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. Tsing Hua College, 263 Prince Edward Road, Kowloon, c/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K. 29 South Bay Road, H.K. Dept. of Education, The University, H.K. H.K. Telephone Co., Ltd., Prince's Building, H.K. c/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K. As above. c/o 1st floor, Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. Dental Unit, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. 512 King's Park House, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon. 23-A Robinson Road, H.K. 2741, SW 22nd Ave. Coconut Grove, Miami 33, Florida, U.S.A. 19 Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K. c/o Messrs. Scott & English Ltd., P. O. Box 1555, H.K. Asia Magazine, 31 Queen's Road, Central, H.K. 2, Queen's Road, Central, H.K. H.K. Tourist Assn., Caroline Mansion, H.K. Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. c/o The Housing Manager, Hong Kong Housing Authority, Ma Tau Wei Estate, Kowloon, Queen's College, Causeway Bay, H.K. Flat 1, "Ravencourt", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K. STOKES, J. STONEY, G. S. STONEY, Mrs. G. S. As above. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1965 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653 142 VETCH, H. VETCH, Mrs. H. VIO, Dr. E. G. - VISCHER, Mrs. H. B. VISICK, Mrs. M. - VOGEL, E. F. WALDEN, J. C. C. WALKER, P. R. - - WALSH, Miss A. T. WARD, Miss B. E. WARD, Miss J. E. A.* WARD, W. L. WATSON, K. A. WATTS, Major, E. V. WEI, Dr. Tat WEINREBE, H. M. WELCH, H. H.* WILLAN, E. G. - WILLIAMS, B. V. · · WILLIAMS, Mrs. H. · WILLIAMS, Miss H. M. WILLIAMS, P. B.. + WILMOT-MORGAN, Mrs. D. M. - WILMOT-MORGAN, E. WILSON, B. D. - WINKLER, Mrs. E. → - Hong Kong Univ. Press, The University, H.K. As above. 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. A-23, Estoril Court, 15 Garden Road, H.K. Dept. of English, The University, H.K. 3A, Marigold Road, 1st floor, Kowloon. N.T. Administration, North Kowloon Magistracy, Tai Po Road, Kowloon, c/o Resettlement Dept., Pui Ching Road, Ho Man Tin, Kowloon, Flat 5, 137 Pokfulum Road, H.K. c/o Dept. of Anthropology & Sociology, School of Oriental & African Studies, University of London, W.C.1., England. c/o National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, N. Devon, England. Apt. 3, No. 7 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. c/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. HQ. Land Forces, B.F.P.O.1., H.K. H.K. Anti-Tuberculosis Assn., Queen's Rd., E., H.K. Weinrebe & Pennell, Ltd., 1103-4 Yu To Sang Bldg., H.K. 33 Lexington Road, Concord, Mass., U.S.A. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. N.T. Administration Headquarters, North Kowloon Magistracy, Taipo Road., Kowloon, c/o District Office, Taipo, New Territories. 612, King's Park House, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon. c/o Colony Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. 93 Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon. As above. 3-C Homestead Road, The Peak, H.K. 402 Clovelly Court, 12 May Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 64 HERBERT FRANKE as in this case, fictional material to real persons. Their original personality image as given in the texts is therefore often obscured by a veil of conventional and sometimes even interchangeable topoi.17 The second example concerns a Yüan Dynasty play, the Sha-kou ch'üan-fu “To Kill a Dog in order to Admonish the Husband”. It could be shown that the plot of this play goes back to Near Eastern folk tale motif, that of the two brothers and the testing of their friendship. Also in this play the whole background is entirely Chinese, and at least one of the persons on the stage was a historical figure, a famous judge of the Sung Dynasty. But the similarity between the plot of the play and the Near Eastern folk tale (which also spread to Europe) is so close that allogeny, to use this term here, is ruled out. We may therefore assume that the story itself somehow found its way to China in Sung or Yüan times, and was adapted to a play.18 It is not impossible that other plays of the Yüan period will show similar influences in subject matter, but it would be premature to say anything definite because the study of Yüan plays has hardly begun in the West. Turning away from the more popular literature written in colloquial language to the traditional literary genres in the written language, we can be very brief. The literary activities of non-Chinese under the Yüan have long ago been studied by Ch'en Yüan who published his researches in 1923 and 1927, and Professor L. C. Goodrich has recently dealt with this problem, taking into account the pioneer work by Ch'en Yüan.19 Under the Yüan many writers of non-Chinese origin distinguished themselves as poets in Chinese and authors of Chinese works in general. This applies not only to Mongols, Uighurs and other Central Asians but also to Near Eastern Mohammedans and Christians. We have, under the Yüan, authors by the name of Sa’d-ad-daula, of Ya-ku (Jacob), of Shams, of Sadr and many others. In other cases the foreign names had been replaced by Chinese family names. One example is the case of Ting Hao-nien (1335-1424), who adopted the Chinese clan name Ting which sounded similar to the frequent Islamic appellation ad-Dīn “of the Faith” (e.g., Saif ad-Din, “Sword of the Faith”). One Nestorian Christian family called itself Ma which might be an approximate rendering of Syriac Mar, Master. They were of Turkish origin, coming from the Önggüt tribe that ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 SINO-WESTERN CONTACTS 69 come to light. The Berlin State Library preserves several scrap-books compiled by Ottoman Turks where miniatures cut out from manuscripts are pasted in the album in much the same way as one collects stamps. This is surely a barbaric procedure, but many valuable specimens of early Persian and Turkish miniature painting have been preserved in this way. One of these so-called Saray Albums contains also a cutting from a Chinese painting — a fragment showing the Taoist saint Ha-ma with his toad, a well-known figure in Taoist hagiography. This must then come from a Yüan painting that somehow found its way to Persia.25 I am sure that a closer study of the old MSS in Persian libraries would furnish still more evidence of Mongol and Chinese influences during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. We have seen when discussing the presence of non-Chinese scientists in China that they were chiefly appreciated as technicians, practitioners and surgeons, and that Chinese medical theory was hardly influenced by Near Eastern medical thought. On the other hand, Chinese medicine became known in Persia under the Mongols. The famous Persian author and statesman, Rashid ad-Din was responsible for compiling a medical encyclopedia, Tangsuq-namāh-i Ilkhân dar funūni-ïulūm-i Khitai, "Treasures of the Ilkhan on the Sciences of Cathay", that is, China. This book was written in or about A.D. 1313. The illustrations in this work are evidently taken from some Chinese source. No similar translation of a Near Eastern work into Chinese seems to have survived, which shows how much cultural interchange in some fields was a one-way traffic under the Mongols.26 Persia presents, under the Mongols, a unique feature. Rashid ad-Din was the author of another work, the Jami' at-tawārīkh or "Collection of Histories". This book is the first world history which deserves that name. It contains not only a history of the Mongols but equally a history of the Europeans (the Franks), of the Indians and of the Chinese. The Chinese part of the Jami' at-tawarikh has not yet been properly edited (there are several manuscripts but no printed edition), and a thorough investigation of this text is needed. Preliminary studies have shown that Rashid ad-Din had Chinese informants and that his material was, in all probability, taken from a Chinese Buddhist chronicle. We may therefore say that, in the Mongol period, Persia was the only ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 72 HERBERT FRANKE NOTES 1 On Europe and Europeans as mentioned in Chinese sources, see H. Franke in Saeculum, Vol. II (1951), pp. 65-75. 2 W. Fuchs, The Mongol Atlas of China by Chu Ssu-pen, Peiping, 1946, Monumenta Serica Monographs, No. 8; J. Needham, Science and Civilization in China, Vol III, pp. 555-556. 3 H. Franke in Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 112 (1962), pp. 228-232 (review of Leonardo Olschki, Marco Polo's Asia). 4 Francis A. Rouleau, "The Yangchow Latin Tombstone as a Landmark of Medieval Christianity in China", Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 17 (1954) pp. 346-365. 5 John Foster, "Crosses from the Walls of Zaitun", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1954, pp. 1-25. (pl. XII). 6 Saeculum, Vol. II (1951), p. 74-75. 7 J. Needham, op. cit., Vol. III, pp. 167-382. 8 See for example, H. Franke, Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte Chinas unter der Mongolenherrschaft, Wiesbaden 1956, p. 34 (Nestorian surgeon). 9 J. Needham, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 381, note (c). 10 A. C. Moule, "The Siege of Saianfu and the Murder of Achmach Bailo", Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 58 (1927), pp. 1-28; Vol. 59 (1928), pp. 256-257. 11 J. Needham, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 141. 12 Yüan-shih ed. K'ai-ming, ch. 190, p. 6565, II/III. For the Ho-fang t'ung-i see Ts'ung-shu chi-ch'eng, Vol. 1486. 13 A. C. Moule, op. cit. 14 R. Loewenthal, "The Nomenclature of Jews in China", Monumenta Serica, Vol. XII (1947), p. 113. 15 H. G. Farmer, "Reciprocal Influences in Music 'twixt the Far and Middle East", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1934, pp. 327-342. 16 Ch'ing-lou chi, ed. Ts'ung-shu chi-ch'eng, Vol. 2734, p. 9. 17 H. Franke, "Der kluge Richter", in Asiatische Studien, 1950, pp. 55-59. 18 Renate Noethen, Das Sha-kou ch'üan-fu, München, 1961 (Diss.). 19 L. C. Goodrich, "Westerners and Central Asians in Yuan China", Oriente Poliano, Rome, 1957, pp. 1-21; "Western Regions Writers of Chinese Lyrics during the Yuan", International Conference of Orientalists in Japan, No. VII (1962) pp. 17-21. 20 L. C. Goodrich, Oriente Poliano, p. 15. 21 O. Sirén, Chinese Painting, Vol. IV, New York/London, 1958, pp. 54-59, plates Vol. VI, Nos. 57-60. 22 W. Fuchs, "Analecta zur mongolischen Übersetzungsliteratur der Yüan-Zeit", Monumenta Serica, Vol. XI (1946), pp. 34-39; W. Fuchs und A. Mostaert, "Ein Ming-Druck einer chinesisch-mongolischen Ausgabe des Hsiao-ching", ibid., Vol. IV (1939/40), pp. 325-329. 23 E. Haenisch, Mongolica der Berliner Turfan-Sammlung, II, Berlin 1959. 24 A. Mostaert and F. W. Cleaves, Les lettres de 1289 et 1305 des ilkhan Argun et Öljeitü à Philippe le Bel, Cambridge, Mass. 1962. 25 M. S. Ipsiroğlu, Saray-Alben, Wiesbaden, 1964, pl. XLIV, No. 64. 26 J. Needham, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 217-219. 27 H. Franke, "Some Sinological Remarks on Rashid ad-Din's History of China", Oriens, Vol. 4, (1951), pp. 21-26. 28 W. Franke, "Zur Frage der Mongolen in China nach dem Sturz der Yüan-Dynastie", Oriens Extremus, Vol. 9 (1962), pp. 57-68. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 92 HOLMES WELCH generation by generation, they became lavish patrons of Buddhism, both where they lived and when they returned home. Monks from China therefore made fund-raising tours of the overseas Chinese communities, while monasteries in certain parts of China received much of their income from overseas Chinese pilgrims. Monks traveled not only to raise funds, but to spread the dharma and to visit the holy places of Buddhism. One of the most inveterate travelers of the past century was Hsü-yün. In 1889 he visited the holy places of Tibet, India, Ceylon, and Burma.48 In 1905 he went to spread the dharma in Burma, Malaya, and Taiwan. In Malaya alone 10,000 persons became his disciples after hearing him preach.49 Here and elsewhere, almost all of his audience was overseas Chinese, since he spoke no foreign language—this was not the beginning of a dialogue with the Theravadins. On a tour in 1907, however, he won a foreign disciple no less a person than the King of Siam! Interested to hear that Hsü-yün had been in trance for nine days, the King came to see him, invited him to the royal palace, took the Refuges with him, and gave him a large tract of land, which Hsü-yün allocated to the use of the Chi-le Ssu in Penang.50 Sometimes he did not get so royal a welcome. In 1916 he was on his way back from Rangoon, where he had gone to get a Buddha image (another common motive for trips abroad51). When he reached Singapore, he was taken off the boat on the suspicion of being a revolutionary. Along with five other monks, he was hustled to the police station, cross-questioned, bound, beaten with fists, put out in the hot sun, and not allowed to move. "If we moved, we were beaten. They gave us nothing to eat or drink and would not allow us to go to the latrine. This went on from six in the morning to eight at night." Finally, some of his disciples heard of his plight and got him released on bail. The reason for this treatment was said to have been a desire on the part of the Singapore police to please their "good friend" Yüan Shih-k'ai.52 Hsü-yün was not the only monk who went on pilgrimages and lecture tours overseas. In 1902-1906 Yüeh-hsia visited Japan, Southeast Asia, India, and Europe (sic).53 Before 1924 Wan-hui had studied in India and Ceylon.54 Overseas travel became commoner as ships and trains made it more convenient, as Chinese abroad became increasingly able to finance it, and as certain... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM 48 Ts'en, Hsü-yün ho-shang nien-p'u, Hong Kong, 1962, pp. 21-22. 49 Ts'en, Hsü-yün, pp. 40-43. 99 50 Ts'en, Hsi-yün, pp. 47-48. I have been unable to get confirmation of this story in Thailand; nor have I been able to confirm the related episode, in which Hsü-yün on his way to Bangkok that year met an Englishman who had been British consul in Teng-yüeh and Kunming and who gave Hsü-yün 3,000 pounds Sterling towards the expense of transporting a set of the Tripitaka back to Yunnan. The records of the Foreign Office in London do not appear to reveal who this may have been. 51 White marble images from Burma and Thailand, termed in Chinese "jade buddhas" (yi-fo) have been popular in China during the past century. In the late 1890's a set of such images was made in India for a Chinese monk from P'u-t'o Shan, who spent the better part of three years at Oudh overseeing the work. So popular were these particular images that when they arrived in Shanghai, they were kept on exhibit in nearby Woosung at the request of the authorities as a large number of Chinese visit them daily, which was quite profitable for the railway." See Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 31 (1896-1897), 203. These may well have been the jade buddhas installed during the reconstruction of the Fa-yü Ssu on P'u-t'o Shan, 52 Ts'en, Hsi-yün, p. 66. 53 Cheng-lien, Ch'ang-chou T'ien-ning ssu-chih, Shanghai, 1948, 7:102. Cf. Chou Hsiang-kuang, History of Chinese Buddhism, Allahabad, 1955, p. 214, 54 See Eastern Buddhist, 3.3 (October-December, 1924), p. 274. This is the earliest instance I have encountered of a Chinese Buddhist going abroad to study Theravada. Unlike Huang Mao-lin he is not stated to have had the goal of spreading Mahayana as well. 55 For example in 1916 the head of the Chi-le Ssu, Pen-chung, led a group of his Refugee disciples to Ku Shan to receive the lay ordination: they numbered five out of the six upasakas and forty out of the 114 upasikas. This information comes from the 1916 ordination yearbook. 56 See Yüan-ying fa-shih chi-nien k'an (Memorial volume for Yüan-ying), Singapore, 1954, pp. 13-14. 57 However, they came from around Amoy rather than around Foochow, where Ku Shan was located. 58 Chinese Year Book 1937, p. 74. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 The Hanlin Academy 103 From 1647 onwards, probationers were required to study either the Manchu language or the Chinese Classics. The number of probationers taking the Manchu course, however, declined as time went on. In the reign of Yung-cheng, only about fifteen scholars were ordered to read the Manchu course, the rest, about forty, took the Chinese course.9 In the next reign (Ch'ien-lung), the aggregate number of probationers studying the Manchu course was about ten each year, and even this small number would sometimes be reduced, as those who took long sick leaves would change to study the Chinese course after their return.10 The qualification for taking up the Manchu course was physical rather than literary. Only the young and the good-looking with a pleasant voice were selected. Presumably, the reason for such a choice is that probationers studying the Manchu course would have more contacts with the Emperor and senior officials than the others. They were the persons likely to be selected as masters of ceremony in official ceremonies. In the pursuit of the course, the probationers would be called upon to study the "History of the Liao dynasty, the Chin dynasty, and the Yüan dynasty" (Liao Chin Yüan shih), "the Sacred Edicts of the Emperor Hung-wu, the first Emperor of the Ming dynasty" (Hung-wu pao-hsün), the "Daily Exposition of the Meaning of the Book of Great Learning" (Ta-hsüeh yen-i jih-chiang) and the "Commentaries of the Four Books" (Szu-shu chieh-i).11 12 Probationers doing research work on the Chinese texts took lessons in Chinese Classics, history and poetry. Together with those reading the Manchu language, they had to sit for a final examination after three years of study. Probationers studying the Manchu course were tested on their ability to translate from Chinese to Manchu and vice versa, whereas those reading the Chinese Classics were each ordered to compose a poem of set form or a piece of irregular verse and to write an argumentative discussion or an eight-legged essay.13 Notice that the final examination of the probationers laid emphasis on the literary skill of writing essays and poems rather than on administrative knowledge. This was because of the need to distinguish "real" from "false" talent among the candidates. Themes on administrative problems, useful though they might be in testing the practical knowledge of candidates when they were original, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 The Hanlin Academy 119 Appendix II Glossary Chang-yüan hsüeh-shih #4± Chang-ch'un yüan ††E Chi-chu kuan $ Chiang-yen E Chien-t'ao at Hsiu-chuan 174 Hsüeh-shih #+ Hu-tsung Hung-Wu pao-hsün RAHM Jih-chiang 14 Ju-chih shih-pan kuan 1fHT K'ang-hai R Kuo-shih hsiu-shu ch'u XOTË Li-fan yüan JEAM Liao Chin Yüan-shih žƒ Liu-Li Nan-shu fang 4* Pan-shih kuan T Pien-hsiu I Sheng yü Shih-chiang M Shih-chiang hsüeh-shih 1444± Shih-lu k Shih-tu it Shih-tu hsüeh-shih ***± Shu-ch'ang kuan &*❀ Shu-chi-shih t Szu-k'u ch'üan-shu Szu-shu chi-chu #*# Ta-hsüeh yen-i jih-chiang ★HA¤# Yu-tieh # Yung-cheng E ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 160 NOTES AND QUERIES at home in China. The Portuguese were doubtless responsible, together with Chinese merchants involved in the South Seas trade2. It became almost immediately popular and spread up and down the coast; it made a substantial contribution not only to the Chinese diet but also to China's economy. When I sailed on a freighter from China to the Mediterranean in September 1925, I was astonished to find that we took on 2,000 tons of peanuts in Tsing-tao, and sold them in Marseilles. In closing, it may be added that another early name for the peanut is Ch'ang-shêng kuo*, fruit of eternal life. One enthusiastic commentator, who called himself Yü-so-Wêng‡A (the old man in a grass coat), wrote: "If the lo-hua-shêng is constantly eaten you will give birth to many sons." This may help to explain part of its popularity in the one-time land of filial piety. Columbia University L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH NOTES # In all fairness it must be pointed out that Professor Hirosato Iwai of the Toyo Bunko holds that there are two earlier references to the peanut: one by Li Kao and another by Chia Ming (1180-1251) which he admits is dubious, and who flourished in the fourteenth century, dying at the age of 106 sui. Professor Ho informs me, however, that he considers neither text reliable. 2 It is worth noting that Lin Hsi-yüan#, a native of T'ung-an, Fukien, who graduated as chin-shih in 1517 and who became one of the largest shipowners and overseas-merchants of his day, wrote in his Wên-chi4, or collected works, on the Portuguese traders who frequented the China coast in the years 1521-51: "The Fo-lang-chi who came brought their local pepper, sapan-wood, ivory, thyme-oil, aloes, sandal-wood, and all kinds of incense in order to trade with our borderers." (C. R. Boxer, South China in the Sixteenth Century, 1953, xxiii.) Alas! that there is no mention of the peanut. SOME LOAN-WORDS IN CANTONESE In Vol. 4 of the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (1964) there appeared an interesting note on "Loan-words in the Chinese Language" by Mr. K. M. A. Barnett. While sharing the author's enthusiasm for this kind of study and supporting his call for a chronology of the introduction into China of all plants whose names are qualified by the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 162 NOTES AND QUERIES with a Mexican name, was also brought to the Old World by the Spaniards. All of these plants crossed the Atlantic in Spanish bottoms and were then carried round the coasts of Africa and Asia to South China by the Portuguese. In the same way the sugar-cane, the banana and the yam were established in Brazil by the Portuguese and the cassava was introduced into West Africa where it has become the source of one of the staple foods of several countries. The sweet potato, of course, presents special problems since there is reason to believe that it may have reached Polynesia in early times as an importation from the Americas. Nevertheless, it is not a native of the vast expanse of islands dotting the Pacific and it is much less likely that it came to China by that route than from the West, The "kind of melon" of which the author speaks is known today in the Macanese dialect of the Hong Kong Portuguese as bobra Guiné (Guinea pumpkin). This word appears in Chinese characters (romanised as mó-pá-lá kin-ní by Mr. Luis Gomes in his Portuguese translation) in the Ao Men Chi Lüeh,? published towards the middle of the eighteenth century. The Chinese gloss has faan-kwa. It is likely then that this plant was introduced into China from West Africa or Guinea, to use the old name, and that the prefix faan cannot link this plant in any way with the Pacific area. The rambutan (nephelium lappaceum), related to the lychee, is a Malayan tree and has a Malay name derived from rambut (hair), because of the hairy coat with which it is covered. This coat is of a reddish hue which no doubt explains the first element of its Malayan Cantonese name hung-mo-tán. The other elements are obviously phonetic renderings of the Malay word. This tree and its fruit were probably introduced to China by the Portuguese. As a last comment on the element faan, are the faan-kwai not more often Westerners than people from the Pacific? On the peanut, which, as Mr. Barnett says, bears no indication of foreign origin in its name, it appears to me that this plant may have been introduced to South-East Asia by the Portuguese. The botanists seem to agree that it is a native of Brazil and the Spanish chroniclers of the Indies describe it as a food-crop in Hispaniola ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 NOTES AND QUERIES 163 under the name mani. Its cultivation in West Africa began early and it is not surprising that it spread quickly to the Arab countries of the Middle East. Some plant-geographers believe that it was introduced to India and Ceylon from China but there is as great a likelihood that it reached these three areas in Portuguese ships at more or less the same time. The Arabic al-luimûn, adapted from Persian limu(n), is the source of such modern European forms of English as lemon, Spanish limón and Portuguese limão. The Cantonese ningmung may be derived from a Portuguese metropolitan or dialectal form. The modern Macanese form, used at the present in Hong Kong, is limang which appears in the Ao Men Chỉ Lüeh as lei-máng, according to Mr. Gomes's romanisation, That the Cantonese form ends in mung and the Macanese in mang is not an unsurmountable obstacle, since, if the sixteenth century Cantonese borrowed the word from European Portuguese speaking the standard dialect of those times, they would have had some difficulty in pronouncing the syllable mão which probably sounded like mao uttered with the nostrils pinched. Such a sound could be represented equally well (or inaccurately) by the Cantonese sounds Mung and mang in all possible tones and reduced to writing by any convenient character chosen ad lib. The authors of the Ao Mun Chi Lüeh had obviously some difficulty in representing this Portuguese suffix in their glossary of Cantonese terms. For example, cumarão (prawn) appears as kám-pá-long (cf. Hong Kong Macanese cambrang), tufão (typhoon) is recorded as tou-fóng (cf. Hong Kong Macanese tufang), jambolão (a kind of fruit) is iâm-po-long (cf. Hong Kong Macanese jambolang). In other places -ão appears as -eng as in si-tát-teng for cidadão (citizen) and a-ueng for afião (opium). More like the modern Macanese dialectal resolution are fu-káng (store) which is the Portuguese fogão, pronounced fogang in Hong Kong Macanese; ka-lá-sâng (trousers) from Portuguese calcão, carsang in Macanese. In short, if the Cantonese name had been derived from the dialectal form we should have expected something like ningmang but if the borrowing was early and from a "standard" Portuguese pronunciation of limão the final syllable could have been heard ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 172 ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH List of Members Patron: His Excellency Sir David Trench, K.C.M.G., M.C. Honorary Members: Sir Robert Black, G.C.M.G., O.B.E.* 183 Oakwood Court, London, W.14, London J. L. Cranmer-Byng, M.C., M.A.* 190, Glengrove Avenue, W., Toronto 12, Canada, Members: ABRAHAM, R. D.* ADDIS, Mrs. Diana ADDIS, W. S. AIDE-DE-CAMP, The AKERS-JONES, D. ARMERDING, L. E.* ASERAPPA, Mrs. J. P. BADAMS, P. W. M. BAKER, Mrs. F. H. BAKER, H. D. R. BAKER, W. E. BARD, Dr. S. M. BARNETT, K. M. A. BARR, Miss E. BARR, John S. BARRY, Comdr. R. S. BASHALL, Mrs. C. G. BASTO, G. de L. BENANZIO, Dr. Mario 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K. As above. Government House, Garden Road, H.K. c/o District Office, Yuen Long, N.T. 426 La Grande Avenue, Fanwood, New Jersey, U.S.A. 7 Peak Pavilions, 12 Mt. Kellett Road, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Bank, H.K. (Trustee) Ltd. Shell House, 6th floor, H.K. U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. "Satis House", 9 Chase Gardens, Westcliff-on-Sea, Essex, England. c/o The H.K. Electric Co., Ltd. P. O. Box 915, H.K. 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New Asia College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. 406A Bank of East Asia Building, H.K. c/o Confucian Tai Shing School, N.K.I.L. No. 4405, San Po Kong, Kowloon, United College, Bonham Road, H.K. 4. University Path, Pokfulum, H.K. Room 703, Prince's Building, H.K. 9 Village Road, 1st floor, H.K. Flat 8, 12th Floor, 91 Dundas Street, Kowloon. 3, Kidderpore Gdns., London, N.W.3., England. • Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy Page 180 Page 181 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 176 EDWARDS, O. P. - EITZEN, Mrs. J. ENDACOTT, G. B. ENGEL, Dr. D. EUSTACE, Col. F. A. - EVANS, P. J. EVANS, Mrs. P. J. EVISON, Rev. Frank EWING, Miss E.* FABER, Mrs. A. FABER, Mrs. G. A. G.* - FABER, S. E. FAERBER, M. FEARON, J. FESSLER, L. FISHER-SHORT, W. FITZGIBBON, D. J. FLETCHER, Mrs. C. M. FLETCHER, W. E. L. FOERSTER, E. 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Box 25, H.K. 48, The Rutts, Bushey Heath Hertfordshire, England. Apt. 6, 88 Pokfulum Road, H.K. 187 Gloucester Place, St. Marylebone, London, N.W.1., England, c/o Hang Tai & Fungs Co., Ltd., Room 205 Fu House, H.K. Bank of East Asia, Ltd., 10 Des Voeux Rd., C., H.K. P. O. Box 232, H.K. Loughlinstown House Co., Dublin, Ireland. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 177 GARCIA, A. GARD, Dr. R. A. GARTNER, J. GEORGE, T. J. B. - L GIBB, H. GIEDROYC, M. J. H. GIMSON, C, H, - GILES, R. + GLASS, Miss M. A. GLOVER, Mrs. J. GOLDNEY, Miss C. M. GOODRICH, Prof. L. 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New Territories Health Office, North Kowloon Magistracy, Taipo Road, Kowloon. The Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P. O. Box 64, H.K, HALLWARD, Miss C. L. J. St. Stephens Girls' College, Lyttelton Road, H.K. HARDEN, Mrs. Guy T. Jr.* 15 Shek-O, H.K. HARRISON, Prof. B. T HAYDON, E. S. HAYES, J. W. HAYIM, E. J.* - HAYWARD, G. W. J HEANEY, Robert S. HECHTEL, F. O. P. HENSMAN, Dr. Bertha HERRIES, M. A. R. - Dept. of History, The University, H.K. The Supreme Court, H.K. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K, 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. White Mill End, 5 Granville Road, Sevenoaks, Kent, England. Deer Park, Greenwich, Conn., U.S.A. 10 Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. + - Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. c/o P. O. Box 70, H.K. d'HESTROY, Baron P. de G. Belgian Embassy, 1653 Calle Viamonte, Buenos Aires, Argentina. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 181 LINDSAY, T. J.* LIU, D. H. L LIU, Sydney C. LIU. Dr. Tsun-yan LLEWELLYN, J. LO, Dr. Chin-tang LO, Hsiang-lin LO, T. S.* LOCKING, J. R. LOCKS, Miss A. M. LOSEBY, Miss P. LOTHROP, F. B.* LUBMAN, Stanley LUCAS, Col. E. S. S. - LUI, Adam Yuen Chung LUM, Miss Ada LUPTON, G. C, M. LYM, Miss Renee M. - MA, Meng 3, Barcena Avenue, Wahroonga, N.S.W. c/o U.S. Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. 31 Kin Wah Street, 2nd Floor, North Point, H.K. c/o Faculty of Oriental Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, A.C.T., Australia. Dept. of Geography & Geology, The University, H.K. 38D, 8th Floor, Bonham Road, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University, H.K. c/o Lo and Lo. Jardine House, 7/F., Pedder St., H.K. District Office, Yuen Long, New Territories. King's Park House, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon. c/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K. c/o Peabody Museum, Salem, Mass, U.S.A. Universities Service Centre, 155 Argyle Street, Kowloon. 94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. 1. Victory Avenue, 4th Floor, Kowloon, 142, Boundary Street, Kowloon. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. Park Mansions, 4 Mile Taipo Road, 1st floor, Kowloon. Institute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K. MACCABE, Miss E. M. A. - King's Park House, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon, MACDOUGALL, J. J. MACGREGOR, Miss M. h MACK, A. M. MACKEITH, J. S. MACKENZIE, J. MACKENZIE, Miss S. c/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. 31-C, Bisney Road, Pokfulum, H.K. 34 Wilton Crescent, London, S.W.1., England. 80 Robinson Road, H.K. Davie, Boag & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. 17 Chater Hall, Conduit Road, H.K. • Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 182 MCBAIN, E. B. MCBAIN, G. MCCABE, Donald C. MCCABE, Mrs. S. J. MCCOY, John MCCRARY, M.* c/o Geo. McBain & Co., Union Building, H.K. S.C.M.P. c/o Imperial Chemical Industries (China) Ltd., 16th Floor, Union House, H.K. New Asia College-Chinese University of Hong Kong, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. Flat 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Division of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A. 25-A Robinson Road, Top floor, H.K. MCDOUALL, The Hon. J. C. Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, Connaught Road, C., H.K. MCELNEY, B. S. MCFADZEAN, A. J. S. MCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. M. J. MCLEVIE, J. G. MANEELY, Miss M. S. MANEELY, R. B. Johnson Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, H.K. The University, Pokfulum, H.K. St. Peter-in-Chains Catholic Church, Kowloontsai, Kowloon, Dept. of Education, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon, Anatomy Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K. MANSFIELD, Miss M. B. c/o Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon, MARSHALL, Dr. Patricia M. MARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J. MAYNARD, Prof. D. M. MEFFAN, Mrs. N. I. MEIJER, Dr. M. J. MICHAELIONES, Miss E. O. MIDDLEBROOK, R. W.* MILBURN, K. MILLER, A. C. MILLER, C. F. O.* Zoology Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 104, Macau, c/o Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. 201 Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K. Consulate General of the Netherlands, Room 1505, Central Building, H.K. The British Council, 1st Floor, Gloucester Building, H.K. 165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A. Marine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C., H.K. Union Research Institute, 9 College Road, Kowloon, c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 183 MORGAN, L. G. MOSLER, Mrs. M. MOYLE, G. C. - NABHOLZ, Mrs. M. E. NEILD, Mrs. C. - NEWBIGGING, D. K. NG, Ronald C. Y. NICHOLS, E. N. - NIXON, F. A.* NOLDE, John NORONHA, J. E. - OLIPHANT, R. G. L. OLIVER, J. R. ORD, Miss I. M. - OVERBURY, Miss U. M. PATTERSON, G. N. PAYNE, Miss P. M. PENNELL, W. V. - PERDIEUS, H.- PERESYPKIN, O. P. PHILLIPS, Prof. J. G. PICCIOTTO, Mrs. R. J. PICKFORD, J. B. PIKE, E. N. POLAND, T. D. POLDY, Mrs. K. 1 c/o H.K. & Shanghai Bank, 9 Gracechurch Street, London, E.C.3., England. 3, MacDonnell Road, Flat 3, H.K. c/o Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd. (Insurance Department), H.K. c/o Swiss Reinsurance Co., P. O. 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(Staff Dept.), Union House, H.K. 37, Macdonnell Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 184 PORDES, Mrs. A. · PORDES, F. - PRESCOTT, J. A. - RAINBIRD, S. W. O'C. RASSIM, Mrs. Eleanor RAYNE, R. N. REES, William REID, A. R.. + RICHARDS, G. A RIDE, Sir L. T.* RIDE, Lady L. T.* RIGBY, Lady ROBINSON, F. C. ROBINSON, Prof. K. E. ROE, Capt. J. S.- ROOKE, Miss B. E. ROTHE, U.* ROY, Dr. A. · RUDGE, Mrs. A. K. · RUMJAHN, S. M. RUST, H. A. - 9 Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. Room 209, Gloucester Building, H.K. West Penthouse, 11 Conduit Road, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. 101 Holland Road, Hove 2, Sussex, England. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. 67 Mount Nicholson Gap, H.K. P. O. Box 479, H.K. 58 Avenue Montjoie, Uccle, Brussels 18, Belgium. 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Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 185 SCHWARZ, Miss Marjorie D.* SCOTT, A. C. SCOTT, J. M. SELLERS, D. SELLETT, G.* SHAW-KENNEDY, Miss Anne SHEKURY, Miss E. SHEPHARD, A. J. SHING, D.- SHU, Dr. H. T. - SHUI, Chien tung SIEGEL, H. W. SINFIELD, G. H. C.* SLEVIN, B. SMALL, Dr. D. H. SMITH, Leslie* SMITH, Miss M. H. SMITH, S. H.* SOONG, N. - J + - c/o Mrs. R. L. Smyth, 1635 Green Street, San Francisco, California, USA. Asian Theatre Program, University of Wisconsin, U.S.A. Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K. c/o Dept. of Commerce & Industry, Fire Brigade Building, H.K. "Pinecrest", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon. Room 812 Hilton Hotel, H.K. 14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon. Administrative Officer, Police H.Q., H.K. Florida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K. 70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. 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Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1966 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811 187 TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. + China Building, 4th floor, H.K. TURNER, Sir M.* UHALLEY, S. Jr. VETCH, H. VETCH, Mrs. H. VIO, Dr. E. G. VISICK, Mrs. M. VOGEL, Ezra F. WALDEN, G. G. H. WALDEN, J. C. C. WALKER, P. R. WARD, Miss B. E. WARD, Miss J. E. A.* WARD, W. L. WARRINGTON,STRONG, Cmdr. F. WATSON, K. A. WATTS, Major, E. V. WEI, Dr. Tat WEINREBE, H. M. WELCH, Holmes, H.* WHITELEGGE, D. S.* WILLIAMS, B. V. WILLIAMS, Mrs. H. WILMOT-MORGAN, Mrs. D. M. WILMOT-MORGAN, E. WILSON, B. D. + "Whispers", Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks, England. c/o The Asia Foundation, 2 Old Peak Road, H.K. Hong Kong Univ. Press, The University, H.K. As above. 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. Dept. of English, The University, H.K. East Asian Research Center, 1737 Cambridge St., Cambridge Mass 02138, U.S.A. 22 Tung Shan Terrace, H.K. N.T. Administration, North Kowloon Magistracy, Tai Po Road, Kowloon, c/o Resettlement Dept., Pui Ching Road, Ho Man Tin, Kowloon. c/o Dept. of Anthropology & Sociology, School of Oriental & African Studies, University of London, W.C.1., England. c/o National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, N. Devon, England. Apt. 3, No. 7 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. R.N.R. Headquarters, 39 Gloucester Road, H.K. c/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. HQ. Land Forces, B.F.P.O.1., H.K. 3, Fontana Gardens, 5th Floor, Causeway Hill, H.K. Weinrebe & Pennell, Ltd., 1103-4 Yu To Sang Bldg., H.K. 4 Holden Lane, Concord, Mass., U.S.A. Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. as above. 93 Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon, As above, 3-C Homestead Road, The Peak, H.K. · Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY 75 Vaillant 1920, p. 85. Leaving this discussion open, there is still reason to assume that both the disturbances in Kwangtung and the Hakka expansion to the south were correlated with a search for new areas for resettlement. 28 'A dreadful internecine strife, in which 150,000 at least, perished, took place between the Hakkas and Pún-téis in the south-western districts of the Canton province, from A.D. 1864 to 1866, and arms and even armed steamers, were procured from Hong Kong by both parties. Ball 1925, p. 282. A Hong Kong resident reports that the Peninsula of Kowloon presented for several days in August, 1862, the novel aspect of an animated battlefield, as the Punti inhabitants of the neighbouring villages were engaged in a bloody warfare with Hakka settlers at Tsimshatsui." Eitel 1895, p. 380. See also n. 27. 29 "Every year is marked unfortunately by an increasing influx of unattached and often undesirable characters from Chinese Territory, most Hakkas from the Wai Chau and Hing Ning District. It is impossible to keep track of the movements of these persons, and many of them are tempted by their opportunity of acquiring unlawful gains by means of robbery, kidnapping, 'White pigeon', and kindred offenses. It is hoped that these undesirable additions to the population will be considerably curtailed before long." New Territories Report 1917, p. J2. 30 The quarry-men are nearly all Hakkas from Kweishin, who settle at the quarries until they have made some money and then return home." New Territories Report 1899-1912, p. 55. 31 This type of extension might also have served as reconnaissance for a future settlement of a permanent kind. The following note from the New Territories could be interpreted in this direction: In the 24th year of the reign of the Emperor Kwong Shu, which was 1897, there came to the Land of the Jumping Dragon a Hakka by the name of Kong Tai Kuen. Up to that time none but Tangs had lived there. Kong rented a house and became a tenant-farmer. He recommended two of his relations to come along also, but they stayed only three years and then returned to the Kong ancestral village at Li Long north of the Shum Chun river, while Kong Tai Kuen gave up farming in the Jumping Dragon Land and moved to Fan Ling, Ingrams 1952, p. 162. 32 I use the word 'sojourner' in a freer sense than Paul Siu, to whom the term implies a stranger 'who spends many years of his lifetime in a foreign country without being assimilated by it;' Siu 1952, p. 34. My term signifies a person who temporarily lives geographically separated from the locality constituting his main focus of social interest. 33 SCPH 1965; Hong Kong 1964, p. 30. Apart from going abroad, some young men from Plum Grove Village and Big Stream Village work as police constables in Sha Tin and Kowloon. One man from Grass Field Village works in a textile factory in Kwun Tong, New Kowloon, 34 This is confirmed by other sources. For instance, the New Territories Report 1900 remarks upon the fact that 'Hakka women work as hard, if not harder, than their men,' (p. 269). An observant traveller noticed that in Mei Hsien in Kwangtung, the Hakka district where both people in Big Stream Village and Grass Field Village had their clan foci. 'it seems to be mainly the women who do the hard work. They do not bind their feet. The women are strong and erect, though excessive toil begun too early in life may account in part for their tendency to be undersized... the women do all ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 76 L. G. AIMER the carrying and other heavy work, "The men do not even know how to carry water" and probably do not demand that the women give them lessons at it.' Frank 1925, p. 210f. Even among the Cantonese-speaking Punti population in Kwangtung, traditional women's participation in the work in the fields occurred; cf. Yang 1959, p. 21f. The notes above, however, are to be read as contrasts to Punti custom. 35 Investments in house building on a large scale seem to be typical for all Chinese peasant communities with a marked inflow of external income. Generalizing from his experiences with three emigrant communities in Fukien and Kwangtung, Chen Ta writes: "The most practical way to gratify their vanity is to build a house. Even when he does not contemplate a return in the immediate future, a Chinese emigrant who has made a fortune in the Nan Yang is quite likely to send a sum of money home for the express purpose of buying a new house"; Chen 1939, p. 109. From another part of China, Francis Hsu notes that "in this Yunnan community people became rich not through South-Seas emigration, but through tin mines and trading. As soon as a family becomes wealthy, it begins to build huge but largely unused houses ..."; Hsu 1945, p. 48. Both authors interpret house building as the symbolic aspect of the move from one social position to another by the sojourner in his home community, the big house being closely associated with gentry status. A comment on increasing house building in the New Territories in the beginning of this century is made in the N. T. Report 1899-1912, p. 56. 36 Although these people have spent many years in English-speaking countries, none of them can converse in the English language. Also, this is largely true for the younger generation now residing in Britain. The Chinese emigrant is often sojourning in a Chinese enclave, the structure of which, in many important respects, is very different from that of his home community; it is still basically Chinese and offers social security in a foreign country. I have the impression that the sojourners have a fairly limited direct contact with the people of the country where they stay, especially if this is in Europe or America. Such contacts are also often highly formalized, of the type client-waiter relations in a restaurant. The surrounding social milieu is, I feel, experienced filtered through the culture of the enclave. 37 In 1963 overseas remittances, in the form of postal and money orders cashed at the New Territories post offices, amounted to the value of HK$20,973,152. The corresponding figure for 1964 was HK$24,076,719; Hong Kong 1963, p. 60; Hong Kong 1964, p. 30. Considerable sums will also have been remitted through banks: these figures are not known. One item of information from the New Territories tells that one farmer annually receives about HK$1,500 from his two sons working in England; Topley 1964, p. 176. Ronald Ng (1965, p. 35) estimates the monthly remittances at £30, or HK$5,760 annually. 38 This means that the daily income for a restaurant worker in Britain would amount to nearly HK$23. This may be compared to the daily wage of a worker in the New Territories which is about HK$10. Ng gives a similar figure for restaurant workers in the U.K.; Ng (1965, p. 35). 39 The situation of the members of the overseas community in Britain could be compared to that of a villager of Big Stream Village working in a grocer's shop on the island of Aruba in the Netherlands West Indies. His salary there is 'over' US$100, i.e., at least HK$130, a month. The daily ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 106 REV. MR. KRONE To the North of Deep Bay is Chik-wan Bay, on the shore of which is situated the renowned temple of Tien-hau. To the South is the Bay of Toon-mun-wan, near Castle-peak. The open sea forms the Southern and Eastern boundary of the district. Mirs Bay, the most remarkable of those which indent the Eastern shore of Sanon, is called by the Chinese "Ti-po Hoi" 大步海. It is worthy of notice, that when the question of ceding Hong-kong to the British crown was brought before the Emperor Tau-kwang, it was asserted that the island had never really belonged to China; and it appears remarkable that, in an official geographical and statistical account of Sanon, in 8 volumes, published about 40 years ago, no mention of Hongkong is made, although islands much more insignificant are accurately included. However, in the list of villages of the Sanon District, the names of Shek-pai-wan (Aberdeen) and Check-chu (Stanley), are found. Among the numerous Straits between the different islands the most worthy of notice are:-- 1. The Cap-sui-mûn between Lantao and the two small Islands of Tsing-yeu and Ma-wan; Kai-check-mûn, between the two last mentioned islands and the mainland itself, and Ly-yue-mûn and East-tong-mûn, which constitute the Eastern passage from Hongkong harbour. According to Chinese authorities, the greater diameter of the district, from North to South, measures 380 le, and the lesser, from East to West, 270 le. But it must be remembered that the measurement from North to South extends to the southermost of the small islands which are reckoned as belonging to the district. The district is generally mountainous, and the mountain ridges extend nearly to the shore, leaving only small plains at their feet, which are occupied by villages and hamlets. These mountains have usually a dreary and barren aspect, and resemble those of Hong-kong and the opposite mainland. The granite rocks are scantily covered with soil, and are overgrown with grass. A luxuriant underwood is found in the ravines, but trees are seldom met with, though groves of them, evidently planted, are generally found in the neighbourhood of villages, Buddhist monasteries, and temples. The Chinese are accustomed to burn down the grass on the tops. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 124 REV. MR. KRONE ward wheel-barrows, and the cost of carriage adds so much to the price at which goods must be sold to remunerate the trader, that the demand for them soon ceases. The inhabitants along the coast support themselves principally by fishing. Hundreds of old men, women, and children, may be seen on the extensive flats left by the receding tide, collecting the small fishes, crabs, and other animals which have been stranded; with these they season their rice. The able-bodied men are with their boats at sea. Many of these proceed to distant islands, and remain at sea for several months. Towards the end of the year they set sail for their native villages, and then all the bays and mouths of rivers teem with crowds of fishing-boats, which have returned that their crews may celebrate the New Year with their families. Pik-tow, Sha-tsing, Fuk-wing, Sai-heong, and Nam-tow, are the principal fishing stations. At Sha-tsing and Fuk-wing there are extensive oyster beds. Pik-tow, Kong-ping, and Fuk-wing †, are said to be the head-quarters of pirates. Sham-tsün is the chief place of export from the villages occupied by the Hak-kas, who are often met with in long trains, of from 400 to 600, conveying produce to that place. The northern part of the district is inhabited by populous and powerful clans, not unlike in their constitution to the old clans of Scotland; these live in intimate connection with one another for mutual protection. + The villages in the plain of San-keaou, are almost exclusively inhabited by four clans, Man, Mak, Tsang, and Chang. The villages inhabited by other clans are of no importance, and gradually either become absorbed in the more powerful clans, or are ruined by their hostility, and forced to remove to some other part of the country. For instance, the villagers of Hung-tiu changed their name, and adopted that of the powerful clan which inhabited San-keaou. This was done in order to extricate themselves from the endless feuds, which the aggressive conduct of their neighbours involved them in. The people are of a quarrelsome nature, and fond of rapine. They will engage in any enterprise which promises them money, or which will give them an opportunity of robbing. The mandarin at Fuk-wing once asked me why we attempted to carry out our missionary work, among a people so depraved ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 154 NOTES AND QUERIES 1626 the Manchus were stopped in their tracks at Ning-yüan by the foreign artillery. But this setback was not to last very long. They saw the usefulness of these weapons and set about casting some themselves. These proved effective in the conquest of the northern frontier (1643-44) and in the years to follow as their armies plunged on down across both the Yellow and Yangtze Rivers to Kwangtung and Kweichow. Columbia University L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH NOTES 1 In this I have consulted Mr. C. N. Tay of the American Museum of Numismatics, New York City. 2 The inscription on the cannon is given below. This cannon was found lying on open ground in the Tsiu Keng sub-district in the northern part of the New Territories. It was reported by Mr. R. E. dos Remedios, Senior Land Assistant in the District Office, Taipo in August 1966. The cannon was completely exposed and must have been in this condition for a long time. It is not clear how it came to be there. * This cannon, which was mentioned in passing in the note on the Tung Chung Fort, at p. 148 of Vol. 4 of the Journal (1964), was dredged from the sea in 1956, either from Kowloon Bay in the course of work on the extension to Hong Kong airport or from Fat Tong Mun (otherwise called Joss House Bay) in the approaches to Hong Kong Harbour—sources differ. It is now mounted with a plaque in Chinese and English outside the Central Government Offices (East Wing), Hong Kong. It was heavier than the one recently discovered; 300 catties as compared with 300 catties. The Chinese inscription, which is much the same, is also given below. 4 An insight into the happenings of these troubled times is preserved in the family record of the Tsui (徐) clan formerly of Shek Pik on Lantau island, to which their ancestor had removed in the 16th Century. The family came from Mong Ngau Tun (望牛墩) in Tung Kwun district (東莞) where they had settled in the Sung dynasty from Kiangsi province. There was fighting in Tung Kwun against the Manchus after their success in the North. The record which gives no precise date for this occurrence, though it must have been within a few years of the change of dynasty in 1644 — reads — Sau Yeung-kap, a civil officer, and Li Shing-tung, a general, instigated an uprising against the new dynasty in Tung Kwun. As the revolt gathered momentum, oxen and horses were killed for food, and rice and corn became as expensive as pearls. For miles, one could see nothing animate; the fields were covered with dead bodies. In some places, human flesh was eaten by the starving people, and piles of human bones filled the ruined houses. A detachment of the Manchu army was sent to besiege the district city, then occupied by the rebels. In the conflict that ensued, human beings were massacred as though they were ants, and law-abiding people and bad characters alike were destroyed. Fortunately, our clansmen, then living at Mong Ngau Tun, escaped this calamity. However, many of our former neighbours and fellow-natives in Ming Ka Lane lost their lives and [as the record says in another place] all the dispensations of the previous dynasty were regarded as scrap paper. (I am grateful to Mr. Gilbert Louie for this translation. Ed) Readers will note that Li Shing-tung (Li Ch'eng-tung) is mentioned in Prof. LO Hsiang-lin's Additional Note where he is described as Governor of Kwangtung. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g NOTES AND QUERIES 157 island of Hainan). An account of the historical episode mentioned above is given in Yang Lu-yung *, San-fan Chi-shih Pên-mo *, Chüan 3, The entry on the Southern Expedition of the Imperial Army; and in Wan Jui-lin *, Nan-chiang Yi-shih 40#, Chüan 4 (A brief account of the history of the Kwangtung Province), the Prince Yung Ming, Part One (edited by Li Yao 李瑤). As the date of construction of this cannon was 26th September, 1650, it must have been cast for the express purpose of fighting the Ch'ing army during the siege of Canton. FAN, REGIONAL COMMANDER OF GUARDIAN OF THE IMPERIAL HEIR(?) KWANGTUNG AND Fan's full name was Fan Ch'êng-ên ✯✯&. He was the traitor who conspired with the Ch'ing army during the siege of Canton. He caused the leakage in the embankments so that the Ch'ing army was able to land by stepping on floating logs and eventually took over the forts at Canton. When Shang K'o-hsi entered the city of Canton, Fan went up to surrender to him. See Yang Lu-yung, op. cit. and Wan Jui-lin, op. cit. WU, SUPERINTENDENT OF INLAND SEAS, CHIEF MILITARY COMMISSIONER, INSTALLED(?) AS TING-HAI GENERAL. Wu may be a mistranscription of hsi, which together with yin Ep, signify the official credentials. In my opinion these titles of Superintendent of Inland Seas, Chief Military Commissioner installed as Ting-hai General do not refer to any particular person but were given to the cannon itself. It was the custom in the Ming dynasty to confer the title of 'ta chiang-chün' (the great general) on a new type of cannon called the fo-lang-chi (Franks) which the Chinese had learnt to manufacture in the sixteenth century. (See Chang Ting-yu 張廷玉, Ming Shih 明史, Chüan 92, military affairs, section 4). This tradition persisted in the Ch'ing dynasty and the fo-lang-chi type of cannon was invariably called 'The great general'. (See Ch'ing Wên-hsien T'ung-kao 清文獻通考, Chüan 194, military affairs, section 16.) This cannon constructed by Tu must have been cast according to the fo-lang-chi type. It is natural therefore that this cannon would have been conferred with the titles mentioned in the inscription. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g BOOK REVIEWS 183 again draw back the curtain and look at what lay concealed behind it" (p.11). “At this point we must take another look behind the scenes" (p.29). On Anson's seizure of the Spanish galleon bringing treasure from Acapulco to Manila he writes that "to the weird, unreal mandarinate of China it appeared horrific". "Weird' and 'unreal' to whom? To the English at that time, or to the Chinese people, or to the author alone? There is no evidence on which to base these epithets. They have meaning only in the author's own mind. On the same page he writes of the "dastardly" opinion which the Chinese were forming of Anson, But dastardly from whose point of view? Who is justified in calling it dastardly? Next an example of the author's jocular style: "The failure of the Amherst embassy and we enter the final straight". Finally an example of the author's oracular style: “A sense that there was no turning back seeped into the till then strangely changeless atmosphere, and in the extraordinary way in which one thing led to another, both in England and China, soon practically nothing was the same.” It would be tedious to challenge the author on the many dubious statements and judgments which mar this book - it would also require a very long review. But any reader with an enquiring mind and a regard for historical accuracy will constantly find himself irritated into asking "Where is the evidence for this statement?" In some places the author is simply inaccurate. Thus, in one of his rare footnotes, he states: "Governors usually, but not always, ruled two provinces, in this case Kwangtung and Kwangsi, the Eastern and Western Kwangs; thus the Governor of the Two Kwangs". In fact there was a Governor-General (tsung-tu) for the two Kwangs and a Governor (hsün-fu) for each province. This is an elementary mistake which a knowledge of the Chinese sources would have corrected. Similarly, a greater familiarity with the Chinese scene would have saved him from writing "the Summer Palace in the Western Hills near Peking", when in fact it lies in the plain between Peking and the Western Hills. Also in the brief chapter on Lord Macartney's embassy to China he mentions that Macartney "presented to the Grand Secretary a short memorandum of the points he was authorized to raise. But which Grand Secretary? There were six members of the Grand Secretariat when Macartney was in Peking in 1793. Clearly he means Ho-shen, the favourite minister of the Emperor Ch'ien- ++ ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 190 BENHAM, Miss M. E. M. - Harcourt Health Centre, Morrison Hill Rd., H.K. BENIANS, S. M. BENNETT, Frank C., Jr. - BENT, Miss Dora BERNADETTE, Sister Maura BERTUCCIOLI, Dr. G.* BIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D. BLACK, D. BLACKMORE, M. BLAKER, D. J. R. BLUE, A. D. BOARD, D. B. M.* BONSALL, G. W. BORDWELL, J. H. BORGEEST, G. BOXER, Prof. B. BRAGA, J. M. BRAUN, F. + BREGMAN, R. U. BRIGGS, G. G. - + + + - + BRITTON, Mrs. N. M. BROMHALL, J. D. BROOKS, D. E. BROWN, Miss B. BROWNE, H. J. C. BRUCE, Robert BUNGER, Dr. Karl + + - - - c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. c/o United States Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. Nethersole Hospital, Bonham Road, H.K. The Maryknoll Sisters, Waterloo Road, Kowloon Tong, Kowloon. Lungotevere delle navi 30, Roma, Italy. 7, Braga Circuit, Kowloon, Long Acre, Gullane, East Lothian, Scotland. Dept. of History, H.K. University, H.K. c/o Gilman & Co., Ltd., P. O. Box 56, H.K. Chief Engineer, M.V. "World Yuri", World Wide (Shipping) Ltd., c/o Cornes & Co., C.P.O. Box 158, Tokyo, Japan, c/o Education Dept., Battery Path, H.K. Flat 4-B, 3 University Drive, Pokfulum, H.K. P. O. Box 25, H.K. P. O. Box 1058, H.K. Dept. of Geography, Michigan State Univ., East Lansing, Michigan 48824, U.S.A. P. O. Box 951, H.K. 8 Kotewall Road, 4th floor, H.K. University Surgical Unit, Queen Mary Hospital, H.K. The Supreme Court, H.K. 6 Peel Rise, The Peak, H.K. Fisheries Research Station, The Fish Market, Island Road, Aberdeen, H.K. Radio Hong Kong, Mercury House, H.K. Medical Rehabilitation Centre, L254 Kwun Tong, Kowloon. c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. Consul General, Consulate General of the Federal Republic of Germany, 1, Duddell Street, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g EVANS, D. M. E. - EVANS, P. J. - EVANS, Mrs. P. J. EVISON, Rev. Frank · EWING, Miss E.* FABER, Mrs. A. FABER, Mrs. G. A. G.* FESSLER, Loren FISCHER, Mrs. Ingrid FISCHER, W. D. - FISHER-SHORT, W. FITZGIBBON, D. J. FLETCHER, A. J. FLETCHER, Mrs. C. M. FLETCHER, W. E. L. FOERSTER, E. J. - FOORD, Dr. Roy D. FREEDMAN, Prof. M. · FUNG, K. S. FUNG, Hon. Ping-fan" GALVIN, J. A. T.* GARCIA, A. GARD, Dr. R. A. - GASS, Hon. M. D. Irving GEORGE, T. J. B. - GIBB, Hugh· - + - · - - Flat 4C, 3 University Drive, H.K. 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Victoria House, H.K. c/o Diplomatic Service Administration Office, King Charles St., London S.W.1, England. Lakeside Building, Causeway Bay, Flat C, 3/F., H.K. • Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 195 HAYIM, E. J.* HAYWARD, G. W. HEANEY, Robert S. HECHTEL, F. O. P. HENSMAN, Dr. Bertha HERRIES, M. A. R. 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. White Mill End, 5 Granville Road, Seven-oaks, Kent, England, Deer Park, Greenwich, Conn., USA. 10 Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T. c/o P. O. Box 70, H.K. d'HESTROY, Baron P. de G. Belgian Embassy, 1653 Calle Viamonte, Buenos Aires, Argentina. HILL, D. A. HINDMARSH, R. H. Hồ, Mrs. Hưng Chịu HO, Teh-Kuci HO, Tickon* HOCHSTADTER, Dr. Walter HOGAN, Sir M. Kt. HOLMAN, J. P. HOLMES, Hon, D. R. HONG, Sheng-Hwa HOPKINSON, Mrs. J. E. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C. HOTUNG, Eric Edward HOWARD, W. J.* HOWE, D. H. HOWE, Mrs. P. M. HOWNAM-MEEK, R. S. HOWORTH, J. F. HOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von HSIA, Tung Pei HUI, Miss Wai-haan CIECD Engineering Consulting Group, P.O. Box 23, Taipei, Taiwan. Room 606, Gloucester Building, H.K. 11, Briar Avenue, First Floor, H.K. Lake Side Building, 2nd Floor B, 259 Gloucester Road, H.K. 50, Village Road, Ground Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. 9, Cambridge Road, 1st Floor, Kowloon. Chief Justice's Chambers, Supreme Court, H.K. 15A Vivian Court, Mt. Kellett, Peak, H.K. Commerce and Industry Dept. Fire Brigade Bldg., H.K. c/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. 12, Mt. Nicholson Gap, H.K. Peninsula Court, Kowloon. 10 Stanley Street, H.K. P. O. Box 282, H.K. D-1, "On Lee", 2 Mount Davis Road, Pokfulum, H.K. As above. P. O. Box 70. H.K. c/o Leigh & Orange, Room 2015 Union House, H.K. 9-A Stanley Beach Road, H.K. 131B, Wanchai Building, 8th floor, 131 Wanchai Road, H.K. Dept. of Chemistry, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 198 LI, Dr. Choh-ming LI, Shi-yi LINDSAY, T. J.* LIU, D. H. LIU, Sydney C. - + LIU, Prof. Ts'un-yan LLEWELLYN, J. LO, Hsiang-lin LO, T. S.* LOCKING, J. R. - LOCKS, Miss A. M. - LOSEBY, Miss P. LOTHROP, Francis B.* LUCAS, Col. E. S. S.- LUM, Miss Ada* LUPTON, G. C. M. MA, Meng MACCABE, Miss Eileen MACGREGOR, Miss M. MACK, A. M. - MACKEITH, J. S. MACKENZIE, J. . - - The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Vice-Chancellor's Office, 677 Nathan Road, 12th Floor, Kowloon. 72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon, 3. 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Operations, Cathay Pacific Airways, Kai Tak Airport, Kowloon. c/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K. c/o Imperial Chemical Industries (China) Ltd., 16th Floor, Union House, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 199 MCCABE, Donald C. - MCCABE, Mrs. S. J. - MCCOY, John MCCRARY, M.* MCDOUALL, J. C.* MCELNEY, B. S. - New Asia College Chinese University of Hong Kong, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon, Flat 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Division of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A. 25-A Robinson Road, Top floor, H.K. 13, The Green, St. Leonards-on-Sea, Sussex, England. Johnson Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, H.K. MCFADZEAN, Prof. A. J. S. The University, Pokfulum, H.K. MCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. Michael J. 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C.* Union Research Institute, 9 College Road, Kowloon. MILLER, C. F. O.* c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 200 MILTON, Mrs. Norma J. Flat 51, Dina House, Duddell St., H.K. MOLTKE-HANSEN, Mrs. Olav. MOSLER, Mrs. M. MOYLE, G. C. NEILD, Mrs. Christine NEWBIGGING, D. K. NG, Ronald C. Y. NICHOLS, E. H. NIXON, F. A.* NOLDE, Prof. John J. NORONHA, J. E. P OLIPHANT, R. G. L. OLIVER, J. R. ORD, Miss I. M. OVERBURY, Miss U. M. PATTERSON, G. N. PAYNE, Miss P. M. PEARSON, Miss E. F. PENNELL, W. V. PERESYPKIN, O. P. PHILLIPS, Prof. J. G. PICCIOTTO, Mrs. R. J. PICKFORD, J. B. PIKE, E. N. PLAG, Rev. A. POLAND, T. D. POLDY, Mrs. K. PORDES, F. 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Nicholson Gap, Stubbs Road, H.K. "Pinecrest", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon, 11-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. 14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon. Administrative Officer, Police H.Q., H.K. Florida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K. 70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. c/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K. "Woodside", University of H.K., Pokfulum, H.K. Apt. No. 406, 1061 Don Mills Road, Don Mills, Ontario, Canada. c/o 1st floor, Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. Dental Unit, Kennedy Road, H.K. Flat 10-B, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K. 52 Mount Nicholson Gap Flat, H.K. c/o Messrs. Scott & English Ltd., P. O. Box 1555, H.K. Physiotherapy Dept., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon, Dept. of Geography & Geology, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. Asia Magazine. 31 Queen's Road, Central. H.K. Lime Rock Road, Lakeville, Connecticut, US.A. H.K. Tourist Assn., Caroline Mansion, H.K. Dina House. Duddell Street, H.K. 5 Douglas Apts., 22 Old Peak Road, H.K. Flat 3A, 4 Mt. Davis Road, Pokfulum, H.K. Queen's College, Causeway Bay, H.K. Flat 1, "Ravencourt", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g STONEY, Mrs. G. S.. As above. 203 STOWE, C. - Flat No. 112, 75 Macdonnell Road, H.K. STRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., STUART-JERVIS, Mrs. M. J. - SU, Dr. Chung-jen* SU, Ming-hsuan SVENDSEN, Mrs. H. C. + SWIRE, A. C.* - TALBOT, H. D. TAN, Khek-seng* TANG, Mrs. M.. - TANG, Sir Shiu-kin* TARARIN, Peter A.* TARR, A. D. TARWATER, J. W. THOMAS, L. F. THOMAS, Dr. O. L. THOMAS, T. H. THORN, Mrs. R. J THROWER, Prof. L. B. TILL, The Very Rev. B.* TISDALL, B. - TOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie TOWNER, J. A. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. - + Union House, H.K. Flat C, 22 Estoril Court, Garden Road, H.K. 155, Blue Pool Road, Flat A, 1/F, H.K. 45 Hankow Road, 9th Fl., Flat C, Kowloon. 30 Kennedy Road, 7/F, H.K. Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. Dept. of Geography & Geology, The University, H.K. 6 Goldsmith Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. 7C Bowen Road, Bowen Mansions, Apt., 402, H.K. Room 1701 Central Building, H.K. 623 N. Harper Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif. 90048, U.S.A, Flat 202, Balmacara, 17 Old Peak Road, H.K. 3 Old Peak Road, H4, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. Flat 5, "Cliffside", King's Park Rise, Kowloon, c/o The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. 14D, Headland Road, Hong Kong. 6-B, Alberose, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. c/o Morley College, 61 Westminster Bridge Road, London S.E.1., England, 1 Garden Terrace, G/F, H.K. - 19, Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K. + + 57 Buxcy Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. Rating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Garden Road, H.K. China Building, 4th floor, H.K. "Whispers", Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks, England. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy TURNER, Sir M.* Page 210 Page 211 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1967 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g 204 UHALLEY, Prof. S. Jr. VETCH, H. VETCH, Mrs. H. VIO, Dr. E. G. VISICK, Mrs. M. WALDEN, J. C. C. WARD, Miss J. E. A.* WARRINGTON-STRONG, Cmdr. F. WATSON, K. A. WATERS, D. D. WEI, Dr. Tat WEINREBE, H. M. WELCH, Holmes, H.* WHITELEGGE, D. S.* WILLIAMS, B. V. WILLIAMS, P. B. WILLIAMS, Roger A. WILSON, B. D. WINKLER, Mrs. E. WONG, Kwok Fong WONG, Peng-Cheong* WONG, Prof. Po-shang WONG, Shing-tsang WONG, Miss Sybil WOO, Dr. Pak-foo WOOD, Mrs. C. Department of Oriental Studies, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona 85719, U.S.A. Hong Kong Univ. Press, The University, H.K. As above, 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. Dept. of English, The University, H.K. N.T. Administration, North Kowloon Magistracy, Tai Po Road, Kowloon. c/o National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, N. Devon, England. Registration of Persons Office, H.K. c/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. Technical College, Hung Hom, Kowloon. 3, Fontana Gardens, 5th Floor, Causeway Hill, H.K. Weinrebe & Pennell, Ltd., 1103-4 Yu To Sang Bldg., H.K. 4 Holden Lane, Concord, Mass., U.S.A. Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. 10, The Albany, H.K. Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. 3-C Homestead Road, The Peak, H.K. 402 Clovelly Court, 12 May Road, H.K. 92A, Pokfulum Road, 1st floor, H.K. Wong, Tan & Co., Chartered Accountants, 732/735 Alexandra House, H.K. 11th Floor, Mascot House, 746-8 Nathan Road, Kowloon. 16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st floor, H.K. 81 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. Room 204 China Building, H.K. Sisters' Qtrs., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 42 MARJORIE TOPLEY 28 Information on the Shuntê anti-marriage movement is scattered and unsystematic, but for brief information on it and also its connexion with religion see J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese: or Notes Connected with China, 5th ed. rev. E. Chalmers Werner (Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1925) section on marriage, pp. 367-76; p. 375. 29 See C. K. Yang, Religion in Chinese Society: a Study of Contemporary Social Functions of Religion and Some of their Historical Factors (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1961) chap. XII. 30 Ibid., p. 333. 31 Cf. John Blofeld, The Jewel in the Lotus: an Outline of Present Day Buddhism in China (London, The Buddhist Society, 1948) p. 58. 32 The Religion of the Void was brought to Singapore from China and specialises in cure of drug addiction. On this religion see Hsü Yün-tsiao, "The Religion of the Void”, Journal of the South Seas Society, Vol. X, Pt. 2 (No. 20) (in Chinese). English version in same issue, tr. Chiang Liu. In Hong Kong the Green Pine Religion aims to cure disease. 33 The most factually detailed work on sects is by J. J. M. de Groot, Sectarianism and Religious Persecution in China: A Page in the History of Religions, 2 Vols. (Amsterdam, Johannes Müller, 1903-4), reprinted by Literature House, Ltd., Taipei, Taiwan, 1963). For discussion of alternative names of sects and evidence of sectarian connexions through names, see my "The Great Way of Former Heaven: a group of Chinese secret religious sects", Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. XXVI, Pt. 2, 1963, pp. 362-392, at pp. 384-6. 34 See Chiang Siang Tseh, The Nien Rebellion (Seattle, University of Washington Press, 1954). The preface by Renville Lund contains reference to White Lotus connexions. 35 Op. cit., vol. 1, p. 210. George Miles writing of the Yao-ch'ih sect (my evidence shows it to be an off-shoot of Hsien-t'ien Ta Tao) states that members had vegetarian halls but he says they were usually in isolated villages where men and women were found in constant residence. See his "Vegetarian Sects", in The Chinese Recorder, Vol. XXXIII, No. 1, 1902, Pp. 1-10. 36 See Sidney D. Gamble, Ting Hsien, a North China Rural Community (New York, Institute of Pacific Relations, 1954) p. 414. 37 Belonging to Lo Chiao (Lo Religion)—a sect named after one of its important early patriarchs (and related to Hsien-t'ien Ta Tao), described by Suzuki Chusei in "Rakyo ni Tsuite", Tōyō Bunka Kenkyujo Kiyō (Tokyo), No. 1, 1943, pp. 441-501. 38 Gamble, op. cit. 39 See de Groot, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 231-241 on funeral rites of the Lung hua sect. 40 Gamble, op. cit. 41 See for example Hsiao, op. cit., p. 231f, and p. 233. 42 Yang, op. cit., p. 226. 43 Chiang, op. cit., p. 37. De Groot, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 308. 45 According to Chiang the Nien emerged as community defence groups. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 134 J. NACKEN answer the purpose. The diamond gimlet especially is a treasure which is not known in Europe. Besides glass and China this simple looking spectacled old man will repair foreign umbrellas, clasps, and hinges, and mark China-ware. Another carries women's toilet boxes with him, which he exchanges for old ones if they are past mending. A third sharpens razors and whets scissors; then come the travelling smith, the cobbler, the tinker; one who hoops tubs and basins, and finally the repairer of mats. In passing we may notice the familiar warning cry of our chairbearers 'Mái 'pin* “step aside,” and of the coolies in carrying loads 'T'ai keuk† or 'Hoi lot “look to your footing,” "clear the road!” and then pass on to hear a few cries in connection with idolatry. Here is the hawker of joss paper, of incense sticks and of candles; there is a table, a chair and a picture of a man's head; a shrewd looking Chinaman has a crowd of eager listeners gathered around him, whilst with his persuasive tongue he tells his fortune to the one who for a few cash has engaged his services. He is a sort of phrenologist. His brother fortune-teller who has his stand at the next corner pretends to read a future happy fate by the lines of his customer's hand. Sometimes you may see an elderly woman with an open umbrella pacing along the sidewalk. Sün meng§ she calls out into the houses. Her prophesying apparatus consists of two tortoise shells. A happy day for a family festival or a felicitous name for a child she is sure to find. And if a child be sick she knows that the little one's spirit has been frightened away by a cat or a dog or something else. She will bargain for some twenty cash, take the child's jacket, light a fire in the street and call the frightened spirit back. After the jacket has been put on the child, the spirit is supposed to have taken up again its former abode within; and our last street crier walks on. ** 埋邊 千睇脚 L I BALAS § to calculate destinies. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 184 EITEL, Ernest J. THE LIBRARY Feng-shui: or, The rudiments of natural science in China. London, Trübner, 1873. bound with EITEL, Ernest J. Three lectures on Buddhism. Hong Kong, China Mail, 1871. ELLIOTT, Alan J. A. Chinese spirit-medium cults in Singapore. London, London School of Economics, Dept. of Anthropology, 1955. (Monographs on social anthropology, n.s., no.14) ELLIOTT-BATEMAN, Michael. Defeat in the East: the mark of Mao Tse-tung on war. London, Oxford U.P., 1967. EMBREE, John F. A Japanese village: Suye Mura. London, Kegan Paul, 1946. ENDACOTT, G. B. A biographical sketch-book of early Hong Kong. Singapore, Eastern Univs. P., 1962. ENDACOTT, G. B. A history of Hong Kong. London, Oxford U.P., 1958. Fables de la Chine antique. Pekin, Éditions en Langues Étrangères, 1958. FAIRBANK, John King. Trade and diplomacy on the China coast; the opening of the treaty ports, 1842-1854. Cambridge [Mass.] Harvard U. P., 1964. (Harvard historical studies, v. 62 - 63). FEDDERSEN, Martin. Chinese decorative art: a handbook for collectors and connoisseurs. Tr. by Arthur Lane. London, Faber, 1961. FINN, Daniel J. Archaeological finds on Lamma Island (##), near Hong Kong. Ed. by T. F. Ryan. Hong Kong, Ricci Hall, University of Hong Kong, 1958. Republication of articles originally appearing in the Hong Kong Naturalist, 1933-1936. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d THE LIBRARY 185 FIRTH, Raymond. Malay fishermen: their peasant economy. Issued in cooperation with the Royal Institute of International Affairs and the Institute of Pacific Relations. London, Kegan Paul, 1946. (International library of sociology and social reconstruction) FITZGERALD, C. P. China: a short cultural history. 3rd ed. London, Cresset P., 1961. FONG, Siué-fong. Fables. Pekin, Éditions en Langues Étrangères, 1955. FORTUNE, Robert. Three years' wanderings in the northern provinces of China ... Shanghai, University Press, 1935. FREEDMAN, Maurice. Chinese lineage and society: Fukien and Kwangtung, London, Athlone P., 1966. (London School of Economics. Monographs on social anthropology, no. 33) FREEDMAN, Maurice. Lineage organization in southeastern China. London, Athlone P., 1958. (London School of Economics. Monographs on social anthropology, no. 18) FRODSHAM, J. D. The murmuring stream: the life and works of the Chinese nature poet Hsieh Ling-yün (385-433), Duke of K'ang-Lo. Kuala Lumpur, Univ. of Malaya P., 1967. 2 vols. GARNER, Sir Harry. Oriental blue and white. 2nd ed. London, Faber, 1964. GARVEN, H. S. D. Wild flowers of North China and South Manchuria. Peiping, Peking Natural History Bulletin, 1937. GEOFFROY-DECHAUME, François. China looks at the world: reflections for a dialogue. Eight letters to T'ang-lin, tr. from the French by Jean Stewart. London, Faber, 1967. GILBERT, Rodney. What's wrong with China. London, Murray, 1926. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 188 HOÀNG, Peter. THE LIBRARY A notice of the Chinese calendar, and a concordance with the European calendar. 2nd ed. Zi-ka-wei near Chang-hai, Catholic Mission P., 1904. HOBSON, R. L. Handbook of the pottery and porcelain of the Far East in the Department of Oriental Antiquities and of Ethnography. [London, British Museum] 1937. HODGSON, Mrs. Willoughby How to identify old Chinese porcelain. 4th ed., enl. London, Methuen, 1920. Hong Kong et la côte chinoise, du Tonkin à Ning-po... Paris, Hachette, 1910. HONG KONG. University. Institute of Oriental Studies. Chinese tomb pottery figures: catalogue of exhibition... 26th-28th September, 1953. Hong Kong, University Press, 1953. (Institute of Oriental Studies. Catalogue series, no. 1) HOSIE, Dorothea, Lady. Two gentlemen of China: an intimate description of the private life of two patrician Chinese families... London, Seeley, Service, 1924. HSUAN Tsang (玄奘) Si-yu-ki: Buddhist records of the western world. Tr. from the Chinese of Hiuen Tsiang (A.D. 629) by Samuel Beal. Popular ed. London, Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner, [189-?] 2 vols. in 1 HSUEH, Chün-tu A review article: the years of triumph. London, 1962. Reprinted from China quarterly, no. 11, 1962, pp.225-235. Presentation copy inscribed by the author in Chinese. HUANG, Raymond Intonation in idiomatic English, for Chinese students in south-east Asia; by Raymond Huang in collaboration with A. W. T. Green. Hong Kong, University Press, 1964- v.1 only. HUCKER, Charles O. China: a critical bibliography. Tucson, University of Arizona P., 1962. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d THE LIBRARY 191 LANG, Olga. Pa Chin and his writings; Chinese youth between the two revolutions. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard U.P., 1967. (Harvard East Asian series, 28) LANYON-ORGILL, Peter A. An introduction to the Thai (Siamese) language for European students. Victoria, B.C., Curlew P., 1955. LAUFER, Berthold. Archaic Chinese jades collected in China by A. W. Bahr, now in Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, described by Berthold Laufer. New York, privately printed for A. W. Bahr, 1927. LAUFER, Berthold. Ivory in China. Chicago, Field Museum of Natural History, 1925. LAUFER, Berthold. Jade; a study in Chinese archaeology and religion. 2nd ed. South Pasadena, Perkins, 1946. Reprint of original ed., publ. by the Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, 1912. LESLIE, Donald, and DAVIDSON, Jeremy. Author catalogues of western sinologists. Canberra, Dept. of Far Eastern History, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, 1966. Mimeographed. LIN, Yu-t'ang (***) The gay genius: the life and times of Su Tungpo. New York, John Day, 1947. LIN, Yu-t'ang (***) The importance of living. New York, Reynal & Hitchcock, 1937 reprinted 1938. LIN, Yu-t'ang (††364) Moment in Peking: a novel of contemporary Chinese life. Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1939. LIN, Yu-t'ang (#*#*) With love and irony. Garden City., N.Y., Blue Ribbon, 1945. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 194 PRIP-MØLLER, J. THE LIBRARY Chinese Buddhist monasteries; their plan and its function as a setting for Buddhist monastic life. Hong Kong, Hong Kong U. P., 1967. Reprinted from the original ed., Copenhagen, 1937. RAND, Christopher. Hongkong; the island between. Tokyo, Tuttle, 1955. REMER, C. F., ed. Three essays on the international economics of communist China. Publ. for Center for Japanese Studies and the Department of Economics. Ann Arbor, Univ. of Michigan P., 1959. RIDE, Sir Lindsay. Biographical note [on] James Legge: concordance tables [to Legge's Chinese classics, and] notes on Mencius, by Arthur Waley. Hong Kong, H.K. Univ. P., 1960. RIDE, Sir Lindsay. Robert Morrison; the scholar and the man: and, Illustrated catalogue of the exhibition held at the University of Hong Kong September fourth to eighteenth 1957 to commemorate the 150th anniversary of Robert Morrison's arrival in China. Hong Kong, University Press, 1957. ROWLEY, George. Principles of Chinese painting, with illus. from the Du Boist Schanck Morris collection. Princeton, N.J., Princeton U.P., 1947. (Princeton monographs in art and archaeology, 24) ROY, Jules. Journey through China. Tr. from the French by Francis Price. London, Faber, 1967. ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. Hong Kong Branch. Aspects of social organization in the New Territories: week-end symposium, 9th-10th May, 1964. [Hong Kong, the Branch, 1964] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. Hong Kong Branch. Some traditional Chinese ideas and conceptions in Hong Kong life today: weekend symposium, October 1966. Hong Kong, the Branch, 1967. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 198 WILLIAMS, C. A. S. THE LIBRARY Outlines of Chinese symbolism: an alphabetical compendium of antique legends and beliefs... Peiping, Customs College Press, 1931. Limited ed. of 250 signed copies. WINSTEDT, Richard. The Malays: a cultural history. Singapore, Kelly & Walsh, 1947. WOODHEAD, H. G. W. The truth about the Chinese Republic. London, Hurst and Blackett, 1925. WOOLF, Bella Sidney, afterwards Mrs. Lock, afterwards Lady Southorn. Chips of China. Hong Kong, Kelly & Walsh, 1930. WRIGHT, Arthur F. Buddhism in Chinese history. Stanford, Calif., Stanford U.P., 1959. (Stanford studies in the civilizations of eastern Asia) WRIGHT, Leigh R. Historical notes on the North Borneo dispute. Ann Arbor, Mich., Association for Asian Studies, 1966. 484. Reprinted from Journal of Asian studies, v. 25, 1966, pp. 471- WRIGHT, Leigh R. Sarawak's relations with Britain, 1858 to 1870. Kuching, Government Printing Office, 1964. Reprinted from Sarawak Museum, Journal, v. 40, 1964, pp. 628-648. WRIGHT, Stanley F. Hart and the Chinese customs. Publ. for the Queen's University, Belfast. Belfast, Mullan, 1950. WU, Chiêng-ên (E) Monkey; tr. from the Chinese by Arthur Waley. London, Allen & Unwin, 1942 reprinted 1945. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 201 BENANZIO, Dr. Mario BELL, G. J. BENHAM, Miss M. E. M. BENIANS, S. M. BENNETT, Frank C., Jr. BENT, Miss Dora BERKOWITZ, Dr. Morris BERNADETTE, Sister Maura BERTUCCIOLI, Dr. G.* BEVERIDGE, R. J. BEYENS, Baron F. BIRCH, Dr. Alan BIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D. BLACK, D. BLACKMORE, M. BLAKER, D. J. R. BLUE, A. D. BLUNDELL, Grahame S. BOARD, D. B. M.* BONSALL, G. W. BORDWELL, J. H. BORGEEST, G. BOXER, Prof. B. BRAGA, J. M. BRAUN, F. BREGMAN, R. U. 189 Ampang Road, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. c/o The Royal Observatory, H.K. c/o Feldy, The Lane, West Mersee, Colchester, Essex, England. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. (Import Dept.) Jardine House, H.K. c/o United States Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. Nethersole Hospital, Bonham Road, H.K. Chung Chi College, Chinese University of H.K., Shatin, N.T. The Maryknoll Sisters, Waterloo Road, Kowloon Tong, Kowloon. Lungotevere delle navi 30, Roma, Italy. c/o 4A, Horsburgh Grove, Armadale, Melbourne, S.E. 3, Victoria, Australia. 38C, MacDonnell Road, 2nd floor, H.K. Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 7, Braga Circuit, Kowloon. Long Acre, Gullane, East Lothian, Scotland. Dept. of History, H.K. University, H.K. c/o Gilman & Co., Ltd., P. O. Box 56, H.K. Chief Engineer, M.V. "World Soya", World Wide (Shipping) Ltd., c/o Cornes & Co., C.P.O. Box 158, Tokyo, Japan. D-4 Silverstrand, 94 Mile Clearwater Bay Road, Kowloon, c/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. Flat 4-B, 3 University Drive, Pokfulum, H.K P. O. Box 25, H.K. P. O. Box 1058, H.K. Dept. of Geography, Michigan State Univ., East Lansing, Michigan 48824, U.S.A. P. O. Box 951, H.K. 8 Kotewall Road, 4th floor, H.K. University Surgical Unit, Queen Mary Hospital, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 205 FLETCHER, A. J. FLETCHER, Mrs. C. M. FLETCHER, W. E. L. FOERSTER, E. J. P FOORD, Dr. Roy D. + - + 8, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. 2 "Friston", 15, Old Peak Road, H.K. As above. c/o P. O. Box 25, H.K. 48 The Rutts, Bushey Heath, Hertfordshire, England. FREEDMAN, Prof. Maurice 187 Gloucester Place, St. Marylebone, London, N.W.1., England. FUNG, K. S. FUNG, Hon. Ping-fan* - + GALVIN, J. A. T.* GARCIA, A. GARD, Dr. R. A. GARTNER, John GASS, Hon. M. D. Irving GEORGE, T. J. B. - GIBB, Hugh + - - c/o Hang Tai & Fung Co., Ltd., Room 205 Fu House, H.K. Bank of East Asia. Ltd., 10 Des Voeux Rd., C., H.K. Loughlinstown House Co., Dublin, Ireland. c/o South Kowloon Magistracy, Kowloon, c/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K. 15 Guildford Lane, Melbourne, Australia, Victoria House, H.K. c/o Diplomatic Service Administration Office, King Charles St., London S.W.1, England. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K. GIEDROYC, J. H. Michael* 31, Richmond Way, Fetcham, Surrey, GIFFORD-HULL, Brig. G. B. - GILKES, D. A. · - GIMSON, C. H. · GLASS, Miss M. A. GLOVER, Mrs. J. ► GOLD, Edward L. - - GOLD, Mrs, Sarah T, - GOLDNEY, Miss C. M. GOODBODY, D. M. - GOODRICH, Prof. L. C. GORDON, K. H. A. + + + England. 49 Beach Road, Repulse Bay, H.K. 5 Goldsmith Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. c/o P.W.D. Hq., 4th Floor, Main Wing, Central Government Offices Building, H.K. 14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon. "Crossways", 49 Christchurch Road, Sidcup, Kent, England, 12 Pokfield Road, 1st floor, H.K. As above, c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 16 St. Paul's Road, Cannonbury, London, N.1, England. 504 Kent Hall, Columbia University, New York 27, New York, U.S.A. Room 601 Marina House, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy Page 210 Page 211 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 206 GORDON, Hon. S. S.* GRANSDEN, J. H. GRANT, I. F. H. - GRANT, Mrs. I. F. H. GRAY, Miss Audrey M. - GREGORY, Prof. W. G. GRIFFITHS-OWEN, Miss M. GROVE, Mrs. Rosemary + - - + GUILLAUME, Baron P. de HADDOW, Dr. I. F. G. - - HAFFNER, C. HALE, Richard E. + HALL, Miss Joyce Messrs. Lowe, Bingham & Matthews, 22nd Floor, Prince's Building, H.K. Dept. of Modern Languages, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Jardine House, H.K. As above. 9A Cameron House, 40 Magazine Rd., H.K. Dept. of Architecture, The University, Pokfulum, H.K. D-12, Bay Court, Repulse Bay, H.K. 10A Barbecue Gardens, 171 Milestone, Castle Peak Road, N.T. Flat 5, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. New Territories Health Office, North Kowloon Magistracy, Taipo Road, Kowloon, Room 1002 Alexandra House, H.K. The Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Room 514, H.K. HALLWARD, Miss C. L. J. - St. Stephens Girls' College, Lyttelton Road, H.K. HANSON, Miss Katherine • HARDEN, Mrs. Guy T, Jr.* HARRISON, Prof. B. + H.K. J P. O. Box 1209, Porterville, California 93257, U.S.A. 15 Shek-O, H.K. Dept. of History, University of British Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada, HARTWELL, Sir Charles H. c/o Public Service Commission, Central Government Offices, H.K, HARTWELL, Lady · HAYDON, E. S. HAYES, J. W. + HAYIM, E. J.* HAYWARD, G, W. 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O. Box 448, H.K. Palmer & Turner, Prince's Building, 19th Floor, H.K. 2-E Wongneichong Gap Road, Flat 7, H.K, * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 214 RYAN, Rev. Father T. F. L RYDINGS, H. A.. + Wah Yan College, 281, Queen's Road, East, H.K. H.K. University Library, H.K. SAUNDERS, Hon, J. A. H. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. SCHALLER, Miss K. SCHOYER, B. P. - SCHWARZ, Miss Marjorie D.* SCOTT, A. C. SCOTT, J. M. SELLERS, David M. - SELLETT, G.* SERSALE, Miss S. M. SHAW-KENNEDY, Miss Anne - SHEPHARD, A. J. SHEKURY, Miss E. SHOEMAKER, John F. - SHING, D. SHU, Dr. H. T. SIEGEL, H. W. - SINFIELD, G. H. C.* - SIMPSON, R. F. SKELSON, R. E. SLEVIN, B. F. SMALL, Dr. D. H. SMITH, Leslie* + + + + H.K. 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Secretary of any inaccuracy E Life Member ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 216 TARR, A. D. - THOMAS, L. F. THOMAS, Dr. O. L. - THOMAS, T. H. THORN, Mrs. R. + THROWER, Prof. L. B. - TILL, The Very Rev. B.* + TISDALL, B. TOLMAN, Norman H. TOOGOOD, C. W. - TOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie TORRIBLE, G. R.* TOWNER, J. A. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. TURNER, Sir Michael* TYLER, Mrs. M. R. + - - P - Flat 202, Balmacara, 17 Old Peak Road, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. Flat 5, "Cliffside", King's Park Rise, Kowloon, c/o The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. 14D, Headland Road, Hong Kong. 6-B, Alberose, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. c/o Morley College, 61 Westminster Bridge Road, London S.E.1., England, 1 Garden Terrace, G/F, H.K. 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Devon, England. c/o Registry of Persons Office, Causeway Bay Magistracy, H.K. c/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. Technical College, Hung Hom, Kowloon. 46 King's Park Flats, Kowloon, 3. Fontana Gardens, 5th Floor, Causeway Hill, H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 101 THE LINGUISTIC AND LITERARY VALUE OF THE MING DYNASTY ‘MOUNTAIN SONGS' JOHN MCCOY* Poetry, and the rhyming dictionaries compiled to aid the poet, have presented the linguist with the bulk of his material pertinent to the problem of reconstructing earlier forms of the Chinese language. Of course other aids have been used, such as the evidence of the fan-ch'ieh system of describing character pronunciations by dividing them into initial and final sound segments, the help provided by foreign language data, and the clues from the phonetic elements in the characters. However, the major breakthrough was made with early rhyming dictionaries. Karlgren's great contribution to the history of the Chinese language, his reconstruction of Ancient Chinese, was principally an analysis of the system set up in the Ch'ieh Yün, the Kuang Yün, and other early rhyme books. To this system he assigned phonetic values by positing forms generally consistent with modern dialect pronunciations. The value of Karlgren's tremendous scholarship cannot be overemphasized, but note should be made that it does not tell us all we will ever want to know about antecedent forms of the present-day dialects of Chinese. Two aspects of his approach lead us to continue our search for corroborating and supplementary materials with which to increase our knowledge about early Chinese. First, Karlgren's Ancient Chinese must be thought of as a textual reconstruction rather than a linguistic reconstruction, and we ideally want both to fill out our picture. Secondly, for a number of reasons we can assume that the phonology expressed in the formal rhyming dictionaries diverged to some degree from the actual spoken forms of the time. The difference between a textual reconstruction and a linguistic reconstruction is the difference between the interpretation and * Dr. McCoy's article "The Dialects of Hong Kong Boat People: Kau Sai" appeared in Volume 5 of the Journal. He is Associate Professor, Division of Modern Languages, Cornell University. This paper is a revised version of one read before the Association of Asian Studies at Philadelphia in March 1968. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d MING DYNASTY 'MOUNTAIN SONGS' 103 written by the literati rhymed often by academic fiat rather than in accordance with actual dialect pronunciations and the conversational styles which we know must have been spoken at the time. This is not entirely the case since in the verses of the classical poets we often find deviation from the patterns of the rhyming dictionaries. Still the norm held true to the accepted versions, and as time passed the accepted version remained relatively stable while the living language went through a series of sound changes. There is even reason to assume that the earliest rhyming dictionaries may have preserved archaisms or dialect pronunciations, or otherwise mixed the information in a way that would complicate Karlgren's Ancient Chinese. For example, we know from the preface to the Ch'ieh Yün that this important rhyming dictionary was the product of an informal committee composed of members who represented several regional dialects. Presumably a situation like that might lead to a levelling process and the final results might be to some extent an overall pattern of several speech forms rather than a consistent recording of a single dialect. In summary, the first proposition is that Ancient Chinese as now reconstructed should be paired with a proto-Chinese developed by the comparative method of modern linguistics. One can look forward to the time when the necessary spoken language data will be gathered and the preliminary reconstructions of individual Chinese proto-dialects will be completed. The second proposition is that the standard rhyming dictionaries can be expected to diverge in greater or lesser degree from any standard spoken language of their time. This second point suggests to the linguist that an ideal target for research might be poetry outside the intellectual, classical tradition. In other words, we can look to folk poetry since in that genre we will more likely be dealing with colloquial rhymes having no reference to the educated patterns of the rhyming dictionaries. This type of poetry would provide rhymes which are so useful in reconstructing earlier forms of Chinese, yet it would be much less likely to present some of the problems of the more artificial rhyming dictionaries. It is a safe assumption that original folk poetry would represent the everyday speech of the area from which it comes rather than any prestige second language of the educated class. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 110 JOHN MCCOY 4) The character (S) nü. I interpret this to be (M) nü 'woman' read in a slightly different way, probably equivalent to the 'changed tone' phenomenon in Cantonese. Compare here the Shanghai usage yang-nü-nü- ‘doll' contrasting with (S) nü-ning 'woman' showing two pronunciations for the element nü. Morohashi records this form in his great dictionary, Dai Kan Wa Jiten, and glosses it as a Wu dialect variant meaning simply 'woman', 5) (M) shã chiao ling erh I found in the dictionaries as 'water caltrop'. Here I exercised a little poetic license on the assumption that the English name for this plant is rather obscure. 約約到月上時, 邦了月上子山頭弗見渠, 咦沸知奴處山低月上得早 咦弗知郎處山高月上得遲。 'I agreed with my sweetheart to meet when the moon came up. Why is it that the moon is on the mountain tops but I still don't see him? I wonder if it could be because in my place the hills are low and the moon rises early, Or is it because at his place the hills are high and the moon rises late?' Note in this poem: 1) The character, at the beginning of the second line, which I have reconstructed as na-, I find this form in Morohashi where it is described as an alternate for the character (M) nà meaning 'that, those'. It seems to have a slightly different connotation in the Mountain Songs, more like the interrogative form of the same character in Mandarin, nă. From an analysis of the various contexts in which it appears in my texts I translate it as 'why' or 'how is it that'. 2) Note the use of the character (M) ch'u meaning 'he'. The only significant point here is that in this dialect I would expect (S) yi-, although forms related to ch'ü are found in a number of Wu dialect areas. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d BOOK REVIEWS 173 and their connection with the militia movement rather confusing. (See pp. 39-40 and 62-64 and Appendix II.) It seems that they could be long-established schools with pupils and teachers whose buildings were from time to time used by the local gentry for meeting purposes when such matters as local defence might be considered; or could be restored or newly set up schools which, at the time, were intended as meeting houses, drill halls and armouries first and as academic institutions after, because this was a convenient 'cover'. It also appears that they could be local schools (she-hsüeh) or charity schools (i-hsüeh) the two being apparently of much the same academic level at this period. It would have been useful to have had more detailed information on some of these establishments. Writing in Hong Kong, there is one example of a large charity school in Kowloon which may serve to illuminate the position a little. This was the Lung Chun Yee Hok (**龍津義學**) in Kowloon City (九龍城), one of the sub-administrative centres of the San On District. This building was erected in 1847 and fortunately the text of the wall tablet commemorating its establishment has been preserved, though the stone itself is now buried under concrete laid after a fire. This indicates that the school project originated with local officials who each contributed money to assist its progress and (reading between the lines) encouraged local gentry to participate. At this time its stated object was 'to stimulate the morale of local inhabitants and set a good example for the foreigners to follow'. Whether this school served as a headquarters for local militia in the 1840s and 1850s is not known; but it is reported that at the end of the 19th century just before the lease of the New Territories to Britain in 1898, this school, in addition to being a reputable academic institution, was also the meeting place of officials and local gentry when there were matters to discuss. Why and how often these meetings took place can, at this distance of time, hardly now be determined but it is likely that the two-fold use of the premises, and the interest of officials and gentry in both sides of its activities, paralleled those of the she-hsüeh. In an earlier review of this book (Journal of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 1967, p. 728) Dr. Hugh Baker asks "But of what area of organisation was the local school a manifestation? Was it based on a marketing area or on an administra- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d DAWSON, Prof. J. L. M. DAWSON GROVE, Dr. A. W. - DAWSON GROVE, Miss J. DEANS PEGGS, Dr. A. DJOU, G. G. DRAKE, Prof. F. S.* DRAKEFORD, L. S. - DUNCANSON, J. D.* DUTTON, H. A. DUTTON, Mrs. M. M. DWYER, Prof. D. J. - EDWARDS, O. P. - EITZEN, Mrs. J. EMERSON, G. C. ENDACOTT, G. B. EUSTACE, Col. F. A. EVANS, C. J. EVANS, Mrs. P. J. EVANS, P. J. · - EWING, Miss E.* · FABER, Mrs. A. FABER, Mrs. G. A. G.* FEHL, Prof. Noah E.* FESSLER, L. - FISCHER, Mrs. I. FISCHER, W. D. FISHER-SHORT, W. FITZGIBBON, D. J. FLETCHER, A. J. - - + Dept. of Philosophy & Psychology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 1 Headland Road, Repulse Bay, H.K. As above. 187 Education Department, Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. c/o American International Assnce. Co., Ltd. No. 1, Stubbs Road, H.K. 'Lincot', Stoke Road, North Curry, Taunton, Somerset, England. 12 Miles, Clearwater Bay Road, Kowloon. 26 Leinster Mews, London W2, England. [OB, Stanley Beach Road, H.K. As above. Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn. H.K. 22 Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. Flat 16A, 7B Bowen Road, H.K. c/o Y.M.C.A., Salisbury Road, Kowloon. c/o Hong Kong Sea School, Stanley, H.K. Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. 33 Tung Tau Wan Road, Stanley, H.K. Ray-O-Vac International Corpo., 604 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. 25, The Meadows, Old Portsmouth Road, Guildford, Surrey, England. 10, Cooper Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. Inveroak, West End Lane, Stoke Poges, Bucks, England. Chung Chi College, C.U.H.K., Shatin, N.T. American Universities Field Staff, 15 Tung Shan Terrace, 2nd Floor, H.K. P.O. Box 1416, H.K. As above. c/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. c/o British Embassy, Beirut, Lebanon. 8, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 188 FOORD, Dr. R. D. FREEDMAN, Dr. M. FUNG, K. S. FUNG, Hon. Ping-fan* GALVIN, J. A. T.* GARCIA, A. GARD, Dr. R. A. GARTNER, J. + GEOFFROY-DECHAUME, F. GEORGE, T. J. B. GIBB, H. + GIEDROYC, M. J. H.* GILKES, D. A. GIMSON, C. H. GOLD, E. L. GOLD, Mrs. S. T. GOLDNEY, Miss C. M. GOODRICH, Prof. L. C. GORDON, K. H. A. GORDON, Hon. S. S.* GRANT, L. F. H. + GRANT, Mrs. I. F. H. GREGORY, Prof. W. G. GROVE, Mrs. R. 48 The Rutts, Bushey Heath, Hertfordshire, England. 187 Gloucester Place, St. Marylebone, London, N.W.1., England. Tạo Hang Tai & Fungs Co., Ltd., Room 205 Fu House, H.K. Bank of East Asia, Ltd., 10 Des Voeux Rd., C., H.K. Loughlinstown House Co., Dublin, Ireland, c/o South Kowloon Magistracy, Kowloon. 8128 Hamilton Spring Road, Carderock Springs, Bethesda, Maryland 20034, U.S.A. 15 Guildford Lane, Melbourne, Australia. c/o French Consulate General, Realty Building, H.K. c/o Diplomatic Service Administration Office, King Charles St., London S.W.1, England. c/o P.O. Box 64, H.K. 31, Richmond Way, Fetcham, Surrey, England. 5 Goldsmith Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. c/o P.W.D. Hq., 4th Floor, Main Wing, Central Government Offices Building, H.K. 12 Pokfield Road, 1st floor, H.K. As above. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 504 Kent Hall, Columbia University, New York 27, New York, USA. Room 601 Marina House, H.K. Messrs. Lowe, Bingham & Matthews, 22nd Floor, Prince's Building, H.K. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. P.O. Box 70, H.K. As above. Dept. of Architecture, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 10A Barbecue Gardens, 174 Milestone, Castle Peak Road, N.T. GUILLAUME, Baron P. de Flat 5, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. E Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 189 HADDOW, Dr. I. F. G. - HAFFNER, C. Hall, J. Unknown. Room 1002 Alexandra House, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Room 514, H.K. HALLWARD, Miss C. L. J. St. Stephens Girls' College, Lyttelton Road, H.K. HARDEN, Mrs. G. T., Jr.* - HARRISON, Prof. B. - H.K. 15 Shek-O, H.K. Dept. of History, University of British Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. HARTWELL, Sir Charles H. c/o Public Service Commission, Central Government Offices, H.K. HARTWELL, Lady - HAYDON, E. S. HAYES, J. W. HAYIM, E. J.* HAYWARD, G. W. HEANEY, R. S. - HECHTEL, F. O. P. HENSMAN, Prof. Bertha HERRIES, Hon. M. A. R. T - As above. c/o The Supreme Court, H.K. c/o Secretariat for Home Affairs, International Building, H.K. 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. British Embassy, Kastelsvej 38-40, Copenhagen. Deer Park, Greenwich, Conn., U.S.A. 10 Branksome Towers, May Road, H.K. Chung Chi College, C.U.H.K., Shatin, N.T. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. P.O. Box 70, H.K. PHESTROY, Baron P. de G. Belgian Embassy, 1653 Calle Viamonte, Buenos Aires, Argentina. HILL, D. A. HILSDALE, Mrs. E. P. HINDMARSH, R. H. HỒ, Mrs. Hungchiu HO, Teh-kuei - HO, Tickon* HOCHSTADTER, Dr. W. HOGAN, Hon. Sir Michael HOLMES, Hon. D. 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LO, Prof. Hsiang-Lin LO, T, S.* LOBO, Mrs. R. H. (Margaret) LOCKING, J. R. LOCKS, Miss A. M. Crichton College, Balmains, Stanley, Perthshire, Scotland, Fung Ping Shan Museum, University of Hong Kong, HK. 4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K. c/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britannia House, 30 Rue Joseph II, Brussels 4, Belgium. United College, 9-A Bonham Road, H.K. c/o University Library, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. 74, Kennedy Road, H.K. Lee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., Prince's Bldg., 25th Floor, H.K. Dept. of Economics, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 22 Hing Hon Road, 2nd floor, Western District, H.K. 5 Tung Shan Terrace, Flat B2, Stubbs Rd., H.K. The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. 72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon. 3, Bareena Avenue, Wahroonga, N.S.W. c/o U.S. Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. Rose Court, 117 Wongneichong Road, 12th Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, Australian National University, Canberra, A.C.T. 2600, Australia. Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o Lo and Lo, Jardine House, 7/F., Pedder St., H.K. Race View Mansions, Apt. 72, 46 Stubbs Road, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. Flat 20, 6 Mansfield Road, H.K. *Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 194 MCCRARY, M.* McELNEY, B. S. McFADZEAN, Prof. A. J. S. McKEIRNAN, Sister Agnes MCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. M. J. + L McKENNA, Sister M. P. MCLEVIE, J. G. MEFFAN, Mrs. I. E. MEIJER, Dr. M. J. MICHAELIONES, Miss E. O. L = MIDDLEBROOK, R. W. MILBURN, K. MILLER, A. C. MILLER, C. F. O.* MOLTKE-HANSEN, Mrs. O. MOSLER, Mrs. M. MOYLE, G. C. NEILD, Mrs. C. NEWBIGGING, D. K. NG, Dr. Ronald C. Y. 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Box 70, H.K. c/o School of Oriental and African Studies, London, W.C.1, England. 11, Queen's Gardens, Old Peak Road, H.K. Room 63, Hong Kong Club, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University to the College of Arts and Science, The University of Maine, Orono, Maine. c/o W.F. Bollmeyer & Co., (H.K.) Ltd. 408, Yu To Sang Building, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 195 OBRIEN, Dr. J. P. OLIVER, J. R. ORD, Miss I. M. - OU, Miss G. - + OVERBURY, Miss U. M. PATTERSON, G. N. PAYNE, Miss P. M. PEARSON, Miss E. F. - PENNELL, W. V. - PERESYPKIN, O, P. - PHILLIPS, Prof. J. G. PICKFORD, J. B. PIKE, E. N. PIMPANEAU, J. PLAG, Rev, A.* - POLAND, T. D. PORDES, F. T POST, Miss E. M. · + PRESCOTT, J. A. RAINBIRD, S. W. O'C. - RASSIM, Mrs. E. RATH, Mrs. R. H. (Jacqueline) RAYNE, R. N. REDFERN, O'Donnell S. REES, W. RICHES, G. C. P. · J + Sandy Bay Children's Orthopaedic Hospital, c/o Supreme Court, H.K. Sisters' Qtrs., 802 King's Park House, Kowloon. c/o French Consulate General, P. O. Box 13, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. 21 South Bay Road, Ground Floor, Repulse Bay, H.K. 24 Buxey Lodge, 8th Floor, 37 Conduit Rd., H.K. Bag 3 Bundoora, Victoria, Australia. C'an Boyer Mear Puerto Pollensa, Majorca, Spain. P. O. Box 1382, H.K. Dept. of Zoology, University of Hull, England. Flat 2, Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. c/o The Asia Foundation, 2 Old Peak Road, H.K. 15 Tung Shan Terrace, H.K. Shouson Villa, Flat B, G/F, 16 Shouson Hill Road, H.K. 3 Coombe Road, First Floor, H.K. Room 209, Gloucester Building, H.K, c/o American Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K. West Penthouse, 11 Conduit Road, H.K. c/o Training Unit, Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. 101 Holland Road, Hove 2, Sussex, England. 79 Deep Water Bay Road, H.K. 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Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 198 SU, Dr. Chung-jen* SU, Ming-hsuan SU, Samon SWIRE, A. C.* SYKES, Major A. E. - TALBOT, H. D. - TAN, Khek-seng* TANG, Mrs. Jack C. - TANG, Sir Shiu-kin* TANNER, R. F. TARARIN, P. A.* - THOMAS, L. F. THOMAS, T. H. THROWER, Prof. L. B. · TILL, The Very Rev. B.* + TISDALL, B. TOMLIN, Mrs. Ian TOOGOOD, C. W. - TORRIBLE, G. R.* TOWNER, J. A. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. + TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. TURNER, Sir Michael* - TYLER, Mrs. M. R. UHALLEY, Dr. S., Jr. · 155, Blue Pool Road, Flat A, 1/F, H.K. 45 Hankow Road, 9th Fl., Flat C, Kowloon. c/o Shanghai Commercial Bank Ltd., 12 Queen's Road, Central, H.K. c/o John Swire & Sons, Ltd., 66 Cannon Street, London, E.C.4, England. M.O.D. Chinese Language School, Lyemun Barracks, B.F.P.O.1, H.K. Dept. of Geography, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 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Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1969 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d 199 VALE, Miss M. VARNEY, Dr. C. B. VETCH, H. VETCH, Mrs. H. VIO, Dr. E. G. - VISICK, Mrs. M. VOSS, Dr. A. WALDEN, J. C. C. WARD, Miss J. E. A.* WARRINGTON-STRONG, Cmdr. F.. WATERS, D. D. WATSON, Hon. K. A. WEBB-JOHNSON, S. A. · WEBSTER, J. L. H. WEI, Dr. Tat WEINREBE, H. M. WELCH, Holmes, H.* WHITELEGGE, D. S.* WILLIAMS, A. T. - WILLIAMS, B. V. WILLIAMS, P. B. WILLIAMS, R. A. WILLIAMS, W. D. F. WILLIAMS, Mrs. W. D. F. WILSON, Mrs. A. W. - WILSON, B. D. - 1-B, 126 Pokfulum Road, H.K. Dept. of Geography, United College, C.U.H.K., 9A, Bonham Road, H.K. Belmont Court 10A, 10 Kotewall Road, H.K. As above. 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. 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Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 18 L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH Hsieh's proposal approved, the emperor appointed him editor, and associated with him a staff of 147 assistants. For seventeen months they toiled diligently; then, on December 13, 1404, they submitted to the throne the first draft, entitled Wên-hsien ta-ch'êng. The emperor, however, was not satisfied. He ordered work resumed, adding two other scholars as co-directors of the enterprise: Yao Kuang-hsiao (1335 - 1418) and Liu Chi-ch'ih (1346 - 1423). The staff too was enlarged to the number of 2,169. On December 14, 1407, Yao submitted the Wên-hsien ta-ch'êng once more to the emperor. By this time it had grown in size to 22,211 chüan, bound in 11,905 pên. His majesty showed his satisfaction by bestowing on it the title Yung-lo ta-tien. But it was still not quite finished. A year later he contributed a preface, now included in the table of contents (an additional 60 chüan), in which he used the phrase "completed in the winter of our sixth year" (i.e., 1408). In this preface the number of chüan is given as 22,937. (The table of contents, excluding its own 60 ch., gives the figure as 22,877 ch. in 11,915 pên.) Obviously the editors had added some 700 chüan in the interim between Dec. 14, 1407, and the writing of the preface (Dec. 17, 1408). The original was stored in the Wên yüan ko, Nanking, and a copy began to be made ready for printing in 1409. The cost was found to be so prohibitive, however, that this plan was abandoned. Woodblocks for a small number may, on the other hand, have been engraved. (This is the assertion of the eminent official and collector, Tuan-fang (1861-1911), who informed Professor Paul Pelliot that at one time he had seen more than one hundred chüan in printed form.) Following the removal of the capital, the YLTT was taken in 1421 to Peking and stored in the Wên lou in the palace area. In May 1557 a fire destroyed three palaces in the imperial precincts. Happily this work survived; it was then shifted to the historiography office. Five years later (Sept. 11, 1562), because of the danger of another conflagration, Emperor Chu Hou-ts'ung (1507-67) ordered the making of another set, with the calligrapher Ch'eng Tao-nan in charge of more than one hundred scribes delegated for this service by the ministry of Rites. Other responsible persons were Kao Kung (1512-78) and Chang Chü-cheng (1525-82). As this work is essentially a mammoth ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 MORE ON THE YUNG-LO TA-TIEN 19 dictionary, the characters were arranged under four main tone groups, based on the Hung-wu chêng-yün, sponsored by the first Ming emperor. Kao Kung oversaw the first and second tone-groups, Ch'in Ming-lei (1518-93) the third, and Ch'en I-ch'in (1511-86) the fourth. On May 23, 1567, Hsü Chich (1494-1574), then chief grand secretary, submitted the duplicate copy to the throne. Great rejoicing must have ensued, for the shih-lu records a long string of honors and emoluments presented on that day to high officials at court. The original was now stored in the Wên yüan ko (Peking) and the duplicate in the Huang shih chêng (office of imperial 皇史宬 archives). In 1594 a number of scholars, among them Lu K'o-chiao (a chin-shih of 1577 and currently chancellor of the National University), agitated for the installation of a bureau for the compilation of a history of the Ming dynasty. Following the approval of their proposal, several historians began to busy themselves with various aspects of the work, and gather documents for their research. Lu at this time recommended that the YLTT be printed, the labor of doing so to be parcelled out to publishers in various parts of the country. Regrettably his suggestion, along with the initial proposal of a dynastic history, was never consummated, at least in Ming times. The war in Korea against the Japanese invaders, incursions by the Mongols in the north-west, and insurrections in the south-west were all then in progress, and the resources of the empire could not bear so heavy a burden. At the end of the dynasty, during the occupation of the capital by the rebel Li Tzu-ch'eng (d. 1645), the original set was entirely put to the flames, and a considerable portion of the duplicate (about one-tenth) likewise destroyed. For over a century silence reigns, Ch'ing dynasty scholars seeming to be totally unconcerned about the YLTT. Then in 1771/72 Chu Yün (1729-81) suggested to the Ch'ien-lung emperor first that he launch a similar and even greater enterprise, and later that certain rare books contained only in the YLTT be reproduced in the new work, which came to be known as the Ssu-k'u ch'üan-shu. The emperor was pleased to accept both suggestions; as a result, 385 works in 4,946 chüan were made an important part of the latter. By this time only 9,677 volumes were available (although a report of Nov. 9, 1794, records + ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 20 L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH the number as 9,881 pên). In addition, the Wu-ying-tien press in the palace printed with movable type 286 works known only in manuscript in the YLTT. From this point on the story of the YLTT makes generally sad reading. The librarians of the Hanlin Academy during the next one hundred years must have been pretty careless in their custodial duties, for, by 1894, according to an entry in the diary of the statesman Wêng T'ung-ho (1830-1904), hardly more than 800 pên were left. During the siege of the legation quarter six years later, the Chinese made an attempt to storm the British legation by setting fire to the Hanlin, immediately to the north of the legation compound. Thousands of books in the library were consumed in the blaze, but many too were picked up by Europeans, Americans, and Japanese in the legation quarter, and either taken to their homelands, or, in the case of the British minister, returned to the authorities in Peking. In the troubles incident to the overturn of the Manchus (1911), others were dispersed; so that by 1912, when Aurousseau made his report, he recorded only sixty pên in the Metropolitan Library and four in the library of the Ministry of Education. Today the situation is much better, as there has been an effort to reproduce and make generally available copies of the volumes which have found their way to major collections, mostly public, such as the Library of Congress, the British Museum, the Bodley, the Toyo Bunko, the National Library of Peking, and the National Central Library. These include the volumes returned to the mainland by the authorities in the USSR in the flush of post World War II friendship: eleven volumes delivered in 1951 and fifty-three in 1954. The learned world now has available for study two facsimile editions of extant works, one brought out in Peking in 1960 in 730 chüan under the sponsorship of Kuo Mo-jo (1892-), and a second issued in Taipei in 1962 in 742 chüan, edited by Yang Chia-lo (1913-). Several lists of surviving volumes of the YLTT have been published, the latest being that of the venerable Japanese scholar, Iwai Hirosato, in a festschrift published in his honor: Tenseki ronshū (Tokyo 1964), 1-70. His census lists 799 chüan. A few others have come to light which he did not include. In September 1963 The British Museum Quarterly announced the acquisition of one volume containing chüan 6933 and 6934, a gift from the estate of Captain Francis Garden Poole, who ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 MORE ON THE YUNG-LO TA-TIEN 21 served in the Legation Guard in Peking in 1900. The Chester Beatty Library (Dublin) has three volumes not otherwise accounted for (chüan 803/4, 805/6, and 10,110/1). The Wason Collection of Cornell University has chüan 13,853, and the National Central Library, Taipei, has chüan 7527, which Yang Chia-lo failed to reproduce. The number at present count then is 809 chüan out of the original total of 22,877 chüan (not counting the table of contents which has been separately published). What subjects are covered in the volumes that have been saved? Practically everything that concerned the Chinese around the year 1400, but in fragmentary fashion. Thought, morals, poetry of several kinds, frontier people (the Hsiung-nu and Hu, for example), geography, surnames, government, law, the spirits, biography, divination, architecture (gates, bridges, halls, storehouses, walls, offices), villages, capital cities, history, burial customs, astronomy, botany, grain, military matters, Buddhism, Taoism, travels, bronzes, food and drink, caves, dreams, scholars, drama, sacrifices, clothing, mathematics, images, carpentry, post stations, shamans, literary collections. Dr. Walter Swingle, writing on the YLTT in the Report of the Library of Congress (1922-23), asserted: "It combined all existing Chinese books that were available to Yung-lo, excepting novels and possibly some plays." Fortunately, his remark was found to be in error when the Library of Congress acquired (1935) from the collection of Dr. H. A. Giles, professor of Chinese at Cambridge University, a copy of a "short historical novel, Ch'ieh-fên-lu and a hsü-lu, purporting to describe the experiences of Sung Hui-tsung, made captive by the Chin in 1127." (The son of Dr. Giles, Lancelot, was in the British Legation during the siege in 1900, and doubtless picked it up then.) The first notice of the famous play P'i-pa chi (The Lute Song) also appears in a volume of the YLTT. Professor Pelliot has characterized as one of the most important volumes saved the sections from a great Yuan dynasty encyclopaedia (Ching-shih ta-tien, published 1331), including a part on courier stations (jamči), now in the Toyo Bunko. Among other interesting works saved, generally fragmentary, are geographical. Francis D. M. Dow of Australian National University has recently drawn attention to certain gazetteers preserved: one of the prefecture of Soochow, published in 1379, for example; and years ago (1929) the Metropolitan ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 22 L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH Library of Peiping reported on its copy of the local history of Shao-hsing-fu, Chekiang (YLTT ch. 7963). One must also mention the excellent use made by Professor Jao Tsung-i of chüan 11,907 (preserved in Peking) in his article on "Some place-names in the South Seas in the Yung-lo ta-tien."8 Finally, because everyone is interested in Marco Polo and the authenticity of his record of travel, let us mention the discovery in chüan 19,418 of the YLTT by two Chinese scholars of the names of the three envoys from the Mongol court of Persia who were dispatched in 1290 to Kubilai in Cambaluc to convey the Lady Kukachin (Marco's Cocachin) to Tabriz to become the bride of Argon. Their names, rendered in Chinese transcription, correspond fairly closely with those preserved in Marco's account. His name and the names of his father and uncle, unfortunately, were not considered of sufficient importance to receive mention. Hopefully we may expect more enlightenment on China's past as these rare volumes are further explored. NOTES 1 For example, Leonard Aurousseau in Bull. de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient XII: 9 (1912), and both Walter Swingle and Arthur W. Hummel in Reports of the Library of Congress, 1922-23, 1935-36, 1940, etc. 2 Wang Chung-min1 has recently identified 246 of these individuals, including the three principals, in an article entitled "Yung-lo ta-tien tsuan-hsiu jen k'ao,”†^#, Wên-shih★★ 4 (June 1965), 17 ff. (Mrs. Lienche Tu Fang kindly drew this to my attention.) 3 Bull. de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient IX (1909), 828, n.3. 4 Communication to the author, dated 15th Oct., 1969, from the curator, D. Zichy. 5 I owe this to Mrs. Delano Young (née Yang Chin-yi) who received the information from a member of the staff of the Library. 6 Extracts of books were distributed under different tone groups. 7 A Study of Chiang-su and Che-chiang gazetteers of the Ming Dynasty (Canberra 1969), p. 5. 8 Symposium on Historical, Archaeological and Linguistic Studies of Southern China, South-east Asia, and the Hong Kong Region (Hong Kong 1967), 191-7. 9 Yang Chih-chiu and Ho Yung-chi, "Marco Polo quits China," Harvard Jo. of Asiatic Studies IX (1945), 51. See also Yule-Cordier, The Book of Ser Marco Polo (London 1903), I, p. 32. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 MORE ON THE YUNG-LO TA-TIEN BIBLIOGRAPHY OF IMPORTANT WORKS CONSULTED Ming shih-lu (Taiwan ed., 1962-66), Tai-tsung 0393, 0627, 1016; Shih-tsung 8413; Mu-tsung 0204; Shên-tsung 5040; Yung-lo ta-tien mu-lu (Peking 1960), preface; Ssú-k'u ch'üan-shu tsung-mu (1930), 137/3a; Kuo Po-kung, Yung-lo ta-tien k’ao (Changsha 1938, rev. ed. Taipei 1967); Wu Kuang-ts'ing, Scholarship, Book Production, and Libraries in China (618-1644), manuscript (Chicago, Dec. 1944); Paul Pelliot, T'oung Pao 20 (1921), 175-77. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 A NEW LOOK AT CANTONESE EXPLETIVES M-W (OM) Character Basic Meaning 121 SOAS 準備 ZEORNBREI CHUN-PEI immediate intention 將近 ZHEONQGRAN TSEUNG-KÂN near future 將來 ZHEONQLROY TSEUNG-LOI remoter future 再 ZOI TSOI 就 ZOR CHOH "FA ZRAU TSAO 就嚟 ZRAULRAY TSAO-LAI 住 ZRY CHUÊ LÀ repetition or continuation completion subjunctive immediate future continuation PARADIGMS Serial Analysis SOAS 1 AEIOU ZROU 2 AEJO U XOOCRIR-ZROU 3 AEJO U XOOCRIR-MRHZROU 4 AEJO U XOOCRIR-MREIZROU 5 AEJO X (WRUU) SHEONQ-ZROU 6 AEJO X (WRUU) SHEONQ-MRHZROU 7 AEKO U WRAAK (ZEAR)-ZROU 8 AEKO U WRAAK (ZEAR)-MRHZROU 9 AEKO U WRAAK (ZEAR)-MREIZROU 10 AEK SU (CREOY) FHEY-ZOO (ZRAU) Approximate English equivalent Inf: to do. Indic: intends to do, tries to do, do, does, did, will do, be done. Imper: do! let's do! Subj: if one does, etc. apparently do or have done to. apparently are not doing (being done) or about to (be) done. apparently will shortly do (be done) or have not done (had done to), do to each other. refrain from doing to each other. may have (been) done, may be doing (having done to), may be about to do (be done). may not be doing (being done to) or about to do (be done). may be about to do (be done) or may not have (been) done. unless I do it, unless it be done. 11 AEK SU (CREOY) FHEY-MRHZROU (ZRAU) 12 AEM RV ZROU-LHA 13 AEM S V CEARNG-ZROU unless I do not do it, unless it be left undone. (N.B. There is an idiomatic elliptical use here: "It might be best not to do it.") do! please do. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 152 S. F. BALFOUR Their presence in Tongkin and Annam attracted traders from the South Seas and from India. The later Han history mentions that in A.D. 132 the towns of Jih Nan farthest south in Annam, Chiu Chên and Chiao Chih were focal points of navigators. "Cattigara" was mentioned by Ptolemy about this time as the port of the Chinese; it has been identified with Chiao Chih or Hanoi. Traders came to it from India and from Yeh T'iao or Java. During the 3rd or 4th century these foreign traders penetrated as far as Canton. But the Chinese did not do more than encourage the foreign traders to come. What coastal trade existed must have been carried on by the aborigines, who were practically unaffected by the Chinese conquest. These aborigines, particularly in the seas between Annam and Canton, turned themselves into pirates and harassed the early western traders to an enormous extent. An independent centre of trade remained in Min Yüeh which was practically untouched by the Chinese until the T'ang dynasty. This centre must have been in touch with the civilised region of Wu, at the Yangtze mouth, and no doubt had contacts further with Japan. Little is known about it, but its importance must have been very great and it was lasting. Even in the Middle Ages Marco Polo referred to South China as Manzi or the Land of the Man-Tzů. In one or two ways the modern Fukienese show traces of contact with Japanese culture in their use of wooden utensils for instance. It is quite likely that the porcelain, especially the glazed type, found in our region was imported from the North East. When the Han dynasty broke up in A.D. 220 the empire they had founded from Canton to Indo-China was disrupted. The garrisoned towns were emptied of troops during the civil wars of the Three Kingdoms period, and right up to the T'ang dynasty the Chinese never regained their imperial hold over the South coast. The region was therefore left to the semi-tutored aborigines and to the foreign traders. There is no evidence at all of any settlement of peasants. The Cantonese language is not an archaic form of Chinese, and some of the eldest sub-dialects, for instance that of T'oi Shan district, do not point to a pre-Tang population. We must therefore recognise a break between the Han and Tang dynasties when the aborigines continued their tribal life and ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH 159 the conditions which reigned during that time were most undesirable. The text reads as follows; Memorandum presented to the High Commissioner on the harmful practice of pearl fishing:- "Wei Ying having seen that officials are being appointed to conduct the harmful practice of pearl fishing humbly presents his views on the subject for consideration. "In Kwangtung province, Tung Kun District, there is a place called Mei Chu Ch'i which is not recorded in any text except by the Cabinet Secretary Ch'an Chün in the Annals of the Sung dynasty, who stated that in the 5th year 5th moon of T'ai Tsu of Sung (A.D. 965) the military post at Mei Chuan was abolished. A footnote states that Liu Chang (Emperor of the Southern Han dynasty) recruited 3,000 persons from the coastal region to gather pearls under the military post named Mei Chuan and that every year a great number were drowned. On account of this it was abolished. "I note that when the false Emperor of the Southern Han dynasty, Liu Chen, usurped Kwangchow, the Sung Emperor in the 2nd moon of the 4th year of Hai Pao sent a general called Pan Mei and recaptured Kwangchow forcing Liu Chen to surrender, he then abolished the military post of Mei Chuan in the 5th moon of the 5th year. It was not that the Sung Emperor did not prize pearls but simply because of the harm to the country and people which made it imperative to stop the practice of fishing for them. If only expert divers could gather the pearls, why then was it necessary to organise a military post of 3,000? Because martial law was used to drive them to their death. Pearls are produced from oysters several fathoms beneath the sea and wherever there are oysters many water creatures and dangerous fish protect them. The method of gathering them is to tie stones onto a man and lower him into the sea so that he will sink quickly. Sometimes he gets pearls and sometimes not. When he suffocates he pulls the rope and a man in the boat hauls him up. If this is done a fraction too late the man dies. If he happens to meet dangerous sea creatures he cannot avoid their attacks. Besides out of one hundred oysters opened there are hardly one or two pearls ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH 163 Tung Kun district, Heung Shan, and Kwangsi. Two brothers of the eldest branch remained in Tung Kun, of their cousins one received lands in P'ing Shan next to Kam T'in and another Tang Yuan Liang succeeded to Kam T'in and to a place called Lung Yeuk T'au in our region, besides lands at Tung Kun, This Tang Yuan Liang led the spacious life that might be expected of a man of widely extended property. He is buried in Tung Kun, but his family lived in Kam T'in and he himself was appointed an official in Kiangsi, near to the original home of his ancestors. His power over all this area was the greater because the Sung dynasty during his time was hard pressed by the Tartars. Tang Yuan Liang had established a kind of outpost in Kiangsi behind which he and his family governed a more or less independent region, officially loyal to the Sung dynasty, but in reality ready to take advantage of its misfortunes. In 1127 the Emperor's family was captured, but one daughter of the royal house escaped as far as Tang Yuan Liang's outposts, where she was taken charge of and sent half captive half refugee to Kam T'in where she married Yuan Liang's son. When the Tartars were driven back, her father became the Emperor Kao Tsung of Sung. He recognised the marriage, received the princess and her husband Tssŭ Ming at the capital, and gave him an official title. The family received a large dowry, tax collecting rights and the monopoly of the ferries in Tung Kun district. The four main centres of the Tang clan at present are Kam T'in, Ping Shan, Lung Yeuk T'au and Ha Tsün. We have already mentioned that one of the "five Yuans" received lands in P'ing Shan. The present Tangs of P'ing Shan are descended from him and are therefore probably the eldest branch in direct descent. The settlement at Lung Yeuk Tau also dates from one of the “five Yuans", that of Ha Tsün appears to be much later though directly descended from the great grandson of Tssŭ Ming and the princess, a man called Shou Tsu who lived in the Yuan dynasty and appears to have been the first of the Tangs to settle permanently at Kam T'in, instead of in Tung Kun district where his ancestors had lived. These four centres can be seen on the attached map (See T'ien Hsia, Vol. XI, No. 4).* It will be noticed that they contain many adjacent walled villages due chiefly to the fact that their houses *Plate 16 at end of this volume. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 166 S. F. BALFOUR This site is near Kowloon City where the present Pak Tai temple stands. In the past some rare tiles of a dark ochre colour have been found there and apparently at one time a part of the foundations of the building were to be seen behind the temple. A village there was named Two Kings (I Wong) in commemoration of their visit and there is a tradition that they used the low hill covered with boulders just above it as a terrace or royal look-out. They remained there for about five months whilst their agents reported the movements of their enemies round Canton. At the end of this period their position became desperate. Wen T'ien-chiang had organised an army on the Kiangse-Fukienese border and was trying to march on Canton and save the court from being cut off. But in the seventh and eighth moon he lost battles and was unable to make any progress. The Mongols then marched south from Canton against the Kings' army which they engaged in the ninth moon at Ts'ün Wan.19 There seems to be no local tradition about this battle, although it is mentioned in the most authentic texts on the subject. The Sung loyalists were defeated there and the court fled first to Lantao island and then farther west. We now come to the death of the uncle of the two little kings, Yang Liang-chieh. He was the elder brother of the Kings' mother, and history does not mention him after the court had left Foochow. Local tradition is very positive that a marquis Yang (Yeung Hau) who on account of his loyalty to Sung was made a king (Yeung Wong) lived somewhere in the region, and he is worshipped as a god in a principal temple near Kowloon City which bears an inscription calling him Yang and saying that his first name is unknown. The identification with Yang Liang-chieh was made quite recently by a Chinese scholar20 and there is every reason to suppose that it was true that he accompanied the Emperors as far as this region where he died and was perhaps given the title of King after his death. Although the principal temple to him is at Kowloon there are others all over the region and two important ones on Lantau Island. This leads me to guess that he might have died on Lantau during the court's flight after their defeat at Ts'ün Wan. There is in any case mention in a particularly 19 ** 20 In 瓜廬文賸 by 陳伯陶 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH 167 of Lantau as being the place where many loyal servants of Sung are buried. The same scholar who identified the marquis Yang also states that the elder of the two kings died on Lantau. But this cannot be correct.22 The place of his death is Kong Chow and there is no reason to identify it, as he had done, with Tai Yü Shan or Lantau. After the defeat at Ts'ün Wan the movements of the fugitive court are not very clear and there are contradictions in the various accounts, but it seems that they fled as far as they could westwards from the battlefield. During their journey they met with a storm as a result of which the eldest Emperor, who was afterwards given the title of Tuan Tsung, fell sick. The texts on the subject often state that the storm they encountered was a typhoon, but commentators have been careful to point out that typhoons do not occur in winter and that it happened in the 12th moon. However, this is most unimportant. The Mongol armies were bent on catching the Emperors since their death was to mean the end of all resistance in South China. The chief minister, Ch'en I-chung, who had accompanied the court so far, deserted them and fled to Annam, and many other desertions must have occurred at this time. Their army, which is said to have numbered 200,000, was concentrated mostly in boats and commanded by Chang Shih-chieh, somewhere west of the Canton estuary. A Mongol fleet equipped at Canton was searching for them in the estuary. Tuan Tsung died in the 4th moon of the year 1278. He was then eleven years old. His brother was declared Emperor by the chief minister Lu Hsiu-fu. He was eight years old. The last Emperor Wei Wong or Ti Ping, to give him his posthumous title, still had a slender chance of regaining his kingdom if Wen Tien-chiang, the minister who was organising resistance on the Kiangsi-Fukienese border, had been able to gain a battle. In the 3rd moon, Wen Tien-chiang had advanced as far as Kan-chow and there was a chance of his being able to attack Canton and relieve the pressure on the Emperor's army. The new 21 廣東新語 22 Professor Hsu Ti-shan has, however, just published an article in which he reaffirms this theory. (See X). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 172 S. F. BALFOUR Duarte Coelho, a captain who arrived at T'un Mun a little before Fernando d'Andrade, had had to fight no less than 35 engagements with local pirates, and his fleet was almost decimated by pirates while he was away in Canton. Besides pirates, they had to put up with a local boycott. The inhabitants had refused to help when their ships had been wrecked in a typhoon and gave them no provisions. It was natural that Simon Andrade decided to solve these problems by building a fort with forced labour and by making raids on the pirates' bases. The Chinese themselves recognised this, for one of the arguments that was put before the government for continuing trade negotiations was that the Portuguese were suppressing piracy at Lo Man Shan and other places. The Chinese officials might in fact have tolerated the outrages committed by Simon Andrade if he and his companions had not designed to annex territory at T'un Mun and organise a trading colony under the Portuguese flag. The inscription with the arms of Portugal had been one of the signs of this intention; the fort Andrade built was another. The Chinese government, which had heretofore encouraged colonies of foreign traders, now felt that their liberality was being exploited. A Chinese text explains the situation as follows: "Some time near the end of Ching Tê's reign (1506 to 1522) a people not recognised as tributary to China known as the Feringhis (1) together with a crowd of riff-raff filtered into the harbours between T'un Mun and Kwai Ch'ung and set up barracks and a fort, mounted many cannon to make war, captured islands, killed people, robbed ships and terrorised the population by their fierce dominion over the coast. Their ambition being to annex territory they made a survey and set up boundary stones and tried to administer the various other foreign traders within this area."28 In this text Kwai Ch'ung must refer to a village of that name south-east of Tsün Wan and opposite Tsing I Island. The harbour between the mainland and Tsing I Island is one of the most sheltered in the whole region and must, I think, have been one of the main anchorages of the foreign ships. The place referred to as T'un Mun O is Castle Peak Bay itself and this was undoubtedly the place where the subsequent battle between the Portuguese and 28 Chang T'ien-tse connects these boundary stones with the tablet bearing the Portuguese arms mentioned by Barros. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 176 S. F. BALFOUR is not an effective way of fighting pirates to give up territory, such useless tactics have never been heard of before in history.” The hypocrisy of the official excuse is also pointed out by the scholar Ch'ü Ta-chün, author of a book on Kwangtung province30 which contains many satirical comments on the Manchus. He writes: “A Manchu self-styled official arrived who proclaimed himself greatly concerned with the protection of the people from marauders. The fact of the matter was of course that Formosa remained unconquered.” The evacuation was announced by a proclamation giving the people three days in which to remove behind a boundary which had been set up roughly 50 li from the coast. This was disregarded and soldiers had to be marched in to drive the people away. At the same time the coastal defences were organised into a line of fortifications only a few miles from each other. Many of these mounds of earth and stone must still be visible on the hills. The people evacuated had no food or lodging provided for them. The fishing boats were prevented from entering or leaving the rivers by a line of stakes set across them. There appears to have been no attempt at organising relief. Some local magistrates tried to assign places for the refugees to live but there was too little land available for such a vast number. As a result, large numbers died, others trekked inland; whilst a good many managed to avoid the boundary guards and returned to their villages. A second and more stringent evacuation then took place. The boundary was placed even further inland and everyone was made to leave their homes. Twenty-four villages whose population remained were severely punished and the people were threatened with death if they returned. A large number died from ignorance of the official decrees since they were not adequately circulated and not all could read them. The soldiers after removing the population had instructions to pull down the houses and build forts and towers with the bricks. Ch'ü Ta-chün describes the distress over the boundary as follows: 30 廣東新語 - 屈大鈞著 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 178 S. F. BALFOUR that the Hakka immigration embraces a wide area north and east of our region and several islands. In some cases old Punti villages have entirely disappeared but the land then cultivated has been taken up by Hakka who have built their own houses. In others Hakka have entirely superseded the Punti after a period during which they shared villages. It seems most probable that the evacuation gave to the Hakkas an unexpected chance of taking up land in the places where it had been abandoned. The return from evacuation was allowed partly because it had led to greater disturbance than before and partly because of the loss in taxes, which was estimated at 300,000 taels. The first to suggest it was the Hsün Fu or Inspector-General Wang, part of whose petition has already been quoted. The result of his outspoken criticism was that he was disgraced and ordered to return to Peking. He did not do so and died, probably by suicide, in Kwangtung after writing a valedictory address to the Emperor in which he stated as a dying request that the people be allowed to return to their homes. Wang is worshipped in this region and with him the Viceroy of Kwangtung, Chou, who personally inspected the situation in the winter of 1668 and petitioned that the boundary be removed before the fortifications were completed instead of after as had been previously decided, owing to the distress of the inhabitants. Two months later this was allowed. The fortifications alluded to have all disappeared. They should not be confused with the more modern Chinese forts which can be seen here and there in the region. The fort at Kowloon was built in 1810 and the present city walls only in 1856. The fort at Tung Ch'ung, which is one of the best preserved, dates from 1817 as does the one at Kai Yik Kok on the south western tip of Lantau*. The reason given for the building of these forts was to protect the coast against foreigners. Piracy continued to be practised by the Tanka during the intervening centuries. A few of the pirates' names are preserved in the "Salt Water Songs" which the Tanka sing in their anchorages. One of these is about a woman pirate, called Cheng I * But see, for the Kai Yik Kok fort, Armando da Silva's recent article "Fan Lau and its Fort: An Historical Perspective" in this Journal Vol. 8, (1968) pp. 82-95. Ed. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 NOTES AND QUERIES 197 took place locally, in the areas just across the Sino-British border at Sha Tau Kok. The villagers of these three places became alarmed for the fate of their cherished Tin Hau image and brought it into British territory for safety. They also brought back two incense burners (†) dated in the 2nd and 3rd years of Kuang Hsü (1876-78) that had been donated by local shops and fishermen in one case and by Lin Ma Hang (A) natives then in Australia (J). The leaders of the three villages then combined to form the Sha Tau Kok Three Villages Tin Hau Temple Building Committee (沙頭角三鄉籌建天后廟委員會) and obtained a temporary building permit from the Tai Po District Office to erect a temple for the image. The temple is situated at map reference KV 140962 at the west end of Kong Ha Village in the Frontier Closed Area. It is under the management of a special trust, the Sam Wo Tong (*) constituting one manager each from Tong To, Tan Shui Hang and Sha Tsui villages. Photographs of this new temple and of the Tin Hau image which inspired such devotion can be seen at Plates 30 and 31. Place names used in this note can be found in A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories. (H.K. Govt. Printer, n.d. but 1960) pp. 216-218. Hong Kong, 1970. JAMES HAYES PILE HOUSES AT TAI O, LANTAU ISLAND, HONG KONG, 7TH JANUARY 1937 Editor's Note The following details of some of the interesting pile houses or matsheds on stilts that survive in considerable numbers in Tai O Creek to the present day are taken from one of Mr. Walter Schofield's notebooks, under the date given in the heading. Mr. Schofield (1888-1968) served in the Hong Kong Cadet (Administrative) Service between 1911-1938 in various posts, including those of District Officer South, Chief Assistant Secretary for Chinese Affairs and First Police Magistrate. He was also a well- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 218 BROOKS, D. E. BROWNE, Hon. H. J. C. BRUCE, R. BRUUN, F. BUNGER, Dr. K. BUTLER, Miss B. A. - BUTT, Dr. Nancy S. G. - c/o Radio Hong Kong, Broadcasting House, Broadcast Drive, Kowloon. c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. c/o Prescott College, Prescott, Arizona 86301, U.S.A. c/o H. Tonkin & Co., 908 Takshing House, H.K. 532 Bad Godesberg, Lukas-Cranach-Str. 14, Germany. c/o Public Services Commission, Room 573 Central Government Offices, 5th Floor, H.K. c/o The Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen, H.K. BUTTERFIELD, Mrs. Ellen 5K Bowen Road, Ground Floor, H.K. CALCINA, P. G.* - CAMERON, N. CAPLAN, M. - CAREY-HUGHES, Dr. J. CARLSON, Miss R. E. - CATER, Hon. J. CENTRE OF ASIAN STUDIES CERRA, R. L. CHAMBERS, J. W. CHAN, Alfred T. CHAN, Gilbert Fook-lam CHAN, Leonard CHAU, Sir Tsun-nin* CHEETHAM, Mrs. J. A. CHEN, Prof. Cheng-siang Commercial Investment Co., Ltd., Union House, 12th floor, H.K. A-9 Repulse Bay Towers, Repulse Bay Road, H.K. 6, Homantin Hill Road, Kowloon. Room 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. 2C Ridge Court, 2nd floor, 21 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. c/o Dept. of Commerce and Industry, Fire Brigade Building, H.K. University of Hong Kong, H.K. Yau Yat Chuen, No. 18 Fa Po Street, Flat B-7, Kowloon. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K. Coronet Court, 14th Floor, “H”, North Point, H.K. La Belle Mansion, 118-120 Argyle Street, 7th floor, Flat A, Kowloon. c/o Pfizer Eastern Corporation, G.P.O. Box 2513, Bangkok, Thailand. 8 Queen's Road, West, Hong Kong. B2, Bowen Hill, 12 Peak Road, H.K. c/o Geographical Research Centre, C.U.H.K., 545, Nathan Road, Kowloon, Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy Page 225 Page 226 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 220 DAVIES, Major G, V. DAVIS, Dr. S. G. DAWSON, Prof. J. L. M. DAWSON GROVE, Dr. A. W. - DAWSON GROVE, Miss J. DEANS PEGGS, Dr. A, DEVONSHIRE, Mrs. John W. DJOU, G. G. DRAKE, Prof. F. S.* DRAKEFORD, L. S. DUNCANSON, J. D.* DUTTON, Mrs. M. M. DWYER, Prof. D. J.- EDWARDS, O. P. · EITZEN, Mrs. J. EMERSON, G. C. ENDACOTT, G. B. EUSTACE, Col. F. A. - EVANS, C. J. EVANS, David S. EVANS, Mrs. P. J. EVANS, P. J. - EWING, Miss E.* FABER, Mrs. A. FABER, Mrs. G. A. G.* - FEHL, Prof. Noah E.* c/o MOD Chinese Language School, B.F.P.O.1., H.K, East Penthouse, Marina House, 17 Queen's Road, C. H.K. Dept. of Philosophy & Psychology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 1 Headland Road, Repulse Bay, H.K. As above. c/o Education Department, Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K, 4B Rose Gardens, 9 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. c/o American International Assnce. Co., Ltd. No. 1, Stubbs Road, H.K. 'Lincot', Stoke Road, North Curry, Taunton, Somerset, England. 124 Miles, Clearwater Bay Road, Kowloon. 26 Leinster Mews, London W.2. England. 10B, Stanley Beach Road, H.K. c/o Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K. 22 Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. Flat 16A, 7B Bowen Road, H.K. c/o Y.M.C.A., Salisbury Road, Kowloon, c/o Hong Kong Sea School, Stanley, H.K. c/o Police Headquarters, Arsenal St., H.K. c/o Palmer & Turner, 1906 Prince's Bldg., H.K. 33 Tung Tau Wan Road, Stanley, H.K. c/o Ray-O-Vac International Corpn., 604 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. 25, The Meadows, Old Portsmouth Road, Guildford, Surrey, England. 10, Cooper Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. Inveroak, West End Lane, Stoke Poges, Bucks, England. c/o Chung Chi College, C.U.H.K., Shatin, N.T. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 225 LAWRENCE, Mrs. I. - LECKIE, J. B. H. · LEE, Din-yi LEE, Miss Flossy Tsu-wei - LEE, J. S.* LEE, R. C.* LETHBRIDGE, H. J. · LEUNG, Pak-kui LI, Dr. Choh-ming LI, Shi-yi LINDSAY, T. J.* - LINTHWAITE, Mrs. F. I. - LIU, D. H. - LIU, Sydney C. LIU, Prof. Ts'un-yan LLEWELLYN, J. LO, Prof. Hsiang-lin LO, T. S.* LOBO, Mrs. R. H. LOCKING, J. R. LOCKS, Miss A. M. - LOFTS, Prof. B. - LOSEBY, Miss P. + 4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K. c/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britannia House, 30 Rue Joseph 2nd., Brussels 4, Belgium. c/o United College, C.U.H.K., 9A, Bonham Road, H.K. c/o University Library, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. 74, Kennedy Road, H.K. c/o Lce Hysan Estate Co., Ltd., 25th Floor, Prince's Building, H.K. c/o Dept. of Sociology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 22 Hing Hon Road, 2nd floor, Western District, H.K. c/o The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. 72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon, 3. Bareena Avenue, Wahroonga, N.S.W. c/o Nackermann Versand Ltd., P.O. Box K-45, H.K. c/o American Consulate General, 26, Garden Road, H.K. Rose Court, 117 Wongneichong Road, 12th Floor, Happy Valley, H.K. c/o Dept. of Chinese, Australian National Univ. Canberra, A.C.T. 2600, Australia. c/o Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong. H.K. c/o Lo & Lo, Jardine House, 7th Floor, H.K. Race View Mansions, Apt. 72, 46 Stubbs Road, H.K. c/o Trade Development Council, Ocean Terminal, Deck 2, Kowloon. Flat 20, 6 Mansfield Road, H.K. c/o Dept. of Zoology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 227 MCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. M. J. MEFFAN, Mrs. 1. E. MICHAELIONES, Miss E. O, MIDDLEBROOK, R. W.* MILBURN, K. MILLER, A. C. MILLER, C. F. 0.* MOLTKE-HANSEN, Mrs. O. MOSLER, Mrs. M. MOYLE, G. C. MUNN, Mrs. Elizabeth NEILD, Mrs. C. NEWBIGGING, D. K. NG, Dr. Ronald C. Y. NG, Peter P. K. NICHOLS, E. H. NIXON, F. A.* NOLDE, Prof. J. J. NORONHA, J. E. O'BRIEN, Dr. J. P. OLIVER, J. R. ORR, Jain C. OU, Miss G. + + - + St. Peter in Chains Catholic Church, Kowloon Tsai, Kowloon. 92 Kitano-cho, 2-chome, Ikuta-ku, Kobe, Japan. c/o The British Council, 1, St. Mark's Avenue, Leeds 2, England. 165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A. c/o Marine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C., H.K. 34 Kennedy Road, Block C, 9th Floor, H.K. c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea. A-4, Repulse Bay Mansions, 117 Repulse Bay Road, HK. 3, Macdonnell Road, Flat 602, H.K. 61 Mile, Taipo Road, N.T. c/o Taikoo Dockyard, Quarry Bay, H.K. 1201 Manson House, Nathan Road, Kowloon. c/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K. 164 Prince Edward Road, 1st Floor, Kowloon. 304, Man Yee Building, H.K. 11, Queen's Gardens, Old Peak Road, H.K. Room 63, Hong Kong Club, H.K. c/o Dept. of Chinese, The University to the College of Arts and Science. The University of Maine, Orono, Maine, U.S.A. c/o W.F. Bollmeyer & Co., (H.K.) Ltd. 408, Yu To Sang Building, H.K. Sandy Bay Children's Orthopaedic Hospital, Sandy Bay, H.K. c/o Supreme Court, H.K. 17 Crown Terrace, 3rd Floor, Bisney Villas, H.K. c/o French Consulate General, P. O. Box 13, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 228 OVERBURY, Miss U. M. PANG, Potter - PATTERSON, G. N. PAYNE, Miss P. M. PAYNTER, J. L. PENNELL, W. V. PERESYPKIN, O. P. · PHILLIPS, Prof. J. G. PICKFORD, J. B. PIKE, E. N.. PIMPANEAU, Prof. J. PLAG, Rev. A.* - POLAND, T. D. PORDES, F. PRESCOTT, J. A. RAINBIRD, S. W. O'C. - RASSIM, Mrs. E. RAYNE, R. N. · REAR, John REDFERN, O'Donnell S. REES, W.- RICHES, G. C. P. RIDE, Sir Lindsay* RIDE, Lady* RIGBY, Lady - - - c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. c/o The H.K. Model Housing Society, 908 The H.K. Chinese Bank Building, H.K 11A, Stanley Beach Road, G/F., Stanley, H.K. c/o Physiotherapy Department, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon, c/o Canadian Trade Commission, P.O. Box 126, H.K. C'an Boyet Mear Puerto Pollensa, Majorca, Spain. P. O. Box 1382, H.K. c/o Dept. of Zoology, University of Hull, England. Flat 2, Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K, c/o The Asia Foundation, 2 Old Peak Road, H.K. 15 Tung Shan Terrace, H.K. 7000 Stuttgart 1, Roemerstr 41, Germany, (Federal Republic). 3 Coombe Road, First Floor, H.K. Room 209, Gloucester Building, H.K. West Penthouse, 11 Conduit Road, H.K. c/o Training Unit, Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. 101 Holland Road, Hove 2, Sussex, England. c/o Chung Chi College, C.U.H.K., Shatin, N.T. c/o Dept. of Law, University of Hong Kong. 154-158 Caine Road, H.K. 101 Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K. 67 Mount Nicholson Gap, H.K. c/o Dept. of Social Work, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 8A Beach Road, Stanley, H.K. As above. 50 Magazine Gap Road, H.K, *Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 229 ROBERTSON, Dr. David G. ROBERTSON, Mrs. David G. ROBERTSON, Prof. Jean M. ROBERTSON, Dr. M. J. - 18B, Headland Road, H.K. As above. c/o Dept. of Social Studies, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o Institute of Pathology, Kowloon Hospital, Kowloon, ROBERTSON, Mrs. W. G.. Park Mansions, 4 Mile Taipo Road, Ist fl., ROBINSON, Prof. K. E.* ROE, Capt. J. S. ROGERS, Rev. D. L. ROTHE. U.“ ROY, Dr. A. T. - RUMJAHN, S. M. RUST, H. A. · - RUTTONJEE, Hon. D. - RYAN, Rev. Father T. F. RYDINGS, H. A, SALMON, Andrew SAUNDERS, J. A. H. SCHNEIDER, H. SCHWARZ, Miss M. D.* SCOTT, A. C. SCOTT, J. M. SELLERS, David S. SELLETT, G.* - - N.T. c/o The University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 350, H.K. Union Church, Kennedy Road, H.K. Ernst-Albers-Str. 2, 2 Hamburg Wandsbek, Germany, c/o Chung Chi College, CUHK., Shatin, N.T. P. O. Box 448, H.K. c/o Palmer & Turner, Prince's Building, 19th Floor, H.K. 2-E Wongneichong Gap Road, Flat 7, H.K. Wah Yan College, 281, Queen's Road, East, H.K c/o The Library, University of Hong Kong. H.K. Supt's, House, H.M. Prison, Chi Ma Wan, Lantao, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. c/o Jebsen & Co., P.O. Box 97, H.K. c/o Mrs. R. L. Smyth, 1635 Green Street, San Francisco, California, U.S.A. c/o Asian Theatre Program, University of Wisconsin, U.S.A, c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. c/o H.K. Govt. Office, 54 Pall Mall, London, S.W.1, England. "Pinecrest", N.K.J.L. 3543, Tai Po Road, Kowloon, 1 Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 231 STONEY, Mrs. G. S. STOWE, C. - + As above. Unknown. STRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., SU, Dr. Chung-jen* SU, Ming-hsuan SU, Samon + SULLIVAN, Rev. J. G. SWIRE, A. C.* - SYKES, Major A. E, TALBOT, H. D. B. TAN, Khek-seng* TANG, Mrs. Jack C. - TANG, Sir Shiu-kin' TANNER, R. F. TARARIN, P. A.* THOMAS, L. F. - THROWER, Prof. L. B. TILL, Very Rev. B.* TISDALL, B. - TOMLIN, Mrs. Ian TOOGOOD, C. W. - TORRIBLE, G. R.* TOWNER, J. A. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. TUCK, Miss Jean - - T Union House, H.K. 155, Blue Pool Road, Flat A, 1/F, H.K. 45 Hankow Road, 9th Floor, Flat "C", Kowloon c/o Shanghai Commercial Bank Ltd., 12 Queen's Road, Central, H.K. Maryknoll Fathers, Stanley, H.K. c/o John Swire & Sons, Ltd., 66 Cannon Street, London, E.C.4, England. c/o M.O.D. Chinese Language School, Lyemun Barracks, B.F.P.O.1, H.K. c/o Dept. of Geography, University of Hong Kong, H.K. A1, 7th floor, Villa Monte Rosa, 41A Stubbs Road, H.K. 7C Bowen Road, Bowen Mansions, Apt. 402, H.K. Room 1701, Central Building, H.K. 27 Macdonnell Road, Room 32, H.K. 623 N. Harper Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif. 90048, U.S.A. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. 6-B, Alberose, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. c/o Morley College, 61 Westminster Bridge Road, London S.E.1., England. 1 Garden Terrace, G/F, H.K. 41D, Shouson Hill Road, H.K. c/o Oxford University Press, 5th floor, News Building, 633 King's Road, H.K. c/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K. 57 Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. Rating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Garden Road, H.K. China Building, 4th floor, H.K. The Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen, H.K. Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 232 TURNER, Sir Michael* UHALLEY, Dr. S., Jr. VALE, Miss M. VARNEY, Dr. C. B. VETCH, H. VETCH, Mrs. H. VIO, Dr. E. G. - VISICK, Mrs. M. VOSS, Dr. A. · WALDEN, J. C. C. ► WARD, Miss J. E. A.* WARRINGTON-STRONG, Cmdr. F. WATERS. D. D. WATSON, James L. WATSON, K. A. WATT, James C. Y. + WEBB-JOHNSON, S. A. - WEBSTER, J. L, H. WEI, Dr. Tat WEINREBE, H. M. WELCH, Holmes, H.* WHITE, Robert N. - WHITELEGGE, D. S.* WILLIAMS, A. T. - WILLIAMS, B. V. WILLIAMS, P. B. + ■ + + - + + "Whispers", Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks, England. c/o Dept. of History, Duke University, Durham, N. Carolina, U.S.A. 1-B, 126 Pokfulum Road, H.K. c/o Dept. of Geography, United College, C.U.H.K., 9A, Bonham Road, H.K. Belmont Court 10A, 10 Kotewall Road, H.K. As above. 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. Dept. of English, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 27, Babington Path, H.K. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, North Devon, England. c/o Registration of Persons Office, Causeway Bay Magistracy Building, 4th Floor, H.K. c/o Technical College, Hunghom, Kowloon. P.O. Box No. 8, San Tin Village Post Office, N.T. c/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. c/o City Museum & Art Gallery, City Hall, H.K. H.K. Chinese Liaison Office, Abbey House, Victoria, London, S.W.1, England. c/o The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K. 3, Fontana Gardens, 5th Floor, Causeway Hill, H.K. c/o Weinrebe & Pennell Ltd., Room 805, The Bank of Canton Building, H.K. 4 Holden Lane, Concord, Mass., U.S.A. 12 Pokfield Road, 1st floor, H.K. 58 Mt. Nicholson Gap, H.K. Geography & Geology Dept., University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K. 10, The Albany, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 50 CHIU LING-YEONG and the Chinese authorities. However the State Secretary, Thomas F. Bayard, was very pleased with Tseng's friendly attitude to the United States in his article. Cf. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1887, No. 168, Bayard to Denby, May 7, 1887. * Ho Kai (Ho Ch'i) was born on 12 March, 1859, the fifth son of the Rev. Ho Jun-yang. Ho Kai obtained his Bachelor of Medicine and Master of Surgery degrees from the University of Aberdeen in Scotland, 1879, and was admitted to Lincoln's Inn on 29 April, 1879. He was called to the Bar on 25 January 1882. Ho Kai was admitted to practice as a barrister in the Supreme Court on 29 March, 1882 after he returned to Hong Kong. From 1882 onward, Ho Kai appeared to be an educationalist, reformist, revolutionary etc. Ho died in September 1914. At the time of his death he was a Member of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong and had been knighted for his public services in 1912. See the account given at pp. 12-16 of T. C. Cheng's "Chinese Unofficial Members of the Legislative and Executive Council in Hong Kong up to 1941” in JHKBRAS Vol. 9 (1969). After Ho's article was published in the China Mail on 16 February, 1887, it was translated into Chinese entitled "Shu Tseng Hsi-hou Chung-kuo sheng-shui hou-hsing lun-hou" by his friend Hu Li-yüan (1848-1916) and was published in the Hua Tsu Jih Pao on 11 May, 1887. Most of Ho Kai's writings like Hsin-cheng chen chian was written in English and was translated into Chinese by Hu. For Ho Kai, see Chiu Ling-yeong, The Life and Thought of Sir Ho Kai, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Sydney, March, 1968; Onogawa Hidemi, op. cit.; Watanabe Tetsuhiro, op. cit.; Fang Hao, "Ch'ing-mo wei-hsin cheng-lun-chia Ho Ch'i yü Hu Li-yüan”清末維新政論家何啟與胡禮垣, Hsin Shih-tai 新時代, Taipei III, 12 (1963) 20-25; Hsiang-Kang yali-shih Ho Miao-ling Na-ta-su i yüân ch'i-shih chou-nien ki nien, 1887-1967, Lo Hsiang-lin, Kuo-fu ti kao-ming kuang-ta, Taiwan, 1965, pp. 115-132, Kuo-fu chih 1a-hsüeh shih-tai, Taiwan, 1954, pp. 5-13; B. Harrison, (Ed): The First 50 Years, University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1962 pp. 5-23; Llyod E. Eastman, "Political Reformism in China before the Sino-Japanese War", Journal of Asian Studies, Volume XXVII, No. 4, August 1968, pp. 695-710. André Chih: L'occident Chretien vu par les Chinois vers la fin du XIX siécle (1870-1900), presses universitaires de France, Paris, 1962, pp. 42 and 47. Hu Pin, Chung-kuo chin-tai kai-liang chu-i ssu-hsiang, Peking, 1964. pp. 82-84, pp. 173-182. Jen Chi-yü, “Ho Chi Hu Li-huan ti kai-liang chu-i ssu-hsiang” in Chung-kuo chin-tai ssu-hsiang shih lun-wen, Shanghai, 1958, pp. 75-91. 中國近代思想史論文集 Liu Yü-sheng, Shih-tsai tang tsa-i, Peking, 1960, pp. 163-164. Immanuel C. Y. Hsü: The Rise of Modern China, New York, Oxford University Press, 1970, pp. 425 and 543. Harold Z. Schiffrin, in his book entitled Sun Yat-sen and the Origins of Chinese Revolution, University of California Press. Berkeley, 1968, also has a lengthy chapter dealing with Ho Kai's relations with Sun Yat-sen, 9 Chung-kuo chin-tai ssu-hsiang shih ts'an-k'ao tzu-liao chien-pien, Peking, San-lien Shu-tien, 1957, pp. 174-175. 10 Cf. Chung-Fa Chan-cheng, Chung-kuo shih-hsüeh hui Comp., Shanghai 1955, Vol. I; Ah Ying (Ed); Chung-Fa chan-cheng wen hsieh chi, Chung hua Shu tien, Shanghai, 1957, pp. 3-6. Li Ting-yi, Chung-Kuo chin-tai shih, Taiwan, 1959, pp. 153-162; Liu Feihua, Chung keo Chin-tại Chiến-shih, Peking, 1954, pp. 117-125. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g A # THE DISTRICT WATCH COMMITTEE 117 quarrymen a lawless and potentially dangerous class of people. But Chinese on Hong Kong Island, like their fellow countrymen in Hsin-an hsien (a county which then comprised the future British Kowloon Peninsula and New Territories) formed a socially well-organised community, knit together by ties of family and kinship and involved, apart from the boat people, in wider forms of social organisation such as the clan and the lineage3. They were constrained by the type of in-built social controls found typically in any rural Chinese community. On the other hand, immigrant Chinese arriving after 1842, who came mostly from Canton and the delta counties, formed a purely urban population, lacking roots and sentiments of belonging: they had necessarily few attachments at first to their new area of residence. Congregated in the mushrooming city of Victoria and soon outnumbering the old, established Chinese population of the island, they were not subject to any in-built system of social control. The new population of urban Chinese from Kwangtung Province, like newly arrived Europeans, were faced with the problem of maintaining public order and protecting their families and properties. The better-off Chinese merchants and traders were soon compelled to employ their own guards and some householders and shopkeepers engaged their own street watchmen, either paid for by the individual householder or collectively by subscription. By the 1850s Hong Kong Chinese had developed not only their own associations, such as Kaifong, but even a rudimentary system of self-government, if the evidence is to be believed. A note in the China Review claims, for example, that in 1851 the shopkeepers of Sheung Wan (i.e., the area of the Chinese 'Bazaar', west of the European central district) 'repaired the Man-mo Temple, elected a Committee, and therein afterwards decided all cases of any public interest5'. The same writer also claims that in 1857 'the U-lan-shing-ui (a sworn mutual aid association) united Tai-ping-shan, Sai-ying-pun, Sheung-wan and Chung-wan under one public committee, and these four districts were called the Sz-wan or four circuits'. Eitel states (but cites no authority) that around 1851 the Committee of the Man Mo Temple 'now rose into eminence as a sort of unrecognised and unofficial local-government board (principally made up by Nampak-hong or export merchants). This Committee secretly controlled native affairs, acted as commercial arbitrators, arranged for the due ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 148 J. C. Y. WATT argument to establish that the tomb was in fact Ming. The 17th century Cantonese poet, Ch'ü Ta-chün, in his Kwang-tung Hsin-yü recorded that Sung coins were still in use in Kwangtung in his time. Thus, although Sung coins are often found with (and inside) Sung-type pottery in Hong Kong they cannot be accepted as evidence for precise dating even if they provide the only clue. (The question of the Sung coins in the Manila excavations must be even more tantalising as the blue-and-whites, unlike the 1955 Canton jars which had a Ming flavour, exhibit in themselves distinct possibilities of being the earliest blue-and-white found so far, apart from the circumstances of their recovery.) THE HONG KONG FINDS IN RELATION TO THE MANILA FINDS Apart from the class of brightly coloured glazed earthenwares, it will be noted that all the types of pottery found in Manila are also found in Hong Kong with the conspicuous exception of the three most interesting types, the "spotted white", the "ching-pai" and the "early blue-and-white". The fact that these closely related wares are not found in Hong Kong indicates that they were not produced in Hong Kong and neighbouring areas. One may push the argument a little further and say that it is not likely, although not impossible, that these three types were produced at the particular kilns in Fukien and Chekiang from which Hong Kong received some of its crockery in Sung times, and later. Indeed, the present evidence is that blue and white came to this part of Kwangtung rather late. So far, apart from a single find of a pair of blue and white bowls of the late 15th century1 the Ming finds in Hong Kong have been mainly of a type of green glazed stoneware similar to those manufactured at the Hsin-an kilns in Hui-yang Hsien about 100 kilometres east of Canton1. This is a stoneware with a grey body, an olive green glaze and a simple shape, and is often decorated with incised vertical lines on the outside and a stamped or incised character or mark in the centre of the inside. (See Plate 10) Thus, although many similar types of pottery are found both in the Philippines and in Hong Kong, the immediate contribution of the evidence from Hong Kong to the discussions on the origins and dating of the finds in the Philippines is very little. However, the detailed description of pottery sites in South-east Asia, and the study of the distribution of various types of ware ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g SUNG-TYPE POTTERY FINDS IN HONG KONG 149 among the sites, will at least be an important step towards an understanding of the overall pattern of early cultural and trade relations between China and South-east Asia over a period of several centuries. This comparative study will, of course, become more meaningful still when the pottery traditions of South China are better known, NOTES 1 A report of the finds at Shek Pik by Hayes and Watt appeared in the Journal of the Hong Kong Archaeological Society, Vol. I, 1968, pp. 19-23. 2 Jao Tsung-i: Kowloon in Historical Records of Sung Period, Hong Kong 1959. 3 Lo Hsiang-lin: Hong Kong and Its External Communications before 1842, Chapter on “Last of the Sungs", Hong Kong 1963. 4 According to the survey sheets and land ownership schedules kept in the District Office, Islands, New Territories Administration. 5 WW 1963.1, pp. 27-35. 6 WWTKTL 1958.2, pp. 34-37 and WW 1959.6, pp. 62-71. 7 WWTKTL 1958.2, p. 37. 8 L. and C. Locsin: Oriental Ceramics discovered in the Philippines, Tuttle, 1968. 9 Ku-Kung Po-wu-yuan Yuan-k'an, No. 2, 1960, pp. 121-123. 10 WW 1965.2, pp. 26-31. 11 UKK 1965.6, pp. 287-288. 12 Kuang-chou Hsi-ts'un Ka-yao I-tzu, 1958.9, Wen Wu Press. 13 See, for example, Plate V, KKTH 1956.4. Also Plate XVI (2) in J. C. Y. Watt: A Han Tomb in Lei Cheng Uk, Hong Kong, City Museum Handbook, 1970. 14 WWTKTL 1955.10. 15 See notes on pp. 161-3 JHKBRAS Vol. 9, 1969. 16 KK 1962.8 pp. 414-415 and KK 1964.4 pp. 196-199. WWTKTL = Wen-wu-ts'an-k'ao-tzu-liao WW = Wen-wu KKTH = K'ao-ku-t'ung-hsün KK = K'ao-ku Chinese Names and Terms Nim Shu Wan 稔樹灣 Kai Tak 啟德 Page 165 Page 166 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 150 Kuan-fu Chai Yen I-chang *** Tien-hou AG Sung Wang T'ai 宋王臺 Hsü 墟 Ch'u Chin Fu-ch'ing 福清 Mao-tien 茅店 Kuang-tze # Shek-wan (Shih-wan) Hsi-t'sun # Ch'ü Ta-chün £✯✯ Kwang-tung Hsin-yü ARTH Hsin-an 新安 Hui-yang Hsien & Sek Kong N J. C. Y. WATT ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH List of Members Patron: His Excellency Sir David Trench, G.C.M.G., M.C. Honorary Members: Sir Robert Black, G.C.M.G., O.B.E.* Prof. J. L. Cranmer-Byng, M.C., M.A.* Dr. J. R. Jones, C.B.E., M.C., M.A., LL.D., J.P.* R. E. Lawry, O.B.E., F.R.G.S.* Dr. Marjorie Topley, B.Sc. Econ., Ph.D.* 183, Oakwood Court, London, W.14, England. 190, Glengrove Avenue, W., Toronto 12, Canada. 3, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. 36, Newton Road, Cambridge, England. 19, Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K. Members: ADAMS, Mrs. D. S. AKERS-JONES, D. - ALLEYNE, Mrs. E. L. ARMERDING, L. E.* ASERAPPA, Mrs. J. P. ASHENHURST, Mrs. F. E. - AU, K. N. - AXILROD, Dr. E. BAKER, Dr. H. D. R. BAKER, W. E.* BALL, J. M.* The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. c/o Colonial Secretariat (Lands Branch), Lower Albert Road, H.K. c/o University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. Suite 1308, 2222 Kalakaua Avenue, Honolulu, Hawaii, 96815, U.S.A. 7, Peak Pavilions, 12 Mt. Kellett Road, H.K. C-4 Royden Court, 129 Repulse Bay Road, H.K. c/o Grantham College of Education, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon. c/o Economic Research Centre, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. "Satis House", 9 Chase Gardens, Westcliff-on-Sea, Essex, England. c/o The Hongkong Electric Co., Ltd. 40, St. Mary Axe, London, E.C.3, England. c/o H. K. Refrigerating Co., Ltd. P. O. Box 291, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 228 BROWNE, Hon. H. J. C. BRUCE, R. BRUUN, F. BUNGER, Dr. K. - BURNHAM, W. L. BUTLER, Miss B. A.. BUTT, Dr. Nancy S. G.. c/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. c/o Prescott College, Prescott, Arizona 86301, U.S.A. c/o H. Tonkin & Co., 908 Takshing House, H.K. 532 Bad Godesberg, Lukas-Cranach-Str. 14, Germany. 191, Prince Edward Road, Kowloon. c/o Public Services Commission, Room 573 Central Government Offices, 5th Floor, H.K. c/o The Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen, H.K. BUTTERFIELD, Mrs. Ellen 5K Bowen Road, Ground Floor, H.K. CALCINA, P. G.* CAMERON, N. CAPLAN, M. · CAREY-HUGHES, Dr. J. CARLSON, Miss R. E, - CATER, Hon. J. - CENTRE OF ASIAN STUDIES CHAMBERS, J. W, CHAN, Alfred T. CHAN, Gilbert Fook-lam CHAN, Sui-Jeung CHAR, Tin-Yuke CHEETHAM, Mrs. J. A. CHEN, Prof. Cheng-siang CHEN, Ching-ho CHEN, Tsun-teh Commercial Investment Co., Ltd., Union House, 12th floor, H.K. A-9 Repulse Bay Towers, Repulse Bay Road, H.K. 6, Homantin Hill Road, Kowloon. Room 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. c/o Education Department, Lee Gardens, Hysan Ave., H.K. c/o Dept. of Commerce and Industry, Fire Brigade Building, H.K. University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K. Coronet Court, 14th Floor, "H", North Point, H.K. La Belle Mansion, 118-120 Argyle Street, 7th floor, Flat A, Kowloon, 33 Tin Hau Temple Road, 3rd floor, H.K. 3898 Diamond Head Road, Honolulu, Hawaii 96816, U.S.A. B2, Bowen Hill, 12 Peak Road, H.K. c/o Geographical Research Centre, CUH.K., 545, Nathan Road, Kowloon. c/o New Asia College, C.U.H.K., 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. Room 11, 21st Floor, Block B, 395 King's Road, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 230 DAWSON GROVE, Dr. A. W. - 1 Headland Road, Repulse Bay, H.K. DAWSON GROVE, Miss J. As above, DEVONSHIRE, Mrs. John W. DIAMOND, A. I. DJOU, G. G. DOWER, Mrs. Christine DRAKE, Prof. F. S.* DRAKEFORD, L. S. DUNCANSON, J. D.* DWYER, Prof. D. J. - EDWARDS, O. P. EITZEN, Mrs. J. EMERSON, G. C. ENDACOTT, G. B. - EUSTACE, Col. F. A. - EVANS, C. J. EVANS, David S. EVANS, Mrs. P. J. EVANS, P. J. - - EWING, Miss E.* FABER, Mrs. A. + FABER, Mrs. G. A. G.* - FEHL, Prof. Noah E.* FESSLER, L. - FISHER-SHORT, W. FITZGIBBON, D. J. FLETCHER, A. J. + - - + 4B Rose Gardens, 9 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. c/o The Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. c/o American International Assnce. Co., Ltd. No. 1, Stubbs Road, H.K. A-3, 1st floor, 3 Conduit Road, H.K. 'Lincot', Stoke Road, North Curry, Taunton, Somerset, England. 121 Miles, Clearwater Bay Road, Kowloon. 26 Leinster Mews, London W.2. England. c/o Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K, 22 Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong. Flat 16A, 7B Bowen Road, H.K. c/o Y.M.C.A., Salisbury Road, Kowloon, c/o Hong Kong Sea School, Stanley, H.K. Flat B-10, 25 Park Road, H.K. c/o Palmer & Turner, 1906 Prince's Bldg., H.K. 33 Tung Tau Wan Road, Stanley, H.K. c/o Ray-O-Vac International Corpn., 604 Chartered Bank Building, H.K. 25, The Meadows, Old Portsmouth Road, Guildford, Surrey, England. 10, Cooper Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K. Inveroak, West End Lane, Stoke Poges, Bucks, England. Chung Chi College, C.U.H.K., Shatin, N.T. c/o American Universities Field Staff, 15 Tung Shan Terrace, 2nd Floor, H.K. c/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K. c/o British Embassy, Beirut, Lebanon. 8, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. . Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 236 LOBO, Mrs. R. H. - LOCKING, J. R. LOFTS, Prof. B. - LOSEBY, Miss P. LOTHROP, F. B.* LUCAS, Col. E. S. S. LUK, George Ping-Chuen* LUM Miss Ada* LUPTON, G. C. M. LUTZ, Hans F. - LYNCH, Rev. P. Francis MA, Prof. Meng - MACK, A. M. MACKEITH, J. S. - MACKENZIE, J. MACLEAN, Roderick MAGEE, M. W. P. MAHLKE, W. J. MANSFIELD, Miss M. B. - Race View Mansions, Apt. 72, 46 Stubbs Road, H.K. c/o Trade Development Council, Ocean Terminal, Deck 2, Kowloon. c/o Dept. of Zoology, University of Hong Kong, HK. c/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K. 176 Milk Street, Boston, Massachusetts, 02109, U.S.A. 94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. B-38, Po Shan Mansions, 10 Po Shan Road, H.K. 142, Boundary Street, Kowloon, c/o 54 Ravenscourt Gardens, London, W6, England. Tai Yuen Lau, Flat A, 3rd Floor, Tai Pak Street, Tsuen Wan, N.T. Maryknoll Center House, 120 San Min Road, 1st Section, Taichung City 400, Taiwan. c/o Institute of Oriental Studies, University of Hong Kong, H.K. No. 34 Wilton Crescent, London, S.W.1., England. 7 Bodga Wood Walk, York Y01 5 HN., England. c/o Davie, Boag & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. c/o The Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K. c/o Operations, Cathay Pacific Airways, Kai Tak Airport, Kowloon. 19, South Bay Close, Repulse Bay, H.K. c/o Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon, MAO, Dr. Wen-chee, Philip - 326-8 Tung Ying Building, 100 Nathan Road, Kowloon. MARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J... McBAIN, E. B. McBAIN, G. P. O. Box 104, Macau, c/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K. c/o Imperial Chemical Industries (Japan) Ltd., Central P.O. Box 411, Tokyo, Japan. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 237 MCCABE, Mrs. S. J. McCOY, Dr. J. 2 McDOUALL, J. C.* MCCRARY, M.* McELNEY, B. S. Flat 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Division of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, USA. The Old School, Souldern, Bicester, Oxfordshire, England. Flat 6A, United Mansion, 7 Shiu Fai Terrace, H.K. c/o Johnson Stokes & Master, H.K. Bank Building, H.K. McFADZEAN, Prof. A. J. S. c/o University of Hong Kong, H.K. McGEE, Mrs. Joan S. MCGEE, Dr. T. G. Flat 1A, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. Dept. of Geography, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. McKEIRNAN, V. Rev. M. J. Maryknoll House, Stanley, H.K. MEFFAN, Mrs. I. E. MICHAELIONES, Miss E. O. MIDDLEBROOK, R. W.* MILBURN, K. MILLER, A. C. MILLER, C. F. O.* MOLTKE-HANSEN, Mrs. O. MOSLER, Mrs. M. MOYLE, G. C. MUNN, Mrs. Elizabeth NEILD, Mrs. C. NEWBIGGING, D. K. NG, Dr. Ronald C. Y. NG, Peter P. K. NICHOLS, E. H. NICOL, C. A. A. NIXON, F. A. B10, Repulse Bay Mansion, Repulse Bay, H.K. 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O'CALLAGHAN, Sean OGDEN, B. J. N. OLIVER, J. R. + ORR, Iain C.. OU, Miss G. - OVERBURY, Miss U. M. OXLEY, C. W. B. - PANG, Potter · PATTERSON, G. N. PAYNE, Miss P. M. PAYNTER, J. L. PENNELL, W. V. - PERESYPKIN, O. P. PICKFORD, J. B. - PIMPANEAU, Prof. J. PLAG, Rev. A.* POLAND, T. D. PORDES, F. - POSTON, Williams S. PRESCOTT, J. A. PYE, Miss Beverley QUESTED, Mrs. R. K. I. + + - c/o W.F. Bollmeyer & Co., (H.K.) Ltd. 408, Yu To Sang Building, H.K. Sandy Bay Children's Orthopaedic Hospital, Sandy Bay, H.K, Y.M.C.A. International House, Waterloo Road, Kowloon, c/o The H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. c/o Supreme Court, H.K. 17 Crown Terrace, 3rd Floor, Bisney Villas, H.K. c/o French Consulate General, P. O. Box 13, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. Secretariat for Home Affairs, International Building, 10th Floor, H.K. c/o The H.K. Model Housing Society, 908 The H.K. Chinese Bank Building, H.K. 11A, Stanley Beach Road, G/F., Stanley, H.K. c/o Physiotherapy Department, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon. c/o Canadian Trade Commission, P.O. Box 126, H.K. C'an Boyet Mear Puerto Pollensa, Majorca, Spain. P. O. Box 1382, H.K. Flat 2, Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, H.K. 15 Tung Shan Terrace, H.K. 7000 Stuttgart 1, Roemerstr 41, Germany. (Federal Republic). 3 Coombe Road, First Floor, H.K. Room 209, Gloucester Building, H.K. Flat B-4, 7B Bowen Road, H.K. House 8, 61 Mt. Davies Road, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o B.N.P. Central Building, 2nd Floor, H.K. Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. J Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 239 RAINBIRD, S. W. O'C. - RASSIM, Mrs. E. RAYNE, R. N. - REAR, John REDFERN, O'Donnell S. REES, R. E. REES. W. H + RICHARDS, Mrs. Patricia RIDE, Sir Lindsay* RIDE, Lady* RIGBY, Lady ROBERTSON, Dr. David G. ROBERTSON, Mrs. David G. ROBERTSON, Prof. Jean M. + Room 466 Establishment Branch, Colonial Secretariat, H.K. 101 Holland Road, Hove 2, Sussex, England. c/o Chung Chi College, C.U.H.K., Shatin, N.T. c/o Dept. of Law, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 154-158 Caine Road, H.K. 101 Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K. 4 Coombe Apartments, 15 Coombe Road, H.K. 67 Mount Nicholson Gap, H.K. 23A Tintagel House, Stanley Fort, BFPO 1. Villa Monte Rosa, Block E2, 11th Floor, 41A Stubbs Road, H.K. As above. 50 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. 18B, Headland Road, H.K. As above. c/o Dept. of Social Studies, University of Hong Kong, H.K. ROBERTSON, Mrs. W. G. Park Mansions, 4 Mile Taipo Road, 1st fl., N.T. ROBINSON, Prof. K. E.* - + RÕE, Capt. J. S. ROGERS, Rev. D. L. - ROTHE, U.⭑ ROY, Dr. A. T.- RUMJAHN, S. M. RUST, H. A. + RUTTONJEE, Hon. D. RYDINGS, H. A. SALMON, Andrew + + N.T. c/o The University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 350, H.K. Union Church, Kennedy Road, H.K. Ernst-Albers-Str. 2, 2 Hamburg-Wandsbek, Germany. c/o Chung Chi College, C.U.H.K., Shatin, N.T. P. O. Box 448, H.K. c/o Palmer & Turner, Prince's Building, 19th Floor, H.K. E-7, Woodland Heights, 2 Wongneichong Gap Road, H.K. c/o The Library, University of Hong Kong, H.K. Superintendent's Qtr. H.M.P. Tong Fuk, Lantao, N.T. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 240 SALMON, Mrs. P. A. - SAUNDERS, J. A. H. SCHNEIDER, H. SCHWARZ, Miss M. D.* SCOTT, J. M. SELLERS, David S. SELLETT, G.* SERSALE, Miss S. M. SHANNON, Capt. J. M. - SHEPHARD, A. J. SHING, David SHOEMAKER, J. F. SHU, Dr. H. T. SIEGEL, H. W. + SINFIELD, G. H. C.* SJOHOLM, Gunnar A. - P SKELSON, Mrs. R. E. SLEVIN, B. F. · SMITH, L.* SMYTH, Miss L. SO, Dr. Chak-lam - SOO, Dr. Hoy-Mun SPERRY, H. M.* SPOONER, M. G. - T ■ · + 40 Plantation Road, The Peak, H.K. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. c/o Jebsen & Co., P.O. Box 97, H.K. c/o Mrs. R. L. Smyth, 1635 Green Street, San Francisco, California, U.S.A. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. c/o H.K. Govt. Office, 54 Pall Mall, London, S.W.1. England. "Pinecrest", N.K.I.L. 3543, Tai Po Road, Kowloon 11-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. B-4, Garden Mansions, Repulse Bay, H.K. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. Florida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K. 73 Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon 70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. c/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K. Unknown. Tao Fong Shan Christian Institute, Shatin, N.T. A3 Magazine Heights, 17 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. c/o Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. Flat 10-B, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K. Unknown c/o Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 249, Jalan Pekeliling, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Allied Bank International, St. George's Building, 10th Floor, H.K. c/o The Registry, University of Hong Kong, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 241 STAFFORD, Peter STANLEY, Major H. F. - STANTON, W. T.* STEVENS, Major K. G.* STOKES, J. + STONEY, G. S. STONEY, Mrs. G. S. STOWE, C. - STRAUSS, Prof. W. P. c/o The Mandarin Hotel, Connaught Road, C., H.K. c/o H.K. Tourist Association, Realty Building, H.K. Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K. 9 Cherry Glebe, Mersham, Ashford, Kent, England. 427, Boubury Road, Oxford, England. Flat 1, "Ravencourt", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K. As above. Unknown. Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K. STRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., SU, Dr. Chung-jen* SU, Ming-hsuan SU, Samon SWIRE, A. C.* SYKES, Major A. E. TALBOT, H. D. B. TAN, Khek-seng* TANG, Mrs. Jack C. - TANG, Sir Shiu-kin TARARIN, P. A.* - THOMAS, L. F. THROWER, Prof. L. B. TILL, Very Rev. B.* TISDALL, B. + + TOMLIN, Mrs. Ian. · - Union House, H.K. 155, Blue Pool Road, Flat A, 1/F, H.K. 45 Hankow Road, 9th Floor, Flat "C", Kowloon, c/o Shanghai Commercial Bank Ltd., 12 Queen's Road, Central, H.K. c/o John Swire & Sons, Ltd., 66 Cannon Street, London, E.C.4, England. c/o M.O.D. Chinese Language School, Lycmun Barracks, B.F.P.O.1, H.K. c/o Dept. of Geography, University of Hong Kong, H.K. A1, 7th floor, Villa Monte Rosa, 41A Stubbs Road, H.K. 7C Bowen Road, Bowen Mansions, Apt. 402, H.K. Room 1701, Central Building, H.K. 623 N. Harper Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif. 90048, U.S.A. c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. 6-B, Alberose, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K. c/o Morley College, 61 Westminster Bridge Road, London S.E.1., England. 1 Garden Terrace, G/F, H.K. 19, Tai Tam Road, Lower Flat, Stanley, H.K. * Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 242 TOOGOOD, C. W. - TORRENS, Dr. Paul R.. TORRENS, Mrs. Paul R. TORRIBLE, G. R.* TOWNER, J. A. TRISTRAM, M. P. W. TSEUNG, Dr. F. I. TUCK, Miss Jean TURNER, Sir Michael* UHALLEY, Dr. S., Jr. VALE, Miss M. VARNEY, Dr. C. B. VETCH, H. VETCH, Mrs. H. VIÒ, Dr. E. G. VISICK, Mrs. M. VOSS, Dr. A. c/o Oxford University Press, 5th floor, News Building, 633 King's Road, H.K. 59A Nga Tsin Wai Road, A2, Kowloon, As above. c/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K. Unknown. Rating & Valuation Dept., Murray House, Garden Road, H.K. China Building, 4th floor, H.K. Unknown. 'Whispers', Riversdale, Bourne End, Bucks, England. c/o Dept. of History, Duke University, Durham, N. Carolina, U.S.A, 49 Talbot Road, London, W.2. England. c/o Dept. of Geography, United College, C.U.H.K., 9A, Bonham Road, H.K. Belmont Court 10A, 10 Kotewall Road, H.K. As above. 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. Dept. of English, University of Hong Kong, H.K. 27, Babington Path, H.K. WAINWRIGHT, Mrs. J. A. 5, Goldsmith Road, Jardines Lookout, H.K. WALDEN, J. C. C. WARD, Miss J. E. A.* WATERS, D. D. WATSON, James L. WATSON, K. A. WATT, James C. Y. WEBSTER, J. L. H. WEI, Dr. Tat WEINREBE, H. M. WELCH, Holmes, H.* c/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K. c/o National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, North Devon, England. Morrison Hill Technical Institute, 6 Oi Kwan Road, Morrison Hill, Wan Chai, H.K. Dept. of Anthropology, University of Houston, Houston, Texas 77004, U.S.A. c/o Lammert Bros., Pedder Building, H.K. c/o The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. c/o The British Council, P.K. 15, Sisli, Istanbul, Turkey, 3, Fontana Gardens, 5th Floor, Causeway Hill, H.K. c/o Weinrebe & Pennell Ltd., Room 805 The Bank of Canton Building, H.K. 4 Holden Lane, Concord, Mass., U.S.A. *Life Member Please notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART 77 Lastly, reference should be made to Lockhart's great interest in Chinese painting. He built up during the forty years he spent in Hong Kong and China a notable collection of Chinese paintings dating from the Sung Dynasty (960-1279) down to the closing years of the Empire, including one by the Empress Dowager Tz'u-hsi herself. Lockhart's collection was exhibited in June 1928 at the Betty Joel Galleries, Knightsbridge, and created wide interest. In January 1972 a painting by Yün Shou-p'ing (1633-1690), one of the six masters of the early Ch'ing Dynasty, was presented to the University of Hong Kong by Lockhart's daughter, Mrs. Mary Stewart Lockhart, 'in memory of her father and as a perpetual token of her father's admiration and affection for the Chinese of Hong Kong.'65 The remainder of Lockhart's collection of Chinese coins, paintings, and papers have been given to George Watson's College. LAST YEARS Lockhart returned to England in 1921 and settled down with his family in South Kensington, London. He returned with undiminished vigour, his interest in China and in things Chinese as acute as ever, and he continued to keep in touch with his Chinese and European friends in Asia. Jean Gittins, Sir Robert Ho Tung's daughter, tells us in her autobiography66 that when the Lockharts heard she was contemplating staying in England, they at once suggested she should live with them and that Lockhart should act as her guardian. Lockhart became a regular attendant at the Council meetings of the Royal Asiatic Society — he was in fact one of its oldest members (nominated in 1879) and of its vigorous North China Branch (nominated in 1885) — and he contributed a number of book reviews to its Journal. He frequently presided at the ordinary meetings and lectures given under the Society's auspices and in 1928 became its honorary Secretary and also the Society's nominee on the Governing Body of the School of Oriental Studies at London University. He held both these honorary appointments until 1935, when failing health forced him to resign from both. He died on February 26, 1937, aged 79, at his home. The Times obituary was headed appropriately: 'Forty years in China', and it spoke of him as 'a colonial official who had served with distinction for more than 40 years in the Far East.'67 The obituary in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society said: 'most of his contemporaries in Hong Kong have passed away or have left the Colony, but there are still ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART 54 Index to the Tso Chuan, p. iii of Lockhart's preface. 55 Ibid., p. iii. 56 T'oung Pao, vol. xxix, 1932, p. 180. 83 57 On the study of folklore see Alan Dundes (ed.), The Study of Folklore, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1965. 58 N. B. Dennys (1840?-1900), a student interpreter in the Consular Service, published in Hong Kong in 1867: The Folklore of China, and its affinities with that of the Aryan and Semitic Races. It was a reprint of a series of articles first published in the China Review. Dennys' study is influenced particularly by the work of Max Müller. A typical example of Dennys' conjecturing would be the following: 'But what are we to make of the monotheistic spirit pervading the numerous sayings in which the "Heaven" of the Chinese answers to the "God" of Christian Europe or the "Jehovah" of the chosen race? Is this the spontaneous invention of an isolated people, or is it the surviving trace of a long-forgotten worship, when the ancestors of the Chinamen and the Semite worshipped at the same tomb?' (p. 155). See also Thomas Watters, 'Chinese Fox-Myths', JNCBRAS, vol. viii, 1873. The article by E. T. C. Werner, 'China's Place in Sociology', China Review, vol. xx, 1891/92, pp. 303-310, provides another example of the speculative thinking current among the educated in the 1880s. 59 Lockhart's circular was also printed in the JNCBRAS, vol. xxi, 1886, p. 120. 60 China Review, vol. xiv, 1885/86, p. 352. 61 In 1860 the Hong Kong Daily Press published a separate newspaper in Chinese. This was the Chung Ngoi San Po and its first editor was Wong Shing (Huang Shêng). 62 The collection contains over 600 letters from R. F. Johnston to Lockhart. 63 JNCBRAS, vol. xlvii, 1916, p. 152. 64 Arthur Bradden Cole, An Encyclopedia of Chinese Coins, New Collegiate Press, Kansas, 1967, vol. 1, p. 335. 65 South China Morning Post, 5 January, 1972. 66 Jean Gittins, Eastern Windows, Western Skies, Hong Kong, 1969, p. 47. 67 The Times, 4 March, 1937. See also the obituary in the North-China Herald of 10 March, 1937. The South China Morning Post on 1 March, 1937, declared that Sir James' name is immortalised in Hong Kong by Lockhart Road on the Praya Reclamation.' Lockhart received the C.M.G. in 1898 and became a K.C.M.G. in 1908. 68 R. F. Johnston's obituary notice of Lockhart: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1937, p. 393. Johnston states he was one of the first to receive the honorary degree of LL.D from the newly founded University of Hong Kong. He received this honour in 1919 and was in fact the twelfth person to be so honoured. 69 See, for example, Lockhart's letter to Dr. G. E. Morrison after Morrison's speech to the China Association in 1907: 'I admired your pluck', Lockhart wrote, 'in telling your hosts what could not have been entirely pleasing to their self-satisfied ears, and in giving expression to what you well know will not make you popular with the white men in the Far West. You boldly advised removal of the troops. See Cyril Pearl, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h THREE CHINESE DEITIES 177 In Chinese communities in Malaya and Cambodia, T'ai Sui is prayed to for rain, good crops, fine weather and for all the usual hopes of farmers. Also in South East Asia he is presented with offerings 30 days after the safe birth of a child, to ensure that its full life span had been pre-ordained. Alternative names and titles a. Yin Yuan Shuai (陰元帥) Generalissimo Yin b. Yin Tien Chün (陰天君) Heavenly Master Yin c. d. Yin Ing No (characters unknown) (Ch'ao Chow speakers) T'ai Sui Ye (太歲爺) e. Tai Sui Ti Chün (太歲帝君) Emperor Tai Sui す。 Ta Sheng (大聖) The “Great Life,” a nickname in Malacca. g. Chin Ting Nu (真定奴) His name whilst living with the h. hermits Marshal Yin T'ai Sui (陰太歲) One of the 36 escorting heavenly masters.* Feast Days The only identifiable feast date was one given on four separate occasions, three in present day Malaya and one in Shanghai in 1871, the nineteenth of the seventh lunar month. He was officially sacrificed to on the twenty-eighth day of the twelfth lunar month in the Temple of Heaven in Peking. Descriptions of characteristics of T'ai Sui and Yin Ch'iao There are eight basic forms of this deity: a. as a shaven headed youth with a tonsure, in Buddhist monk's robes and sandals, holding either: b. (1) a scroll or split-bamboo plaque in both hands (2) a bell in his right hand (3) his empty right hand above his head, as though holding a raised sword. (4) seated with his hands on his knees as an elderly man in Mandarin's robes: (1) seated with both hands on his knees or (2) holding a bell in his right hand 5 Doré, Father Henri, Recherches sur les superstitions en Chine, (Shanghai 1914-1929, 15 vols.) 6 Grootaers, W. A. Chahar, Peking, Catholic University, Monumenta Serica, 1948). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 182 Co-location of deities KEITH STEVENS In Fukienese temples in Singapore and Malaya, the T'ai Sui images are often seen with Hsuan Tien Ta Ti (***) or with the Goddess of Mercy (##). In Cantonese and Amoy temples there, the T'ai Sui images are occasionally to be seen with the medical deities Lu Tung Pin (†) or Hua To ($) and in one temple with T'ai Shang Lao Chün (LB). In another Fukienese temple in Singapore a triad occupying the centre altar was said by the temple keeper to be three of the Nine Emperors (g). Two were positively identified, one as the second brother of the main deity Chiu Hwang ( ). He is black skinned, bare footed, with one foot on a fire wheel, has protruding eyes, black beard, and his hair is wound into a top knot. His two arms are at his side, otherwise he is very similar to Fa Chu Kung (✯✯2). The second identified image is on the right of the main deity, and he is, without doubt, Wang Tien Kung (1A). The third unidentified image on the left of the main deity could easily be T'ai Sui. He is black faced and bearded, a standing general in armour, holding a bell in his left hand and a sword in his right; he has three eyes, ear tufts of hair, and wears a Taoist crown. In one Fukienese temple in Taipei, Yin Ch'iao was seen together with Ch'ü Kung Chen Jen (AA). (Plate 19) In North China in Kalgan his second brother Yin Hung ( *) is a special deity said to save people from the "fifteen bad deaths". He sits on the opposite side of the central deity, the Jade Emperor (11), from Yin Ch'iao. Both brothers are naked and, surprisingly, have claws, beaks and wings. Grootaers10 says that Yin Ch'iao is never to be seen except as an attendant to the Jade Emperor. It would appear that either the local god maker in Kalgan did not know the identification features of Yin Ch'iao and has confused him with the Thunder God; or that there is a local legend which we do not know about; or thirdly that Grootaers misidentified the two attendants of the Jade Emperor. C. B. Day bought a hand-painted scroll in Hangchow, depicting five Buddhist figures and six Taoist ones. This pantheon chart included T'ai Sui Ti Chün ( *#*#) together with the San Kuan 10 W. A. Grootaers, Rural Temples around Hsüan Hua (Folklore Studies vol. 10). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h THREE CHINESE DEITIES 183 (E), Pei Chi Sheng Ti (1), the Pen Ming Hsing Chün ($*£*) who is the local earth god, and the provincial city god. All five are connected with the fate of mankind. In a Ch'ao Chow temple in Johore Bahru, Tai Sui a youth with a scroll (***) is on the altar of Hung Chün Lao Tsu (#$ *). (Plate 20) Father Doré says that in one temple outside the South Gate of Jukao, in the Yangtze Valley, Yin Ch'iao (F) is to be seen on the right as you face him, with Marshal Ma () on the left. Both have six arms, stand on clouds, and hold swords, amulets, gourds, bells and banners in their hands. Ma has three eyes and wears a hat, whilst Yin is bare from the waist upward and has his hair in a large upswept tuft on the top of his head. Yin is worshipped here as a member of the Ministry of Thunder. Other interesting sightings. In Lavender Street in Singapore a Cantonese temple has sixty-two T'ai Sui images. About half the images hold scrolls and are, according to the temple keeper, the administrators of the fortune; whereas the others with silken slippers, fans, bells, etc. are those who actually provide the fortune. One image of a young man, standing with one slipper on and one bare foot, is to be seen in Bukit Purmei temple in Singapore. He is prayed to for rain, and for good crops. (Plate 21)* Carver's drawings of Yin Ch'iao A Fukienese god carver prepared, on request, drawings of many deities. From memory he drew: a. An image of T'ai Sui, seated, robed like a monk, wearing sandals, a band around his hair, and holding an open scroll with Tang Nien T'ai Sui (****). b. Yin Ch'iao's father, seated astride a large, long-beaked bird, holding a fly whisk in his right hand and a seal in his left hand. He is bearded, with a Taoist top knot and crown. His robes are covered in the Yin and Yang circle pattern. c. Yin Hung(); a standing young man with a spear in his left hand, and a mirror raised in his right, which is flashing beams towards his enemies. * Plates 22-24 also relate to representations of T'ai Sui. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 186 KEITH STEVENS features, but as with all Chinese images there are local variations of which two major ones observed have been: a. A shiny black Fa Chu Kung with six arms and standing barefoot, holding in his six arms: (1) a sword held in each of three of them, (2) a scimitar in one, (3) a magic ring in one (this is identical to the bracelet of San T'ai Tzu), (4) the sixth has a hand making the magical sign described above. He is dressed in flowing golden robes, and has a small snake entwined around the arm with the hand making the magical sign. (Plate 25) b. A Ch'ao Chow style carving of Fa Chu Kung has two pillars protruding from the base on either side of his body reaching to his waist height, making two "side table" tops on either side of him. On one side, on the "table top", stands a vase and on the other stands a bowl. Otherwise he is exactly as described in the basic description. The images most likely to be confused with Fa Chu Kung are those of his two brothers which apart from the colour of their faces are identical to his. They have never been observed on an altar without him.* Also possibly confused with Fa Chu Kung is T'ai P'ao or Sha Ho Shang who is described at the end of this article. Titles Fa Chu Kung is known by various names or titles than by his best known title of Fa Chu Kung. According to Fukien temple keepers, Fa Chu Kung means the Controlling Duke. There is, however, a Buddhist term, Fa Chu, for the Lord of the Dharma, which is the Buddha himself. It is unlikely that this is the origin of Fa Chu Kung's title, even though several informants have suggested that, as he is black, he was an Indian and was formerly a trader from India. The various titles and names by which he is referred to, are: a. Fa Chu Sheng Chün 法主聖君 Title given in Mutseh near Taipei to the group of the three brothers, all to be seen on one * See Plate 26. A Fukienese god-carver's sketch of Fa Chu Kung is at Plate 27. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h THREE CHINESE DEITIES b. Chang Kung Sheng Chün 張公聖君 C. d. Kung Sheng Chün 公聖君 Fa Tze Chu 法子主 e. Fa Tze Wang 法子王 + f. Fa Tze Kung 法子公 g. Sheng Chih 聖 h. Min Shan Fa Chu 閩山法主 t. Wu Sheng Kung 巫聖公 187 altar. Fa Chu Kung is wearing a gilt crown, and robed with red robes. Seen in Seremban and Kuala Lumpur, and in a famous Foo-chow temple in Singapore. Seen in a Fukien temple in Toa Payoh, Singapore, co-located with Chiu Kung Sheng Hou (II). A Fukien god carver says that this is the Cantonese name for him. However, this is normally the short title for the Ch'aochow rain deity Feng Yu Sheng Chih (風雨聖者). In a Foochow temple in Singapore. Seen in a Fukien temple in Tampin in Malaya. One temple keeper said that he is called Fa Chu Kung in all places in Fukien Province, except for Pu Hsien area where he is known as b. above. Disciples, attendants and other gods sharing the same altar as Fa Chu Kung When Fa Chu Kung is the main deity, he is to be seen either alone, or with his two brothers, or with his two or four attendants. If he is with a large group of major and minor deities, he is comparatively near to the main deity, often on the immediate left. The most frequent main deity with whom he appears is Hsüan Tien (太上玄天). Feast and Birthdays His feast and birthdays vary with the place, town or city in which his temple is located. In Taiwan the most frequent date is ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 188 KEITH STEVENS the 23rd day of the sixth lunar month. In Singapore and in Malaya the usual date is the 23rd of the seventh lunar month; but other comparatively common dates are the 6th of the third lunar month, the 18th of the fifth lunar month, the 26th of the sixth lunar month, and the 10th of the eighth lunar month. Names of his family Fa Chu Kung's family name was Chang (**張**) and he was called Chang Kung (**昌公**). His two brothers are called variously: a. Chang Kung (#2); red face; in Fukien temples b. Hsiau Kung(); pink face; in Fukien temples a. Hung Kung (#2); pink face; in Fukien temples b. Hsiau Kung (2): white face; in Fukien temples a. Chiang Chün Ye (*): red face; this last group was seen in a Cantonese temple in Seremban b. Fa Ch'ing(): white face; this last group was seen in a Cantonese temple in Seremban His four assistants have been observed in one temple only, a Hengwa Fukien temple, and are called: a. Liu 劉 b. Lien 遵 c. Chang 張 d. ... He has two main disciples: Ma Ye: white faced; with a bell in right hand for punctuating prayers, and wearing a horse head hat. Hu Ye: red faced; with a bottle in his left hand containing magic water for frightening demons, and wearing a tiger head hat. Community Groups worshipping Fa Chu Kung Each temple in which Fa Chu Kung has been observed has had a temple keeper, appointed by the temple committee or from whom he had purchased his franchise. The main community groups in which Fa Chu Kung is to be found are from the An Chi and Ying Ch'üen areas of Fukien province. Other community groups which have images to Fa Chu Kung are Foochow City, T'ung An and Heng Wa. He is to be seen in at least 34 temples in Singapore and ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h THREE CHINESE DEITIES 191 Chu Kung with his feet stretched out under the pan and flames leaping up from them boiling the rice and, being frightened, she screamed. Fa Chu Kung transformed himself into a god, flew up the chimney and thus became black on the way. e. In the An Chi area of Fukien province there was a very large snake which required one youth or maiden to be fed to it annually. Chang (3), a common straw sandal maker, and two men who had been chased from the An Chi area to a cave in Ying Ch'üen, fought and killed the snake after a battle lasting three days. Chang was so exhausted that he turned black. He was deified Fa Chu Kung and the two men who had helped him were deified with him as his foster brothers, for ridding the place of the nightmare. f. In a Singapore Hainanese temple a variation of e. above tells that Fa Chu Kung met an old man weeping. He told Fa Chu Kung that his grandchild had to be sacrificed to the big snake. Fa Chu Kung told the old man not to worry and went out and strangled the big snake; but, because he was bitten so badly, he turned black, his eyes became staring and he died. g. Fa Chu Kung was originally called Chang Kung (2) but later, after he had cured the Empress's boils which had been pronounced incurable by all the other physicians and magicians, he was given the title of Shen Chün (#). h. Fa Chu Kung was an Indian sailor or trader who settled in Fukien and helped the poor and the sick. These various tales tell of Fa Chu Kung's ability to do magic, give a reason for his blackness and several explain why he has a snake wrapped round his arm. The snake is reminiscent of other sacrificial stories and may well be a story dating back to one of the early local cultures in Fukien. There is no indication of what era Fa Chu Kung is supposed to have lived—if, of course, he ever did. Temple dates in South East Asia and Taiwan are of little assistance here and the only dating the temple keepers suggested was the usual "several hundreds of years ago" or "during the T'ang or Sung Dynasties" (650-1100 A.D.). There are at least two other major legends of people who use their legs as fuel for the stove. The first, in Ch'üan Chow, is the monk I Po who gave great assistance during the construction of the famous bridge there. He caused great astonishment when, because ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h 216 BOOK REVIEWS dilettante until the Kang-hsi period scholar Ho Cho (*) made known his annotated manuscript copy of the book. Thus the KKYL comes down to the Ching period with the great prestige it acquired during the Ming period, through no merit of its own but through the obscurity of other early work. It may be said that the T'u-hui Pao-chien, composed not long before the KKYL, also suffered the same good fortune. The value of the KKYL for study today lies not in the originality of the material; rather, it deserves study for what it indirectly reveals of early Ming tastes and popular beliefs regarding works of art. More importantly, it serves as a record of the confusion that resulted from the very great cultural and social upheavals which took place in China as a result of the Mongol conquest. The Yuan and early Ming periods saw the "popularisation" of a class of knowledge which had hitherto been confined to a very small élite. Ts'ao Chao was a man who stood mid-way between the old élite and the newly literate, and helped to propagate such knowledge. When Ming society settled down to a new pattern, a new class of literate élite grew up in the Chiang-nan area (mainly Chiangsu and Chekiang provinces) with their own canons of taste which have been recorded in books such as Kao Lien's Tsun-shêng Pa-chien but nowhere more elegantly than in Wên Chên-hêng's Ch'ang-wu-chih. We now turn to the additions made by subsequent editors incorporated in the Wang Tso edition. These additions occupy several times more space than the original three chapters. Wang Tso, despite the peculiarity of his tastes (which were not so for his age), at least had the honesty to quote his own sources (often not the original sources of the passages). He, like many dilettantes of his time, had a great predilection for calligraphy, especially "ancient" calligraphy as transmitted in the form of old rubbings and, in particular, rubbings of the Lan-t'ing Preface supposedly written in 353 by Wang Hsi-chih, the most revered of Chinese calligraphers of all times. Quite one fifth of Wang Tso's book is devoted to calligraphy and rubbings (sixty pages in a translation text of about three hundred pages), and a large portion of this section is devoted to the not always consistent myths and legends which had grown round the holy script through the centuries. Now, Chinese connoisseurship, even without the benefit of western analytical methods, is usually highly sensitive and astute. But when it came to the Lan-t'ing Preface, all the enlightened perception of nearly all scholars throughout ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 60 CHIU LING-YEONG Chinese inquiry into the matter. The Chinese in Ch'ang-an and in the coastal regions were not at all happy about the evil-doings of these foreigners and finally in A.D. 836 a large-scale anti-foreign movement began. In that year, it was decreed that private intercourse with various ‘coloured-eye people' was prohibited. Lu Chün, newly appointed governor of Canton in A.D. 836, also forbade Chinese and foreigners to continue living together unsegregated; intermarriage was not allowed and foreigners were prohibited from owning houses and land. There were different kinds of regulations governing foreigners if they violated the law. Persians, Arabs, Uighurs, or in short, all aliens, if they became involved in legal complications among themselves, would be judged according to their customs; however, if they were involved with Chinese, they would be put under Chinese jurisdiction. The Persians and Arabs, according to Soleyman, had their Kādi appointed by the (Chinese) emperor and also had several sheikhs to assist him.10 It must be due to the policy of segregation which forced the aliens, say the Persians and Arabs, to form their own settlements outside the city known as fan-feng.11 Most of these foreigners preferred to stay in T'ang China permanently, were all rich and seldom had their own families lived with them. To avoid unnecessary implications, the government had to introduce regulations to govern the inheritance of property.12 With regard to properties of the deceased Persians and Arabs, it was decreed that only the following next-of-kin had the right to inherit: a) Parents, b) First wife, c) Sons and daughters, d) Blood brothers, e) Nephews, and f) Blood sisters Married daughters would automatically lose the right of inheritance. Blood brothers, blood sisters, and nephews (sons of blood brothers) must live with him at the time of the property-owner's death or they would not be qualified for the right of inheritance. Unmarried blood sisters could only inherit one-third of the property. Adopted sons and daughters had no right of inheritance. A first ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 64 CHIU LING-YEONG of tusks (ivory), hides, feathers (kingfisher) and hairs (skins) and that of fish, salt, clams and oysters can, on the one hand, meet the needs of the treasury and, on the other hand, satisfy the demands of the Chiang-hui region.27 It was due to the opening of the Ta-yü Ling Pass which enabled the Persians and Arabs to transport their goods from Canton to other centres without any difficulty. The convenience of transportation also enabled Persians and Arabs to move from one place to another; thus they were no strangers to many of the cities. In the capital, life was more colourful than in any other cities. In T'ang times, there were two great markets in Ch'ang-an, the Tung-shih (the Eastern Market) and Hsi-shih (the Western Market). The Hsi-shih was also known as Chin-shih (the Gold Market), and the Tung-shih was also known as Chün-ming-men (the Bright Spring Gate).28 The Hsi-shih was more or less treated as the foreign settlement in the capital. There you could find all kinds of bazaars situated by the side of the main road. Wineshops employed exotically beautified Western girls with blue eyes and golden hair to serve their customers with rare wines in cups of amber or agate. Sweet singing and seductive dancing were also introduced in order to increase their sales.29 These blue-eyed and golden-haired beauties confounded our versatile poets. Li Po, on more than one occasion, dedicated his works to these beauties, like: The zither plays "The Green Paulownias at Dragon Gate', The lovely wine, in its pot of jade, is as clear as the sky. As I press against the string, and brush across the studs, I'll drink with you, milord; Vermilion will seem to be grass-green when our faces begin to redden. The Western houri with features like a flower She stands by the wine-warmer, and laughs With the breath of spring, Dances in a dress of gauze! 'Will you be going somewhere, Milord, now, before you are drunk.'30 The presence of these beautiful girls was the principal cause of the intoxication of many of these poets whose work enables us to trace the activities of the foreigners in China. In the T'ang period, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r PERSIANS, ARABS IN T'ANG CHINA + 67 operation for Kao-tsung Tzu-chih t'ung-chien records this operation as follows: In the eleventh moon of the first year of Hung-tao A, the Emperor had great difficulty in seeing because of a headache. The imperial doctor, Ch'in Ming-ho was summoned (to the Inner Palace) to diagnose the case. Ch'in indicated that the Emperor could be healed if he was allowed to needle (acupuncture) the Emperor's head in order to release the blood. Ch'in was allowed to perform the operation and the Emperor was cured. Ch'in was a very skilful surgeon indeed. 38 In A.D. 741, a Nestorian Monk known as Ch'ung I also proved to be a good physician in the court. The medical knowledge of these foreigners improved the state of medicine in China and when they met Taoist physicians later, both schools worked very closely and discovered a new kind of medical knowledge which not only benefitted them but also all mankind.40 Li Hsin 李珣 In dealing with foreigners in T'ang China, whether in the field of medical, natural or humanistic science, Li Hsün can hardly be neglected.41 Li was originally from Persia and was the author of the famous Hai-yao pen-ts'ao (Exotic Pharmacopaeia). Unfortunately, the book is now lost, and there is even uncertainty whether Li Hsun was in fact the author of this book. Fragments of Li Hsün's book have been preserved in the Chung-hsiu Cheng-ho ching-shih cheng-lei pei-yung pen-ts'ao, which is a revision, undertaken in A.D. 1249, of T'ang Shen-wei's Cheng-ho hsin-hsiu cheng-lei pei-yung pen-ts'ao (Materia Medica) of A.D. 1116. They are also preserved in Li Shih-chen's Pen-ts'ao kang-mu + Li was a Ming scientist and died in A.D. 1593. Whether Li Hsün is the author of the work mentioned is not for discussion here. P. Pelliot, Ch'en Pang-hsien, P. Huard and M. Wong all regarded Li as the author of this work, and as a Persian.42 Li Hsün was also a literary man of high standing. The compiler of Hua-chien chi had selected thirty-seven of Li's tz'u (lyrics) for this anthology. It is also recorded in Hua-chien chi that Li was also the author of Ch'iung-yao chi. Li Hsün's + ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 68 CHIU LING-YEONG brother, Li Hsien and his sister Li Shun-hsien, also attained literary fame in late T'ang. Li Hsün's tz'u is very melodic and musical, Professor Lo Hsiang-lin points out that Li's work had stimulated the tz'u writing of the Northern Sung period.43 Li Hsün, though a Persian, had activated the Pen-ts'ao and tzʼu writing of his time and also of the Sung Period.44 Chao Heng 朝衡 Chao Heng was a Japanese envoy who came to China with Chen-jen shu-tien A in A.D. 716. Chao Heng's original name was Abeno Nakamaro E. Chao Heng was his sinicized name. After reaching Ch'ang-an with Chen-jen shu-tien AA Chao Heng felt that Chinese culture was far superior to any other culture he knew, so he decided to stay in the Chinese capital and rendered his service to Emperors Hsüan-tsung and Su-tsung In Shang-yüan period (A.D. 760-762), he was sent to Annam as Tu-hu (Protectorate General). He died in A.D. 770.45 # IV It is interesting to note that foreigners in T'ang times had very high social standing in a multi-racial society and in the Court. Foreigners were not only offered senior posts in the government but also shared the responsibilities of policy-making for the empire.46 This, of course, was one of the reasons which led to An Lu-shan's 安祿山 rebellion. It is mentioned earlier that Lu Chún had introduced the anti-foreign regulations when he was governor of Kuang-chou in A.D. 836. However, he also presented Li Yen-sheng, a Persian, to the Court in A.D. 847. Li was later given the title of chin-shih because of his literary achievement. It was a custom in Tang times to add two to three unusual surnames to the pass-list of the civil examinations which were held annually either in the capital or in the main cities. These unusual surnames were all those of foreigners. Those who were selected for inclusion in the pass-list were known as pang-huak. T'ang Emperors had shown no bias towards these foreigners in China. They even decreed, more than once, that Persians, Arabs and other nationals in Kuang-chou, Yang-chou and Ch'üan-chou ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 70 CHIU LING-YEONG 7 Hsiang Ta, p. 35; Schafer, p. 20. 8 See Ssu-Ma Kuang *, Tzu-chih t'ung-chien | (TCTC; Peking, 1956), chuan 225, pp. 7228-7237. 9 Chang-Sun Wu-chi £**& and others eds., T’ang-lu shu-i |*| chuan 6; Ch'en Yü-ching, pp. 56-58. 10 E. Renaudot, Ancient Accounts of India and China by Two Moham-medan Travellers (London, 1733), p. 13. 11 Paul Wheatley, 'Geographical Notes on some Commodities involved in Sung maritime Trade', Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 32, part II, 186:28-29 (Singapore, 1961). 12 Chiu Ling-yeong, pp. 504-508; Tao Hsi-sheng, 'Tang-tai ch'u-li fan-shang chi fan-k'o i-ch'an ti fa-ling' ^££# # X ¶¤£***÷. Shih-huo * 4:9:14-15 (Shanghai, 1936). 13 Ou-Yang Hsiu « and others, eds., Hsin T'ang-shu *M† (HTS; 1060 edited), chuan 163; Chiu Ling-yeong, p. 507. 14 N. I. Konrad, 'The Source of Chinese Humanism' (GALEKH Ht), Journal of the Soviet Oriental Studies 3:72-94 (Moscow, 1957). 15 Ch'en Yü-ching, pp. 74-77. 1 16 Ibn Khordadbeh, 'le livre des routes et des provinces', et annote par M. Barbier de Meynard, Journal Asiatique, serie VI, tome V. In this geo-graphical treatise, Ibn Khordadbeh gave a very vivid description of these trading ports: Khanfou, Kantou, Lonkin and Djanfon. Kuwabara was of the opinion that these four place-names are present Kuang-chou ★ ★. Yang-chou ##, Chiao-chou ★ and Ch'üan-chou ##. Cf. Kuwabara J.. 'T'ang-Sung mao-i-ching yen-chiu' ♫ ET &A”, Chinese translation by Yang Lien ## (Shanghai, 1935), pp. 64-154. Of these four place-names, Khanfou in the Khordadbeh's book was identified as Kuang-chou by Paul Pelliot and many other schools. Cf. M. Paul Pelliot, "Deux itineraires de Chine en Inde, a la fin du VIII siecle', Bulletin de l'ecole francaise d'extreme Orient (Hanoi, 1904), p. 205, Place-names in T'ang period and with 'fu' is very common. Kuang-chou was called Kuang-fu . There were also Yang-fu, I-fu # and Chiao-fu X Cf. Li Fang # and others, eds., T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi ★★ (edited A.D. 978) chuan 437; Ts'en Chung-min |, Chung-wai shih-ti kao-cheng *** (Hong Kong, 1966), I, 295-296; Ch'en Yü-ching, pp. 13-18. 17 HTS, chuan 144. 18 Liu Hsü $ and others, eds, Chiu T'ang-shu (CTS, A.D. 945 edited), chuan 198. 19 Chang Hsing-lang, Chung-hsi chiao-t'ung shih-liao hui-pien **££Ħ (Peking, 1933), 3, 132; Ch'en Yü-ching, p. 15; Maejima, S., 'Evaluation des sources arabes concernant la revolte de Huang Chao *‡, a la fin des Tang', International Symposium on History of Eastern and Western Cultural Contacts, Tokyo-Kyoto (1957), pp. 85-90. According to HTS, chuan 43, part I, it says the whole population in Canton at that time was not more than two hundred twenty-one thousand and five hundred. Huang Chao, in this case, could not have killed one hundred twenty thousand to two hundred thousand as the Arabs reported. To this point, see Ts'en Chung-min *, Sui-T’ang shih t★ ★ (Peking, 1957), pp. 503-504, n. 46. 20 Ho ch'iao-yüan †, Man-shu ⚡, chapter 7. 21 Hsiang Da, pp. 48-50. TCTC, chuan 218, p. 6972. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r PERSIANS, ARABS IN T'ANG CHINA 71 23 Ch'en Yu-ching, p. 19; Wang Gungwu1, 'The Nanhai Trade', Journal of the Malayan Branch Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 31, part 2, chapter 7, "The Middlemen and the Spices 618-960 (II), (Kuala Lumpur, 1958). 24 CTS, chüan 89; HTS, chüan 116. 25 TCTC, chüan 203; Wang Gungwu, pp. 75-76. The passage from TCTC follows Wang Gungwu's translation. 26 CTS, chüan 89; HTS, chüan 116. 27 Tung Hao and others, eds., Ch'üan-Tang wen♬ X (A.D. 1814 edition), chüan 291. 28 Hsiang Ta, pp. 38-39. 29 Ibid., Schafer, p. 21. 30 Wang Ch'i±1 ed., Li T'ai-po wen-chi4★ø̇ (A.D. 1758 edited), chüan 3, 'Ch'ien yu tsun-chiu hsing'☀☀f The Chinese version is as follows: 嬰獒龍門之綠桐，玉壺美酒清若空口 催舷梯往與君飲，看朱成碧顏始缸口 胡姬貌如花，當爐笑春風，笑春風， 笑春風，舞羅衣，君今不醉將安歸。 The translation here follows Schafer's. 31 Hsiang Ta, pp. 41-47. 32 Yüan-shih chang-ch'ing chiZAŁA (1929 edition), chüan 24, p. 5, 'Fa Chu'. After Schafer's translation. Schafer, p. 28. 33 Liu Mau-tsaiA†, 'Kulturelle Beziehungen zwischen den Ost Türken (Tu-Küe) und China', Central Asiatic Journal 3:3:199 (The Hague and Wiesbaden, 1957-58). The dictionary is 'T'u-chüeh yü'*A* See Schafer, p. 285, n. 175. 34 Cf. S. W. Bushell, Chinese Art, Victoria and Albert Museum Handbook (London, 1906), chapter 12; Osvald Siren, Chinese Painting (London, 1956) I, 71; Arnold Silock, Introduction to Chinese Art and History (Oxford, 1948), p. 181; Arthur Waley, An Introduction to the Study of Chinese Painting (London, 1923), p. 108; Jitsuzo Kuwabara, 'Zui-To-jidai ni Shina ni raiju shita seikijin ni tsuite'隋唐時代に支那に来往した番域人に就いて Naito Hakase Kanreki shukuga shukuga Shinagaku ronsoAKŁET#***$*£ (Tokyo, 1926; *ˆ†±‡ƒ), pp. 643-644; Chuang Shen#, 'Sui-Tang shih-tai Yü-tien tsu-chih chi fu-tzu hua-chia'MAARTA##, Lishih yü-yen yen-chiu-so chi-k'anAt*7*ƒƒ4N (Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology), Extra Vol. 4, part I, pp. 403-454 (Academic Sinica, Taiwan, 1960). 35 Schafer, p. 36 Chuang Shen, pp. 408-416. 37 Ibid., pp. 440-443. 38 TCTC, chüan 203, p. 6415. For Ch'in Ming-ho and Li Hsün, I am indebted to Professor Lo Hsiang-lin's stimulating article 'Hsi-chu po-ssu chih Li Hsün chi ch'i Hai-yao pen-ts'ao'±Ùƒ±‡HZ‡❀$$‡ Symposium on Chinese Studies Commemorating the Golden Jubilee of the University of Hong Kong, 1911-1961. F. S. Drake, ed., (Hong Kong, 1964) II, 217-240. 39 For Ch'ung ICTH, chüan 95 see Lo Hsiang-lin's article on Li Hsün; also ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 72 CHIU LING-YEONG 40 See Liu Ts'un-yan #, "The Taoists' Knowledge of Tuberculosis in the XIIth Century', a paper presented to the twenty-eighth International Congress of Orientalists, Canberra, January, 1971. 41 Li Hsin's name had been mentioned by B. Laufer, P. Pelliot, G. Ferrand and many other sinologists in the beginning of this century. Cf. O. W. Wolters, Early Indonesian Commerce, a Study of the Origin of Srivijaya (New York, 1966), chapters 9 and 10, also pp. 307-307, n. 13. 42 P. Huard and M. Wong, 'Evolution de la matière medicale chinoise", Janus 47: (Leiden, 1958); and also their work La mèdecine chinoise au cours des siècles (Paris, 1959). 43 F. S. Drake, pp. 222-223. 44 Ibid. 45 I am indebted again to Professor Lo Hsiang-lin's article 'T'ang-shih yu Chung-Jih wen-hua chiao-liu chih kuan-hsi' ✯✯ ZREALMA T'ang-tai wen-hua shih, pp. 194-220. 46 Sun Kuang-hsien, Pei-meng so-yen. It records during the reign of Hsuan-tsung ✯ (A.D. 847-860) and I-tsung ✯✯ (A.D. 860-873) that secretaries in the Inner Court were all foreigners (#, *£*^); HTS, chuan 217, part II. 47 Ch'üan-Tang wen, chuan 767; Ch'ien I &, Nan-pu hsin-shu **** (Hsüleh-ching t'ao-vüan ## edition) records: A › Ü*** › ÄR 三二人,姓氏稀僻者,謂之色目人,亦謂曰牌花口 4 Sung Ming chiu it fed, Tang huiyao (Peking, 1959), chüan 10, p. 64, Tai-ho third year, the emperor decreed that: 南海蕃舶,本以慕化而來,囿在榷以恩仁,使其感孚,如開癘疫,嗟怨之聲達於殊俗;況朕方寶勤儉,豐愛退遐?深慮遐邇未安,榷稅猶重,思有矜恤,以示綏撫。其嶺南、福建及揚州蕃客,宜委節度觀察使,常加存問,除舶稅、市、進奉外,任其來往通流,自行交易,不得重加榷稅。 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 84 HELGA WERLE Chang Po-chieh : 'Ch'ao-chü Yüan-Liu Chi Li-shih Yen-ke', in Ch'ao-chü Yin-Yueh, Canton, 1956. MHAKAARST. NOTA 廣象。 Huang Hua-chieh : Chung-Kuo Ku-chin Min-chien Pai-hsi, Taiwan, 1967, Ren Ren Wen-k'u Series, No. 383. Kuan Chün-che : Pei-ching Pi-ying-hsi, Peking, 1959. Liu Fu-kuang : 'Ch'ao-chou Chih-ying-hsi Chien-chieh', Hong Kong Arts Centre Bulletin, Feb. 1974. Sun Kai-ti : Kwei-lei-hsi K'ao-yüan, Shanghai, 1953. Wu Ting-hung : Zhen-yang-yen mu-ou-hsi, Shanghai, 1954. Where no sources are quoted, the statements made in the text are based on first-hand observation and interviews. H.W. Page 90 Page 91 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r FIVE ART CATALOGUES BY 19TH CENTURY KWANGTUNG ART COLLECTORS CHUANG SHEN* Introduction: Chinese Paintings and the Compilation of Art Catalogues Although wall painting is the most historic form of Chinese painting, few of them survive today. With regard to other types of painting, Ku K'ai-chih's "Admonition of Court Ladies" (Nu-shih-chen t'u), a work executed in the fourth century Chin dynasty, is the earliest in date and exists in the form of a small handscroll. In the sixth century Sui dynasty, there appeared Chan Tzu-chien's "Spring Outing" (Yu-ch'un t'u), which is a large horizontal hanging scroll. During the seventh to ninth centuries T'ang dynasty, screens (both p'ing, unmovable; and chang, movable) were widely used. Viewing these in terms of practicality, no matter whether the format is a horizontal handscroll, or a vertical hanging scroll, or even a folding screen, they are all paintings with a portable form. Due to this portability and their much smaller size in comparison with wall painting, there has appeared ever since the fourth century a large number of art collectors in China. After the T'ang and the Sung dynasties, collecting ancient paintings became very popular; and when their collections grew to be quite sizable, art collectors began to feel a need to compile catalogues. According to documentary materials that are now known to us, the earliest painting catalogue is Pei Hsiao-yuan's "History of Imperial and Private Painting Collections in the Chen Kuan Era" (Chên-kuan kung-ssu hua-shih). This title, apparently dating from early T'ang, indicates that there was no clear-cut distinction between imperial and private collections, both being considered together for cataloguing purposes. However, by the Sung dynasty, we find this is no longer the case. * Mr. Chuang Shen (S. C. Chuang) is BA (Taiwan) and MA (Princeton) and Lecturer in the Chinese Department of the University of Hong Kong. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r FIVE ART CATALOGUES 87 same tradition. For instance, Pien Yung-yü's Shih-ku-t'ang shu-hua hui-k'ao of 1682 (60 chüan altogether; 30 for painting and 30 for calligraphy); Ku Fu's P'ing-sheng chuang-kuan of 1692 (10 chüan altogether; 5 for painting and 5 for calligraphy); Wu Shêng's Ta-kuan-lu of 1712 (20 chüan altogether; for painting and calligraphy, 10 chüan each); An Ch'i's Mo-yüan hui-kuan of 1742 (There are mainly 2 chüan; one for painting and the other, calligraphy. However, near the end of this work there appears an additional chüan with simplified descriptions of painting); and finally, Ku Wên-pin's Kuo-yün-lou shu-hua-lu of 1882 (6 chüan for painting and 4 for calligraphy). All these important works on the history of either painting or calligraphy were edited by separating records of painting and calligraphy into two different sections. On the other hand, speaking in general, works in which records of painting and calligraphy were put together as a combined chronicle were far fewer. From the earlier period, only Huang Po-ssu's Tung-kuan-yu-lun (2 chüan, edited in 1147 by the author's son, Huang Nai) and Chou Mi's Yün-yen kuo-yen-lu (4 chüan, edited probably around 1291) may be regarded as representative works in this line during the Sung and the Yüan. However, during the Ming and the Ch'ing periods, works in this line were innumerable. During the Ming period the most important were: Chu Ts'un-li's (1444-1513) San-hu-mu-nan (8 chüan); Tu Mu's (1458-1525) Yü-i-pien (only 1 chüan); Wên Chia's (1501-1583) Ch'in-shan-r'ang shu-hua-chi (1 chüan, edited in 1565); Chu Chih-ch'ih's Ao-an shu-hua-mu (1 chüan); Sun Feng's Shu-hua-ch'ao (1 chüan); Chen Chi-ju's (1558-1639) Ni-ku-lu (4 chüan); Tung Ch'i-ch'ang's (1555-1636) Hua-chan-shih sui-pi (4 chüan); and Li Jih-hua's (1565-1635) Wei-sui-hsüan jih-chi (compiled in 1616). In all these works, the records of painting and calligraphy of various dynasties were combined, forming one chronicle. This type of books became even more numerous during the Ch'ing dynasty. Those completed in early Ch'ing were Sun Chêng-che's (1592-1676) Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi (8 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 88 CHUANG SHEN chuan; completed in the 16th year of the Shun Chih era, 1659); Wu Ch'i-chên's Shu-hua-chi (6 chüan; completed in the 16th year of the K'ang Hsi era, 1677); Kao Shih-ch'i's (1645-1704) Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu (3 chuan; completed in the 32nd year of the K'ang Hsi era, 1693); and Miu Yüeh-tsao's (1682-1761) Yü-i-lu (6 chuan; completed in the 11th year of the Yung Chêng era, 1733). During the prosperous period of Ch'ing, there were Lu Shih-hua's (1714-1779) Wu-yüeh so-chien-shu-hua-lu (6 chüan; completed in the 41st year of the Chien Lung era, 1776); Chen Cho's Hsiang-kuan-chai yü-hsiang-pien (12 chüan; completed in the 47th year of the Chien Lung era, 1782). In mid Ch'ing, more works of this kind appeared, such as Pan Shih-huang's Hsü-ching-chai yün-yen-kuo-yen-lu (1 chüan; completed in the 9th year of the Tao Kuang era, 1820); Chang Ta-yung's Chih-i-chai shu-hua-lu (30 chüan; completed in the 12th year of the Tao Kuang era, 1832); Tao Liang's (1772-1857) Hung-tou-shu-kuan shu-hua-chi (8 chüan; completed in the 16th year of the Tao Kuang era, 1836); and Hu Chi-t'ang's Pi-hsiao-hsüan shu-hua-lu (2 chüan; completed in the 19th year of the Tao Kuang era, 1839). Still more were published during the late Ch'ing period. These were: Han Tai-hua's Yü-yü-t'ang shu-hua-chi (4 chüan; completed in the first year of the Hsien Fêng era, 1851); Chang Kuang-hsü's Pieh-hsia-chai shu-hua-lu (4 chüan; completed in the 4th year of the T'ung Chih era, 1865); Li Tso-hsien's Shu-hua-chien-yin (24 chüan; completed in the 10th year of the T'ung Chih era, 1871); Fang Chün-i's Mêng-yüan shu-hua-lu (24 chüan; completed in the first year of the Kuang Hsü era, 1875); Hsieh K'un's Shu-hua-so-chien-lu (3 chüan; completed in the 6th year of the Kuang Hsü era, 1880), Ko Chin-liang's Ai-jih-yin-lu shu-hua-lu (4 chüan; completed in the 7th year of the Kuang Hsü era, 1881); Lu Hsin-yüan's (1834-1894) Jang-li-kuan kuo-yen-lu (40 chüan; completed in the 18th year of the Kuang Hsü era, 1892); and Shao Sung-nien's Ku-yüan-ts'ui-lu (18 chüan; completed in the 29th year of the Kuang Hsü era, 1903). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 90 CHUANG SHEN following either the joint principle or the separate principle throughout the Ch'ing dynasty. It may also be worthwhile for us to look into the editing methods employed in the art catalogues of the five Kwangtung collectors. Starting from the middle of the Ming dynasty (the 16th century is taken here as the demarcating point), the editing methods used in Chinese art catalogues can also be classified into two types. Most of the catalogues completed during the Sung and the Yuan periods, as well as in early Ming, possessed the following three characteristics: (1) brief description of subject matter seen on the painting proper. (2) in regard to the colophons written on or outside the painting proper, most of the time only the names of colophon writers were recorded, (3) as to the seals stamped on or outside the painting proper, most of the time only the names of the seal owners were recorded. In other words, before the Wan Li era of mid Ming, art catalogue compilers only gave limited attention to the content of colophons and to the text and shape of the seals. After the Wan Li era, however, in regard to the inscriptions and colophons, a number of innovations in the compilation of Chinese art catalogues began to appear. First of all, in his Tieh-wang san-hu, Chu Ts'un-li not only recorded the artists' own short inscriptions, but also recorded in detail the longer colophons written by the collectors' or the artists' friends on or outside the painting proper. As a result, in reading the catalogue, the reader would have a clear picture of the background of each painting, its history of transmission, as well as other people's opinion of it. In comparison with the editing methods employed in art catalogues of the previous few centuries, Chu Ts'un-li's editing method was undoubtedly a major change. Therefore, although after the publication of the Tieh-wang san-hu, certain compilers ignored Chu's editing method and still adhered to the traditional ways, there were actually a great number of others who accepted the new way readily. The San-hu-wang hua-lu, completed in the 16th year of the Ch'ung Chên era by Wang K'o-yü, was one of the more important art catalogues that first followed this new ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r FIVE ART CATALOGUES 91 editing method. In it, Wang not only accepted the method introduced by Chu Ts'un-li by recording faithfully all the inscriptions and colophons that appeared on each painting; but more than that, he also entered details about the quality and format of each painting, which were things Chu had overlooked. In early Ch'ing, Pien Yung-yü's Shih-ku-t’ang hua-k’ao was the more significant in terms of editing methods. To begin with, Pien not only conformed with Chu Ts'un-li and Wang Ko-yü in entering details of the quality and format, as well as the inscriptions and colophons of a painting, but also recorded all the seals stamped on or outside it. It should be noted here that although the use of seals could be traced back to the T'ang dynasty, it seems that its common use by artists started only in early Ming. In particular, after Ho Chên's Wan School took over the place of the Chê School (founded by Wên Chia, compiler of the Chin-shan-fang shu-hua-chi) and engraved a large number of seals for the scholars during the transitional period of the Ming and Ch'ing dynasties, the use of seals became so popular that it surpassed all such practices in the past. It is very likely that in view of the growing importance of seals, Pien Yung-yü began to record the seals that appeared on old paintings. His ways of recording seals are as follows: (1) keeping to the original order of the seal text, he rearranged them by recording the transcriptions in the regular script. (2) he denoted the original shape of the seals by enclosing the transcriptions recorded in the regular script in squares or rectangles. (3) beneath the seals, he added explanatory notes in small characters to indicate the method used in carving the seal (The characters carved in relief are called chu-wên and the incised ones are called pai-wên). Another major contribution made by Pien Yung-yü in the matter of methods employed in the compilation of art catalogues was the recording of sizes of paintings and calligraphies. Although Wang Ko-yü had already recorded the quality of paintings in his San-hu-wang hua-lu, nevertheless he had neglected the importance of the measurements. This problem, overlooked by art catalogue compilers in the Ming dynasty, was not given full attention until Pien Yung-yü compiled the Shih-ku-t'ang shu-k'ao and Shih-ku-t'ang hua-k'ao in early Ch'ing. Therefore Pien's work, a combination... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r FIVE ART CATALOGUES 95 The next catalogue completed soon after the Fêng-man-lou shu-hua-lu and Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi was Pan Chêng-wei's T'ing-fêng-lou shu-hua-chi. One paragraph in the preface is of particular importance here, It was Tu Mu's Yü-i-pien which initiated the practice of selecting paintings and calligraphies belonging to masters of past dynasties, and cataloguing them in one chronicle. After that, the most distinguished works were Chu Ts'un-li's San-hu mu-nan and Chang Ch'ou's ## Ch'ing-ho shu-hua-fang **★✰★ · In our period, there was Sun Ch’êng-chê's Kêng-tzu hsiao-hsia-chi, in which in addition to his own collection, Sun also included records of other people's collections. Then there was Kao Shih-ch'ï's Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu in which Kao entered details such as the material used (whether paper or silk), the format (album or scroll), the measurements (the length and breadth) of paintings that he had seen, and a full record of all his colophons was also given. Recently the minister Wu Yung-kuang has edited a catalogue entitled Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi in which he adopted the system set down by Sun Ch'êng-chê and Kao Shih-ch'i. He has also selected a few items from my own collection and included them in his work. Moreover, he urged me to compile a catalogue for my own collection and have it published. Thus, following his way, I edited this book. In this preface by Pan, there are a few points worth our notice: Firstly, among the art catalogues compiled in the Ch'ing dynasty, he had only mentioned Sun Ch’êng-chê's Kêng-tzu hsiao-hsia-chi and Kao Shih-ch'i's Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu. Based on this fact, either Pan was entirely ignorant of Pien Yung-yü's Shih-ku-t'ang hua-k'ao or at least he must have held it in low esteem. This attitude is no different from that shown by Wu and Yeh. Secondly, although Pan Chêng-wei humbly admitted that the compilation methods of his T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi followed that of Wu Yung-kuang's Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, in fact, this was only a polite remark made by him. In the opening part of the Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, it has been clearly stated that this catalogue was compiled by Wu Yung-kuang, but was collated jointly by his brother Wu Mi-kuang ✯ ✯ Ł. Ch’ü Shu-ch’ên # and Pan Chêng-wei. This means that in the course of compiling the Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, Wu Yung-kuang had consulted Pan Chêng-wei. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 96 CHUANG SHEN Thus, instead of saying that the compilation method of the T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi was an imitation of the system used in Wu Yung-kuang's art catalogue, rather, it would be more appropriate to say that Pan compiled it according to his own ideas, Thirdly, if this assumption is reasonably correct, then the fact that Pan, in the preface of his T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi regarded Kao Shih-ch'i's Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu as one of the representative art catalogues in the Ch'ing dynasty was due to his high esteem for Kao's work, which incidentally was a view shared by Wu Yung-kuang. Moreover, it is possible that he came under Wu's influence while undertaking the collating work for the Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, thus regarded Kao Shih-ch'i's work of special importance. Fourthly, Pan Chêng-wei considered Sun Ch'êng-chê's Kêng-tzu hsiao-hsia-chi and Kao Shih-ch'i's Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu as the most representative art catalogues compiled in early Ch'ing. This point of view is worth our notice. It should be noted that though Sun's catalogue was completed in the 16th year of the Shun Chih era (1659), it was being collated only less than a century after its publication, by Ho Cho2 (1661-1722), a well-known scholar of the Chiang Nan district21 and active in the K'ang Hsi era. Moreover, in the Chien Lung period, distinguished scholars like Lu Wên-ch'aoAx 3 (1717-1795), Pao T'ing-po3* ty (1728-1814) and Yu Chi (1738-1823) at one time or other wrote prefaces and colophons for this catalogue3, and in particular, Pao T'ing-po even included it in his Chih-pu-chü-chai ts'ung-shu1 * F & *** in order to publicize it. Not long afterward, it was well appraised by the Ssu-k'u-ch'uan-shu tsung-mu t'i-yao★ATAIRE, an official catalogue completed in the 48th year of the Chien Lung era. Thus, it can be seen that during the 124 years between the 16th year of the Shun Chih era and the 48th year of the Chien Lung era, in regard to the connoisseurship of painting and calligraphy, no matter whether it was in Chiang Nan or in the capital, and regardless of whether privately or officially, there was no one who did not consider Sun Ch'êng-chê's Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi as an important work for reference, However, the situation was not quite the same in Kwangtung. Probably up to the Chien Lung era, no Kwangtung scholar had ever noticed the Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi. Even Wu Yung-kuang and Yeh Mêng-lung, relatives who both served for a long time in the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r FIVE ART CATALOGUES 101 phies listed in the table of contents can be located in the text of their corresponding chüan. According to the table of contents in this catalogue, chüan 5 should include 46 items of painting and calligraphy.* Yet, the text in chüan 5 only includes the entries of 36 items. The last ten items listed in the table of contents have been left out, i.e. 1. Sung and Yüan artists 2. Chi Jan Sung dynasty 3. Shen Chou Ming dynasty landscape album landscape hanging scroll Ch'ih-pi-t'u, handscroll 4. Hsieh Shih-ch'ên #, landscape album Ming dynasty 5. Ni Hung-pao **, painting album Ming dynasty 6. Li Yü-ming £, calligraphy album in regular style Ming dynasty (?) 7. Jen-wu mao-shih t'u £# 圖卷 handscroll 8. Hsing Tzu-yüan *, hanging scroll of rocks Ming dynasty 9. Yün Nan-tien, Ch'ing dynasty 10. Ch'ien Hsi-pai Sung dynasty hanging scroll of peonies Ch'ing-chieh-t'u ***, handscroll The supplement of this catalogue is divided into two chüan. According to the list of contents, chüan 2 consists of 74 items of painting and calligraphy.† However the text only records up to the 62nd item, i.e. Li Chien's landscape hanging scroll. Starting from the 63rd item, the last 12 items have been left out. These are: 1. Wang Hui £* hanging scroll executed in the style of Wang Meng *Each album is tentatively regarded as one item here. †Each album is again tentatively regarded as one item here. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 102 CHUANG SHEN 2. Wang Yuan-ch'i £ß 3. Wang Yuan-ch'i 4. Wang Yuan-ch'i 5. Wang Chien £ 6. Wang Chien 7. Wang Hui 8. Fang Shih-shu 9. Hua Yen 華嵒 hanging scroll of the Fu-ch'un Mountain 富春山軸 hanging scroll of landscape executed in the style of Huang Kung-wang 黄公望 and Ni Tsan 倪瓒 handscroll of landscape in the style of former masters. Yün-ho sung-yin-t'u *** H , hanging scroll Ts'êng-luan-sung-ts'ui-t'u 翠圖 hanging scroll Hsia-k'ou tai-tu t'u #* album of landscape, figure and flower hanging screens of flower and bird 10. Wang Shih-min E 11. Liang Pei-lan 12. Ch'ien Tsai hanging scroll executed in the style of Huang Kung-wang hanging scroll of poems written in the running script hanging scroll of orchid and bamboo executed in ink monochrome Among the three different kinds of edition available today, no matter whether it is hand-written, or wood block printed, or type printed, all the texts in chuan 5 of this T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi have left out ten items of painting and calligraphy; i.e., from the landscape album executed by the Sung and Yüan artists up to Ch'ing-chieh-t'u executed by Ch'ien Hsi-pai of the Sung dynasty. And similarly, all the texts in chuan 2 of the supplement of the same catalogue have omitted record of the 12 items of painting and calligraphy; i.e., from Wang Hui's hanging scroll executed in the style of Wang Meng up to Ch'ien Tsai's hanging scroll of orchid and bamboo executed in ink monochrome. For the same item of painting, the table of contents in this book lists its painter, its title as well as the format, and yet all these details have not been entered into the text. Such inconsistency cannot but be regarded as a shortcoming in compilation, the more so since this shortcoming arises not because of the difference in edition, but entirely due to the carelessness of the compiler. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r FIVE ART CATALOGUES 103 The same deficiency can also be found in Liang T’ing-nan’s art catalogue. In the table of contents of chüan 4 in T’êng-hua-t’ing shu-hua-pa, the titles of 166 items of painting and calligraphy have been listed. Yet beginning with the 125th item, i.e. Fang Fêng-chi’s landscape, the rest have not been recorded. This shortcoming, though it seems to be exactly the same as that found in the Ting-fan-lou shu-hua-chi, shows in fact a certain degree of difference in comparison with the latter, as explained below. In the table of contents of chüan 4 in T’êng-hua-t’ing shu-hua-pa, below the title of the 126th item of painting (i.e. Fang Hsün-yüan’s landscape) there is a four-small-character note (“i-hsia-wei-k’o” — the blocks for painting the following items have not yet been cut), indicating that the record of items following the 125th title have not been included in the text. Consequently, when a reader, checking through the table of contents, comes across this short note of “i-hsia wei-k’o”, he would understand that the record of paintings and calligraphies in the text ends with the 125th item, and that beginning from the 126th item, only the titles are listed in the table of contents, and so he is well prepared. However, neither in T’ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi nor in the supplement of this catalogue did Pan Chêng-wei attach any explanatory note to indicate which items had not been printed. As a result, the reader would presume that the entry in the text would agree with the title listed in the table of contents. He is thus not prepared for the inconsistency of finding the title of a certain painting in the table of contents, and yet not being able to find any record about it in the text. Consequently, when the reader notes the text of chüan 5 or the supplement of this catalogue and cannot locate any entry of the 10 items (i.e., starting from the landscape album executed by the Sung and Yüan artists in the former or the 12 items of painting starting from Wang Hui’s hanging scroll executed in the style of Wang Meng in the latter) and yet later discovers these 22 items of painting and calligraphy in the respective tables of contents of these 2 chüan, he could feel particularly confused and disappointed. In regard to the discrepancy between the table of contents and the text, in the two art catalogues mentioned above, there is no difference in the nature of deficiency found in Liang and Pan. Only that, in the matter of seriousness, the shortcoming in Liang’s catalogue is less severe. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 106 CHUANG SHEN Besides, in the table of contents of chüan 4 of T’êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa, the 126th item is recorded as a landscape executed by Fang Hsün-yüan. Although there were quite a large number of artists in the Ch'ing dynasty, there was no one whose surname was Fang19. However, during the period between the Yung Chêng era and the beginning of the Chien Lung era, there was an artist by the name of Fang Shih-shu ✯±✯ (1692-1751) who was a native of An Hui and yet lived in Yang Chou. The literary name of Fang Shih-shu is Hsün-yüan20 #✡. Since in T'êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa, it was Liang T'ing-nan's practice to designate all artists by their literary names and not their real names, therefore this unidentifiable Fang Hsün-yüan is very likely a name mistaken for Fang Hsün-yüan. If this assumption is correct, then Liang T'ing-nan had not only recorded incorrectly the literary name of this An Hui artist, but also mistaken his real name. Such an inexcusable mistake is again due to carelessness in proof-reading. C. Chronological Mistakes I have not thoroughly investigated the number of chronological mistakes in the art catalogues of the Kwangtung collectors. However, this kind of error can at least be discovered in Wu Yung-kuang's Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi. It should be noted here that Wu Yung-kuang had left two most important documentary records. One was the Li-tai ming-jen nien-p'u in 10 chuan, compiled in the 23rd year of the Tao Kuang era (1843) which was the year of his death. The other was Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi in 5 chuan, which, though printed a little earlier than the Li-tai ming-jen nien-p'u (in the 21st year of the Tao Kuang era, 1841), was in fact completed two years before his death. In other words, the two most important works of Wu Yung-kuang were both completed during the last three years of his life. Unfortunately, there are certain mistakes in both works. As early as ten years ago, the chronological mistakes in the Li-tai ming-jen nien-p'u have already been pointed out by experts21. It is also regrettable that in his Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, he had committed some other curious chronological mistakes. On page 4 of chüan 4, there is recorded Wu Yung-kuang's own colophon inscribed on Ch'ien Hsüan's Li-hua-chüan #4, which reads, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 108 CHUANG SHEN obtained under the entry of the 8th year in the Tao Kuang era (1828), "In the third month, my daughter named Hsi married Yeh Ying-ch'i". In chuan 2 of Wu Yung-kuang's Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia chi, there is an entry about Mi Yu-jen's Yün-shan tê-l-t'u #4#★#, which according to Kung Kuang-tao's LAM Yüeh-hsüeh-lou shu-hua-lu *****, should bear a square seal, the text of which reads, "Nan-hai nu-shih Yeh Wu Hsiao-ho hsieh-yün-lou shu-hua-chih-yin” ✯✯✯±‡*+*Z*#‡‡<¢ "seal of calligraphies and paintings in the Hsieh-yün-lou collection of Madam Yeh Wu Hsiao-ho, native of Nan-hai”. Ho-wu is one of the style names of Wu Yung-kuang, and so he gave his daughter Wu Hsi the style name of Hsiao-ho. Furthermore, above Hsiao-ho's surname, it is added her husband's surname (Yeh). Thus it is evident that the Yün-shan tê-t-t'u was one of the items in her dowry when she was married off to Yeh Ying-ch'i. However, in the opening part of chuan 3 in Wu Yung-kuang's Shih-yün-san-jen fen-t'l-shih-hsuan, it is stated that one of the collators was his son-in-law, whose name, however, was recorded as Yeh Ying-hsin #44. 2 At the end of his Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi chiao-wên ✯TMIERZ - "Collatery Note of the Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi" Ho Cho put down the date of "K'ang Hsi kuei-ssu" which is equivalent to the 52nd year of the K'ang Hsi era (1713). Ho's collatery note can be found in Ku-hsüeh-hui-k'an **✰★, vol. II, No. V, published by Kuo-ts'ui hsüeh-pao shê @##★#, 1923, and reprinted by Li Hsing Book Co. ★1⁄2, Taiwan. (The collatery note is found in pp. 2585-2601 of this reprint.) 3 Pao T'ing-po's colophon, which is attached to the Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi, was completed in the 20th year of the Chien Lung era ✯✯ (1755). Yu Chi's colophon and Lu Wên-ch'ao's preface were both written in the 26th year of the Chien Lung era (1761). 4 There are altogether 18 collections in Chih-pu-tsu-chai ts'ung-shu ÞILIIT. The fourth collection includes only Sun Ch'êng-chê's Hsien-chê-hsüan-tieh-k'ao §**** (which is now attached to the end of Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi. However, it is included in the occasional publication of the Chih-pu-tsu-chai. Nowadays, an edition that was published separately in the 26th year of the Chien Lung era (1761) is available. 5 See Ssŭ-k'u-ch'üan-shu tsung-mu ti-yao **** chuan 113. Only the last sentence in this discussion is quoted here, since it already suffices to reflect the whole situation by this, "Though the man can be slighted, his writing is however something that we cannot pass over slightly." 6 A hand-written copy of the T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi and its supplement is found in the collection of the Feng Ping-shan library, University of Hong Kong. 7 The Feng Ping-shan library in the University of Hong Kong has in its collection a wood block printed version of the T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi in 5 chuan and its supplement in 2 chuan, the beginning section of both of which are missing. Therefore, the date and place when this catalogue was printed is now known. * The type printed version of the T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi and its supplement is available in Mei-shu ts'ung-shu *#*# vol. IV, part VII. This catalogue was first printed by the Kuo-ts'ui hsüeh-shê # in the 3rd year of the Hsuan Tung era ✯ (1911). The second edition came out in 1928. The copy used in this paper is the fourth edition published by Shen-chou kuo-kuang shê **B£* in 1947. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r FIVE ART CATALOGUES 109 9 In chuan 4 of Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi pp. 22b-33a, after entering Ni Tsan's Yu-po-t'an-hua-t'u and inscriptions and recording the three colophons written by Tung Ch'i-ch'ang and emperor Chien Lung, Wu Yung-kuang's own colophon follows, beginning thus, This painting agrees with the one recorded in Wu's Ta-kuan-lu 4. It was after this painting had been dispersed from Chiêng Chi-pa's collection that Wu Tzu-min came across it. Soon it was acquired by the imperial household..... In saying that "this painting agrees with the one recorded in Wu's Ta-kuan-lu”, it is apparent that Wu Yung-kuang must have used Wu Sheng's Ta-kuan-lu in order to make a comparison between the inscriptions recorded in this catalogue and those appeared on the painting. 10 See Hsin-chou hsiao-hsia-chi chuan 5, p. 54b. 11 See Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi chuan 4, p. 23a. 12 Ibid chuan 5, p. 54b. 13 See Ping-sheng chuang-kuan chuan 3, p. 20; published in Shanghai, 1962. 14 See Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi chuan 4, p. 39a. 15 Refer to footnote 10. 16 An Ch'i's description of Yü-tung hsien-yüan-t'u can be found in Mo-ylian hui-kuan chuan 3. However he recorded it as Tao-yuan hsien-ching-t'u, which is somewhat different from that recorded by Wu Yung-kuang. 17 See Pien Yung-yu's Shih-ku-t'ang hua-k'ao chuan 37. The edition used here is a photo copy of this catalogue in the collection of Mr. Chiang's Mi-chün-lou, made by Ying-yin chien-ku shu-she of the Cheng Chung Book Co., Taiwan in 1958, p. 4966. (The Chêng Chung Book Co. shows its ignorance in combining two pages of the original book into one page, and instead of following the original page number, gives each page a new number). 18 The titles of these three scrolls of painting can be found in T'êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa chuan 1, which are: Pai-l'ou an-ch'un tu p. 35b; Hua-kuo-r'u, p. 36a; Lan-hua-t'u, p. 36b. 19 Among the documents that were completed in the Ch'ing dynasty and mainly dealt with biographies or names of the Ch'ing painters, the following are, in general, regarded as the most important: (1) Chang Kêng's Kuo-ch'ao-hua-chêng-lu in 3 chuan, supplement in 2 chuan. According to his own preface, this book was completed in the 13th year of the Yung Chêng era (1734). (2) P'êng Yün-ts'an's (1780-1840) Hun-shih hui-chüan 史棠傳 in 70 chuan and appendix in 2 chuan. (3) Fêng Chin's Li-tai hua-chia hsing-shih pien-lan in 7 chuan, published in the 6th year of the Tao Kuang era (1826). (4) Lu Chün's Sung Yüan i-lai hua-jen hsing-shih-lu in 37 chuan. The preface written by Tang Chin-ch'ao is dated in the 10th year of the Tao Kuang era (1830). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 110 CHUANG SHEN (5) Tou Chên's Ch'ing-tai shu-hua-chia pi-lu in 4 chuan, in which there is Tou's own preface written in the 3rd year of the Hsuan Tung era (1911). 1 However the name "Fang Hsün-yüan" could not be found in any one of them. 20 The second parts of both the supplement of Chang Kèng's Kuo-ch'ao-hua-chêng-lu and Ch'in Tsu-yung's T'ung-yin lun-hua record Fang Shih-shu's literary name as Hsün-yüan. * Taiwan 21 See Fêng Ch'êng-chi's Li-tai ming-jen nien-p'u chêwu, published in Wen-shih-chê hsüeh-pao National University, No. 12, pp. 45-52, printed in Taipei, 1963. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 148 NOTES AND QUERIES haute, le pic de Victoria, 1,8251, elle offre l'aspect de pierres superposées, aboutissant à la mer par des pentes douces, et à pic, en quelques endroits de la côte orientale. A l'exception de trois ou quatre petites vallées, il y a peu de terrain cultivable. On y trouve beaucoup de ruisseaux d'une eau très-pure; l'un d'eux, dans la partie sud-est, le Hiang-kiang (rivière des parfums), où les Européens allaient puiser leur eau, a donné à toute l'île son nom de Hiang-kiang, qu'on lit sur les timbres de la poste. Avant 1840, l'île de Hong-kong était à peu près inhabitée. Des cabanes éparses le long du rivage servaient d'abri aux pêcheurs et aux corsaires. La belle rade ne tarda pas à être remarquée des navigateurs anglais, qui, ayant vainement demandé au Portugal la franchise du port de Macao, étaient à la recherche, pour leur commerce, d'un port dans le voisinage des côtes de Chine. La rade de Hong-kong se présentait dans de bonnes conditions. Pourvue de deux entrées, l'une du côté ouest à l'embouchure du Tchong-kiang, et l'autre du côté est, vaste et bien disposée, elle pouvait abriter plusieurs flottes et former un port excellent. De plus, n'étant qu'à 80 milles de Canton et à 40 de Macao, elle deviendrait peut-être la clef de tout le commerce de l'Europe avec la Chine, et porterait le dernier coup à la puissance du Portugal dans ces parages; ce qui arriva en effet2. Pendant la première guerre de l'Angleterre avec la Chine, le ministre plénipotentiaire Elliot se fit céder cette île par le commissaire Chi-xeu. Le traité de cession fut ratifié à la fin de 1840 et au mois de janvier 1841; mais, avant la fin de la guerre, et, avant que ces conventions privées devinssent le traité de Nankin, conclu définitivement au mois d'août 1842, les Anglais non seulement avaient pris possession de l'île, mais y exerçaient déjà un pouvoir absolu. Le gouvernement britannique y avait commencé des travaux gigantesques, et traçait à travers les montagnes, une route très-large, de plusieurs lieues de longueur. A l'est, on bâtissait un fort sur un îlot et deux bastions en face de deux grandes casernes pour la défense des navires et du port. Les négociants de toutes les nations, encou- 1 Les autres montagnes sont; Le Pic Paker Highwest (sic) Kellet Gough 1710 pieds. 1175 1130 1575 2 Macao ne renferme plus aujourd'hui que 5,000 Européens et 30,000 Chinois. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1973 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r 150 NOTES ET QUERIES a fourni des emplacements aux constructions, spécialement à une place d'armes qui sert de promenade publique. Les marécages d'une petite vallée, appelée aujourd'hui vallée heureuse (happy valley), ont cédé la place à une prairie où se font les courses de chevaux, à l'extrémité orientale de Vittoria, dans le voisinage des cimetières catholique, protestant, mahométan, et zoroastrien. Il n'y a pas de cimetière chinois, les Chinois ayant l'habitude d'enterrer les morts dans les champs, partout où ils se trouvent. Les gens riches ont bâti de délicieuses villas dans les environs. Le mouvement du commerce et des arrivages est des plus animés, Hong-kong étant devenu le premier point sur lequel mettent le cap les vaisseaux qui vont d'Europe en Chine. L'air y était autrefois malsain, surtout aux mois de juillet et d'août, lorsqu'on commença à défricher cette terre vierge, et la ville manquait d'eau; mais on a fait disparaître ces inconvénients: l'air s'est assaini à mesure que la végétation s'est développée; on a fait venir de l'eau de l'autre extrémité de l'île au moyen d'un canal, et on la conserve dans des réservoirs, dont l'un a une capacité extraordinaire. Cependant, Macao est encore le rendez-vous des convalescents, à cause de la salubrité de son climat. La ville de Vittoria, étant située sur le rivage septentrional de l'île, est rafraîchie par le vent du nord et par les grosses pluies particulières aux tropiques; ainsi, dans les appartements, le thermomètre Réaumur monte à 26 ou 27 degrés. Cette température se maintient plusieurs mois, et il y a peu de différence entre la chaleur de la nuit et celle du jour, en sorte que les tempéraments européens s'affaiblissent et souffrent beaucoup. Pendant la guerre de Pékin, les Anglais, craignant que les Français, leurs alliés, n'occupassent la plage de terre ferme située en face de Vittoria et ne se rendissent ainsi maîtres de la rade du côté opposé, s'emparèrent, au mois de mai 1860, de Caw-hong [Kowloon-Ed] et n'ont plus abandonné ce poste. Ils se sont fait définitivement céder par le dernier traité avec la Chine. Il n'y a, sur ce point, ni établissements européens, ni commerçants chinois, mais seulement des soldats, leurs casernes en bois et leurs hôpitaux, et la population indigène. Nota. Notre carte représente non seulement l'île de Hong-Kong, mais la partie du continent dépendant de la préfecture apostolique de Hong-Kong. Les profondeurs de la mer, sur les côtes de l'île, sont indiquées, en pieds anglais, par des chiffres. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF DE MAILLA, HISTOIRE GENERALE DE LA CHINE RICHARD Gregg Irwin Introduction Many years ago a student of mine, then in Peking, named Richard Gregg Irwin, sent me a draft of a paper he had written on the sources of the well-known Histoire générale de la Chine by Père de Mailla. I thought it worthy of publication and promised to help him in the revision. In the meantime he was caught in the war with Japan and imprisoned in Weihsien; by the time he returned to the United States he was wholly absorbed in completing his dissertation, which eventually was published in the Harvard-Yenching Institute Studies as The Evolution of a Chinese Novel: Shui-hu-chuan. Duties of an exacting sort at the East Asiatic Library of the University of California followed in Berkeley, and he died prematurely in 1968 without finding the leisure to turn again to his initial study of de Mailla's magnum opus, still the longest history of China in a western language. Now that the undersigned has completed his work on Ming biographies it has occurred to him to make the necessary revisions, so that Mr. Irwin's essay may see the light of day. This seems all the more timely as de Mailla's history has recently (1967) been reprinted by the Ch'eng-wen Publishing Company, Taipei. Columbia University, 21st May, 1974. THE NOTES L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH A false impression is given by the full title of de Mailla's Histoire générale de la Chine, ou annales de cet empire; traduites du Tong-Kien-Kang-Mou, par le feu Père Joseph-Anne-Marie de Mailla, Jésuite français, missionaire à Pekin; publiées par M. l'Abbé Grosier Paris, 1777-1783. - 12v., which describes it as translated from the T'ung-chien kang-mu. This work, in 104 chüan, comprising the main body of the history, written about 1190 under the supervision of the celebrated Chu Hsi (1130-1200), together with its commentaries, an introductory section based on the writings ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF DE MAILLA 93 of Chin Lü-hsiang ✯✯✯(1232-1303), and a supplementary section prepared by Shang Lu j (1415-86) and others under imperial order of 1476, was available to de Mailla in the edition of 1708.1 But it carries Chinese history only to the end of the Yuan dynasty, whereas the Histoire générale in its final form includes the Ming and Ch'ing periods to 1780, the 45th year of the Ch'ien-lung reign, Since de Mailla's manuscript was sent to France in 1737,2 where it remained unpublished for forty years, it is evident not only that the author relied on sources other than the T'ung-chien kang-mu to continue his record beyond the Yuan period, but also that the final chapters are not his at all. There is no secret involved in these facts, credit generally being given where due by the published Histoire générale. But the usual tendency to consider the matter as closed when one has attributed the work to de Mailla and indicated the T'ung-chien kang-mu as his source is misleading. Volumes I-IX represent an abridged translation of the Kang-mu; for Vol. X, which treats of the Ming period, four other Chinese sources were employed. They are indicated in the editor's footnote to Vol. X, pp. 1-3, as follows: + Les trois auteurs que le Père de Mailla a suivis sur ce qui concerne les MING, sont le docteur Kou-yng-tai, examinateur des lettrés du Tché-kiang, dont l'ouvrage, intitulé Ming-ssé-ki-sse-pen-mo ou Faits historiques de la dynastie des MING a été publié par Fou-y-tché, premier ministre de Chun-chi, empereur des TSING: ce ministre en faisant tant de cas, que non content d'en être l'éditeur, il y a ajouté une preface de sa façon. Le second auteur, d'après lequel le Père de Mailla a rédigé l'histoire des MING, est Tchu-tsing yen docteur du premier ordre & gouverneur de Nan-yang-fou du Ho-nan. Son ouvrage, fait sur le modèle du Tong-kien-kang-mu, a pour titre, Tong-kien-ming-ki-tsuen-tsai, c'est-à-dire, Suite complette de la dynastie des MING-Tchang-yn, president du tribunal des Rits & ministre d'état, le publia la trente-cinquième année du règne de Kang-hi. Enfin le troisième écrivain, que le Père de Mailla a consulté sur les MING est le fameux lettré Tchong-pé-king, qui vivoit sous cette dynastie, au temps qu'elle perdit le sceptre impérial. Son Ouvrage, intitulé Ming-ki-pien-nien; c'est-à-dire, Annales de la dynastie des MING, fut rendu public la quarante-septième année de Kang-hi, plus de cinquante ans après la mort de l'auteur. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 94 R. G. IRWIN Ces trois historiens des MING sont particulièrement distingués à la Chine, & personne n'y révoque en doute les faits qu'ils rapportent; c'est sur leur réputation de fidélité & d'exactitude que le Père de Mailla les a adoptés de préférence aux autres. II a encore puisé dans un recueil de discours & instructions de HONG-VOU, fondateur des MING, que Chun-chi des TSING a fait traduire en tartare pour son usage particulier dans le gouvernement de son nouvel empire & pour l'instruction des grands de sa cour. Ce recueil est intitulé, Ming-kou-lou-hong-vou-han-y-oyong-tatsi-yen; c'est-à-dire, Documens importans de l'empereur HONG-VOU, de la dynastie des MING. These authors and their works may well have been renowned at the time of de Mailla, but two centuries later their very identification presents a problem, the results of which are herewith summarized: 1. Ku Ying-t'ai (T. Keng-yü),3 who is credited with the authorship of Ming-ch'ao chi-shih pen-moa by the editors of the Ssu-k'u ch'üan-shu tsung-mu¤$£$#!' was a native of Feng-jun, Pei-Chihli. After taking the chin-shih degree in 1647 he held a secretaryship in the ministry of Revenue, and later in the Chekiang provincial board of education. The history, a work in 80 chüan, each devoted to a separate topic, carries a preface dated 1658.6 On the whole, it is a well-ordered record of the Ming period. Factual errors, which occur, for example, in connection with Chu Yün-wen, who reigned as Emperor Hui (1399-1402), and again with Chang Ma, better known as Empress I-an (consort of Chu Yu-chiao, emperor of the T'ien-ch'i period, 1621-27), are accounted for by the lack of any such standard source as the official history at the time of composition. But the Ssu-k'u editors are of the opinion that the author has handled the available material well. Whether Ku should be given entire credit for its authorship is open to question, however, since it seems to have been based on Shih-kuei ts'ang-shu♬ §#*, for which he is reported to have paid Chang Tai of Shan-yin, Chekiang, some 500 pieces of gold. Fu I-li# » † (fl. 1862-74), in a colophon, discusses the problem at length, concluding that Chang Tai's material passed through the hands of Hsu Ch'ao-li, who re-wrote it. Ku, in turn, re-worked this, and cannot be accused of out and out plagiarism. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 96 R. G. IRWIN "publishers for advertisement of spurious writings." In any case this work was subsequently proscribed by the Ch'ien-lung emperor, exception being taken especially to the last four chuan, written by Wang Ju-nan (T. Chi-yung), a fellow townsman of Chung Hsing, whose preface is dated 1660. It furnishes a record of the final years of the Ming and the advent of the Ch'ing. The sympathy of the author for the former is manifest by the preservation of its chronology throughout, i.e. to 1645/6. Copies of this work are available in several important libraries, such as the National Central Library (Taichung), the Naikaku Bunko (Tokyo), the Library of Congress (Washington), and the University of Leiden. The copy at Columbia University lacks chuan 11 and 12, and that at the Library of Congress has had its objectionable features partially effaced, "but in no case sufficiently as to be illegible." 4. The modern romanization of "Ming-kouron-hong-vou-y-oyongo Taisi-yen” is “xoeng u i oyonggo tacixiyan," which proves to be a Manchu version of Hung-wu pao-hsün, the translation having been done by Kang Lin and others. It is in 6 chuan, and was published in 1646, the 3rd year of Shun-chih. de Mailla, who was in China from 1703 to 1748, relied on three sources, in addition to his personal observation, for the account of the early Ch'ing period which comprises Vol XI. The editor's introductory note (Vol. XI, page 2) refers to them as follows: On a déjà parlé, dans un note sur les MING, du Tong-kien-ming-ki-tsuen-tsai, publié la quinzième année de Kang-hi: le docteur Tchu-tsiny-yen, qui en est l'auteur, a conduit ce morceau d'histoire jusqu'en 1659, que les princes de la famille des MING perdirent tout-à-fait l'espérance de recouvrer le sceptre impériale. Le P. de Mailla a écrit d'après lui; & quand cette source a tari, il a en recours au Tsin-tching-ping-ting-sou-han-fang-lio, ou relation des guerres que l'empereur Gin-ti (Kang-hi) fit au Kaldan des Eleutes. Ces Mémoires, rédigés par quatre ministres d'état & par soixante-dix mandarins tant Chinois que Mantchéous, choisis dans le tribunal des Hanlin & parmi les docteurs du premier ordre, sont écrits dans les deux langues, Chinois & Tartare; ils contiennent le détail de l'expédition contre les Eleutes, & l'abrégé des autres événemens du règne de Kang-hi ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF DE MAILLA 97 jusqu'à sa quarantième année: Ce prince les revit lui-même, y ajouta une préface de sa façon, & les fit imprimer dans son palais la quarante-septième année de son règne: il en distribua un exemplaire à chacun des grands de sa cour, défendant expressément d'en laisser paraître aucun au-dehors; cependant le P. de Mailla est parvenu à se procurer un de ces exemplaires, qui lui a fourni les détails qu'il donne de l'expédition contre les Eleutes, à laquelle Kang-hi marcha en personne, & où il acquit beaucoup de gloire. Ce que le Missionaire historien dit de l'île Formose, que les Chinois appellent Taï-ouan, est tiré du Tchi-chu, ou Mémoires historiques de ces îles, rédigés sur les ordres de Kang-hi, par les plus habiles lettrés du Fou-kien. Le docteur Tchu-tsing-yen lui a encore fourni le complément de l'histoire du fameux pirate Tchin-tchi-long & de son fils Tching-tching-kong, qui chassa les Hollandais des îles Formoses, où il se forma une principauté indépendante, que Kang-hi n'enleva au prince Taï-van, son petit-fils. We have already discussed the first of these works, Chu Lin's Ming-chỉ chi-lüeh; as for the discrepancy between the notes concerning its date of publication, the 35th year of K’ang-hsi, 1696, is correct. The account of Koxinga's campaign against the Dutch in Formosa, specifically attributed to this source, erroneously dates it as 1659,23 instead of 1661. I have been unable to determine whether the blame should be attached to Chu Lin, as de Mailla's editor surmises,24 or to the good father himself, who has elsewhere recorded the date properly.2 The second, Ch'in-cheng p’ing-ting shuo-mo fang-lüeh *****, provides a detailed account of the K'ang-hsi emperor's difficulties with the Eleuthes, 1677-98, including his campaigns against Galdan (d. 1697).26 Both Manchu27 and Chinese versions are extant, the latter, in 48 chüan (plus 1 chüan of geographical description) having been published with an imperial preface in 1708.28 The director-general of the compilation was Chang Yü-shu # 1₺ (1642-1711) who, in 1696, had accompanied the emperor on his campaign.29 I am at a loss to identify the third, "Tchi-chu," or the "historical memoirs" of Formosa, said to have been "drawn up at the command of K'ang-hsi by the most able scholars of Fukien."30 In addition to this source of information, de Mailla must have profited from a trip ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF DE MAILLA 99 NOTES 1 Cf. Robert des Rotours, Traité des Examens, traduit de la Nouvelle Histoire de T'ang (Paris, 1932), 82, n. 1. As des Rotours writes, "C'est cet ouvrage qui a été traduit par de Mailla, en partie sur la version mandchoue.” 2 de Mailla, Vol. I, xxvii. 3 Cf. Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period, 1:426. (Hereafter abbreviated as ECCP). 4 This work's original title (1658) was later changed to Ming-shih chi-shih pen-mo, by which it is generally known. Cf. W. Franke, An Introduction to the sources of Ming history (Kuala Lumpur, 1968), 2.2.11. (Hereafter abbreviated as Franke, Introduction.) 5 Edition of 1930, 49/6b. (Hereafter abbreviated as SKCS catalogue.) 6 This paragraph of appraisal is based on the SKCS catalogue, loc. cit. 7 See biography of Chang Tai by Fang Chao-ying in ECCP, I:53. 8 This paragraph on the origin of Ming-ch'ao chi-shih pen-mo is based on Hsieh Kuo-chen, Wan-Ming shih-chi k'ao (Peiping, 1931), 1/26-28. 9 A native of Te-ch'ing, Chekiang, who graduated as chin-shih in 1673. Hsieh Kuo-chen, loc. cit. 10 A native of Chia-shan, Chekiang, who later moved to Hua-t'ing, Nan-Chihli. He flourished in the last years of the Ming and into the K'ang-hsi period. Cf. Hua-t'ing-hsien chih (1878-9 ed.), 15/38a. On his book, see C. O. Hucker's essay on the Tung-lin in J. K. Fairbank (ed.), Chinese Thought and Institutions (Chicago, 1957), 369, n. 12. 11 See Shang-yü-hsien chih (1890), 11/20b. 12 See Nan-yang-fu chih (1807), 4b. 13 Franke, Introduction 1.3.9. (d). 14 idem. 1.3.9, (c). 15 His biography in ECCP, I:64, is also by Fang Chao-ying. 16 A great favorite of the emperor, he was known to the Jesuit missionaries at court as Cham ym. See P. Pelliot's discussion of the Brevis Relatio (1701) on the rites question in T'oung Pao, 23 (1924), 365. 17 L. C. Goodrich, “Korean interference with Chinese historical records," JRAS, No. China br., 68 (1937), 32. 18 L. C. Goodrich, The Literary Inquisition of Ch'ien-lung (Baltimore, 1935), 138, n. 3. 19 Hsieh Kuo-chen, op. cit., 1/20a; J. J. L. Duyvendak, T'oung Pao, 32 (1936), 343. 20 Franke, Introduction, 1.3.8. 21 SKCS catalogue, 193/6b, sub entry on Ming shih kuei. 22 See Walter Fuchs, Beiträge zur Mandjurischen Bibliographie und Literatur (Tokyo, 1936), 124. The T'ai-tsu shih-lu bao-xun is included in the Ming shih-lu fulu, published in Taipei, 1967. 23 de Mailla, op. cit., Vol. XI, 50. Cf. ECCP I: 109, sub Cheng Ch'eng-kung. 24 de Mailla, op. cit., Vol. XI, 52. Page 105 Page 106 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 100 R. G. IRWIN 25 Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, écrites des Missions Étrangères (Paris, 1781, nouvelle édition), Vol. XVIII, 455-6. 26 SKCS catalogue, 49/3b. 27 See W. Fuchs, op. cit., 101; also Chinesische und Mandjurische handschriften und seltene drucke (Wiesbaden, 1966), 137, no. 43. 28 T'ao Hsiang, Ku-kung tien-pen shu-k’u hsüan-ts'un-mu (Peiping, 1933), 2/1a. 29 Biography by Fang Chao-ying in ECCP I: 65-6. See also his biography of Galdan in ibid. I: 267-8. 30 Any work ordered by the emperor should be listed in the Ssu-k'u ch'üan-shu catalogue. But no title remotely resembling this is included. My colleague, Mr. Fang Chao-ying, hazards the guess that de Mailla is referring here to Ming-chi chi-shih by a Fukienese scholar, Lin Shih-shan (T.), a native of T'ung-an in Ch'üan-chou prefecture, whose work in 10 or more chüan on the conquest of Fukien covers the years 1646-1683. This has never been published; de Mailla must have consulted a manuscript copy, several of which are known to have existed. Cf. Liu Hsien-t'ing (1648-95, see ECCP 1: 521) in his Kuang yang tsa-chi (Shanghai, 1957), 2/83, who mentions learning that a certain Yang Yu-liang had seen a copy in Peking. 31 A detailed letter concerning this trip and his observations was written to Père de Colonia in August, 1715; see Lettres édifiantes (1781), Vol. XVIII, 413-67. 32 de Mailla, op. cit., Vol. XI, 369, n. 1. 33 Idem. 34 de Mailla, op. cit., Vol. XII, 1, n. 1. The reference is to the 1703-76 edition of Lettres édifiantes, in 34 vols. 35 de Mailla, op. cit., Vol. XII, 61-62, notice historique. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 CHAN TSUEN TƯỞNG CƯ HẢI P I SHEK KI PEARL RIVER DELTA MACAU НАМ ТАЏ تي PAD-AN HSIEN ĮPRESENT. KOWLOON. AWELSHIN MAVEN T TAM SHUI TAI PANG x GHUM CHUN ISHA TAG KOK AHAS PAY Таг YUEN LONG * KAM TIN PING SHAN CASTLE PEAK TSUẸN WAN SHA TINKUNGA SAI L KOWLNOW CITY TING CHEUNG x נל SHA WAMLINE LINGAU TAU KOK SHA LÓ WANTE TRUNG CHUNG LANTAU ISLAND PUI 01 PENG CHAJ „MUT WO ISLAND ITẠI TAM TUK SHEK PIK ABERDEEN. (CHEUNG CHAU LAMMA, ISLAND AP LET CHAU BELŞ BAY до +2 110 LO MAN SHAR TAM VON SHAN (LEMA ISLANDS) MAP OF HONG KONG REGION JAMES HAYES ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 THE HONG KONG REGION 115 Various local accounts show that many craft came from northeast Kwangtung and elsewhere for the seasonal fishing. The presence of pirate fleets, sometimes in very large numbers, was also a feature of the local scene. This activity, and the importance it gave to the local seaways is reflected by the Chinese records. The Kuang-tung K’ao-ku Chi-yao gives what at first appears as a disproportionately large amount of space to the subject of coastal defence.3 The provincial gazetteer devotes many pages to maps of the coast line and the off-shore islands, and it is significant that these are included in the coastal defence section and not in that dealing with administrative boundaries.4 Another long work, the Kuang-tung T'u-shuo, which deals with the administrative geography of the province, gives maps that show the outer islands in the districts on each side of the Pearl River delta. Some of these maps showing outlying areas are blank, for all but a corner of a page, but have still been included. It also lists the garrisons and naval forces responsible for the area. In the Hong Kong region, Lantau and the islands are the subject of much of an article by Hsü Tei-shan on Hong Kong and its past, included in the compendium to the exhibition of Kwangtung Culture assembled at the University of Hong Kong in 1940.6 As is to be expected, the fall of the Sung takes up much of his attention,7 but he then considers Lantau itself. Hsü's discussion on one of its Chinese names, Tai Yue Shan, is relevant here because it 1 Orme, para 53; CR 1947, p. 10. 2 Lo-shu Fu, p. 597 has a long note on pirates in the Ladrones c. 1779-1810. 3 KTKKTY 30/1-11. See also chuan 28 on military matters. 4 KTTC, vol. 2, pp. 2394-2433, especially 2406-2410 for the islands between and outside Hong Kong and Macau, the Ladrones. Two chüan, 123-124, (pp. 2359-2442) deal with coastal defence. The district maps for the Delta are in chuan 83, Hsin-an at pp. 1454-5 and Hsiang-shan at 1464-5. The late Ming work Wu-pei Chih lists posts, garrison strengths and ships for the Central, East and West lu of Kwangtung; chüan 215/12-13, 15-16 and 17, 18 being of special relevance to Hsin-an and the adjoining area. The maps for the outlying parts of the Canton Delta are in chüan 210/9-10 and 215/6-7. For this work see Franke, p. 209. Ku Yen-wu's celebrated T'ien-hsia chün-kuo li-ping shu has eight chüan (97-104) on Kwangtung, much of which is devoted to military organisation and defence. 5 See the general map at the beginning, 1-2, and detailed maps under reference chuan 11-12/7-9. 6 KTWW, pp. 425-426, 7 ibid. He gives a clear exposition of the various problems surrounding the identification of the various places at which the last struggles of the Sung occurred. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 THE HONG KONG REGION 133 Hayes, J. W., 'Old Ways of Life in Kowloon: the Cheung Sha Wan Villages" in Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. VIII, No. 1, January 1970: 154-188. Ho, Ping-ti, Studies on the Population of China, 1368-1953, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1959. Hsieh, Kuo Ching, 'Removal of Coastal Population in Early Tsing Period', The Chinese Social and Political Science Review, XIII, 1929: 559-596. Hummel, Arthur W. (Editor), Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period (1644-1912), Taipei, Ch'eng Wen Publishing Company, 1967. Reprint of the first edition, Washington, United States Government Printing Office, 2 vols., 1943. Krone, Rev. Mr., A Notice of the Sanon District. C.B.R.A.S. Transactions VI, 1859: 71-105. Reprinted in JHKBRAS 7, 1967: 104-137. Lo, Hsiang-lin, 'The Sung Wang T'ai and the Location of the Travelling Courts by the Sea-shore in the Last Days of the Sung' in Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. III, No. 2, July 1956. -, (and others), Hong Kong and Its External Communications before 1842. Hong Kong, Institute of Chinese Culture, 1963. An English version, abbreviated, of the Chinese edition of 1959. Mayers, W. F., Dennys, N. B. and King, C., The Treaty Ports of China and Japan. A Complete Guide to the Open Ports of these countries, together with Peking, Yedo, Hong Kong and Macao. London, Trübner & Co., Hong Kong, A. Shortrede & Co., 1867. Murphey, Rhoads, The Treaty Ports and China's Modernization: what went wrong? Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies, No. 7, Ann Arbor, 1970. Montalto de Jesus, C. A., Historic Macao, International Traits in China Old and New. Macao, 2nd edition, revised and enlarged, 1926. Neumann, C. F., Translations from the Chinese and Armenian with Notes: 1 History of the Pirates who infested the China Sea from 1807 to 1810, London, John Murray, 1831. Ng, Peter Y. L., The 1819 Edition of the Hsin-an Hsien-chih, A Critical Examination with Translation and Notes. Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (1644-1842). Unpublished M. A. thesis, University of Hong Kong, 1961. Ng, Ronald C. Y., 'The San On Map of Mgr. Volontieri. On the Centenary of the Copy in the R.G.S. Collection', London, Geographical Journal, Vol. 135, Part 2, June, 1969: 231-235. Reprinted in JHKBRAS 9, 1969: 141-148. Orme, G. N., Report on the New Territories for the Years 1899 to 1912. in Sessional Papers 1912. Perkins, Dwight H., Agricultural Development in China 1368-1968. Chicago, Aldine Publishing Company, 1969. Potter, Jack M., Capitalism and the Chinese Peasant, Social and Economic Change in a Hong Kong Village. Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1968. Schofield, Walter, Personal Communications, 1958-1968. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 134 JAMES HAYES Sung Hok Pang, 'Legends and Stories of the New Territories, Part III, Kam Tin', The Hong Kong Naturalist, in six instalments between December 1935 March 1938. 'Ts' in Fuk (), being an account of how part of the coast of South China was cleared of inhabitants from the first year of Hong Hei (4) 1662 to the 8th year of Hong Hei 1669', The Hong Kong Naturalist, Vol. IX, Nos. 1 and 2, November 1939, pp. 37-42. Szczesniak, Boleslaw, The Opening of Japan. A Diary of Discovery in the Far East, 1853-1856 (by Rear Admiral George Henry Preble. U.S.N.). Norman, Arizona, University of Oklahoma Press. Tronson, I. M., Personal Narrative.... London, Smith, Elder, 1859. Waley, Arthur, Yuan Mei, 18th Century Chinese Poet, London, George Allen and Unwin, 1956. Williams, S. Wells, A Syllabic Dictionary of the Chinese Language, Shanghai, American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1874. OFFICIAL REPORTS Annual Departmental Reports from 1946 on, published by the Government Printer, Hong Kong. [ADR] Administrative Reports, being annual departmental reports, 1909-1940, published by the Government Printer under this head, and bound together in series in the library of the Colonial Secretariat, Hong Kong. [AR] Earlier annual reports by departments bound into Sessional Papers (Papers presented to the Legislative Council of Hong Kong), printed in Hong Kong by the Government Printer and available in the library of the Colonial Secretariat, Hong Kong. [SP] Annual Colony Reports from 1946 on, published in Hong Kong by the Government Printer, [CR] Hong Kong Hansard. The proceedings of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong were published in yearly volumes under this title from the early 1890s on, by a number of publishers, and the Government Printer after the Pacific War. [Hansard] In Chinese Chang lineage of Pui O, South Lantao, Hong Kong ********* * Family Record A. Copied in manuscript in the 1930s from an earlier version. Chang lineage of Pui O, South Lantao, Hong Kong **4❀❀**❀ **, Family Record (not identical with the above as it came from another branch of the family) ✯✯✯✯. In manuscript. Last compiled in 1927. Chin Wen-mo (preface) #. Gazetteer of the Hsin-an District ### 13 chuan, revised edition, 1688. [HNHC 1688] Chou K'uang B, Ch'eng Yeh-chung and others. Summary of historical researches on Kwangtung ★★***. 46 chuan, 1894. [KTKKCY] ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES 185 Lei King T'ong (A) is another ancestral hall, and can be found by the side of the main road through Kam T'in. It was built for Tang Ng Shaang (£) (see H.K.N. VII, p. 36). I Tai Shue Yuen (**) is the new school building built instead of the Man Ch'eung Kok (M) (see H.K.N. VII, p. 256) and is situated in Shui T'au village. Chau Wong Yee Kung Ts'z (M), (=214) (plate 20) is a hall that was built to record the merit of Viceroy Châu Yau Tak (♬) and Governor Wong Loi Yam (*). After the Ming emperors were expelled from China, an officer of the Ming army named Cheng Shing Kung (4) attacked the coast of South China, using Formosa as his base. All the people in sympathy with the Ming dynasty, along the coast helped him, so as the Manchu government had no navy to send against him, an order was made that all the inhabitants of the coast were to be moved inland for 50 Chinese miles. Later they were moved again for another 30 miles and for seven years, A.D. 1661-1668, the New Territories were deserted. The fields were unattended and allowed to lie fallow, and the buildings fell into disrepair. At the end of that time the people made representations to the Governor and Viceroy, and it was through the mediation of these two men, with the Emperor that the people were allowed to go back to their own land. The full account of this story is very long, but it is hoped to devote an article to it later on. I have to thank Mr. Tang Paak K'au (1) and Mr. Tang Wai T'ong (**), both elders of Kam T'in, for their co-operation and help in obtaining access to the numerous documents that it has been necessary to consult before this series of articles could be attempted. Also Mr. Tang Ch'ong Yip (##) a teacher in Kam T'in, who gave invaluable assistance in searching out references, copying out paragraphs from books in the possession of various villagers, and deciphering inscriptions from stone tablets. Unfortunately Mr. Tang Wai Man (✯) another elder who showed great interest in these articles and helped considerably, died a few months ago, and is unable to see them completed. Lastly, I am much indebted to Mrs. Herklots for her help in writing these articles in readable English. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 BOOK REVIEWS 239 However, none of the above-cited translations deal with any original work of the Chin period (1115-1234). Amongst various branches of Chinese literature developed during the Chin period, the Chu-kung-tiao3, (literally, the "various moods", hereafter to be abbreviated as CKT), a kind of popular literature of this period, seem to be among the more important.2 To quote from the introduction of the Ballad of the Hidden Dragon, "The Chu-kung-tiao belongs to that large group of 'story-tellers' ballads in which prose and verse alternate, but its verse was sung, while its prose was narrated! The sung part of any chu-kung-tiao consists of a large number of tunes (ch’ü-tiao #8) succeeding each other according to fixed musical rules. Groups of tunes belonging to the same mode (kung-tiao) were assembled into a suite (t'ao-shu) to make a musical unit for which different words were supplied by each story-teller." (p. 3) Although popular during the Chin period, yet few original texts of the chu-kung-tiao literature remain today. A woodblock print edition of the Liu Chih-yüan CKT✰✰✰ was found in a 1907-1808 excavation by Peter Kuzmitch Kozlov (1863-1935). It remained in the Leningrad Oriental Institute, as the introduction of the Ballad of the Hidden Dragon has pointed out, “until April 1958 when the Soviet Government made the People's Republic of China a gift of this priceless volume and it is now kept in the Peking National Library" (p. 5). The original text of Liu Chih-yüan CKT is divided into 12 sections. But only 5 sections (1-3 and 11-12) have survived. The main body of the Ballad of the Hidden Dragon by M. Dolezelova-Velingerova, a Czech Sinologist, and his collaborator, J. I. Crump, an American professor in Michigan University is in fact, their full English translation of these 5 sections. This book is the first work about Chinese folk literature of this kind ever written in English. Yet this main source of satisfaction is marred in several respects. First of all, the author's knowledge concerning the beginning about the CKT study in China is not complete. pp. 123-125 are devoted to bibliography of Chu-kung-tiao studies, in which Crump and Dolezelova-Velingerova have selected 30 articles contributed by 20 Sinologists from various countries (17 articles by 12 Chinese 静農 2 See T'ai Ching-nung £#£ : "Chu-kung-tiao-Chinese literature under the rule of the Nüchen Tartars" ƒÆŒ%TO**£*—*?* in Chung-wai Literature †±‡, Vol. I, No. 1, (1971, Taipei): 6-20. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 240 BOOK REVIEWS scholars, 10 articles by 5 Japanese scholars and 3 by 2 Europeans). According to this bibliography, the earliest study on Chu-kung-tiao seems to be an article by a Chinese scholar, Sun K'ai-ti written in 1932, while Japanese scholars' earliest study on the same subject is an essay written by Yoshikawa Kujiro in 1942. However, among Asian scholars' study on chu-kung-tiao literature, the earliest study on this subject should be credited to “Liu Ti-en shio-kyu tio kō” (A Study of the chu-kung-tiao of Liu Chih-yüan) written by Aoki Masaru. It first appeared in Shina Gaku (Journal on Chinese Studies), Vol. VI, No. 2, pp. 21–56 (Tokyo, 1932, March). Subsequently, the same article was included in the same author's Shina Bungaku Geijutsu Ko (Studies on Chinese Literature and Art), 1942, August, Kyoto (pp. 183-219). In this article, Aoki has not only analysed the written format of the chu-kung-tiao ballad but also compared the composition of Liu Chih-yüan CKT with that of pai-t'u-chi (Tale of a White Hare), a mid-14th century Chinese drama, once again written on Liu Chih-yüan's life stories. In addition, Aoki reproduced a plate to show the page face of the Liu Chih-yüan CKT. Four months after Aoki's article appeared in Shina Gaku, Ho Ch'ang-ch'ün's Chinese translation of Aoki's same article was published in the July-August issue of the Kuo-li pei-p'ing t’u-shu’kuan kuan'k'an (Bulletin of National Library of Peking) Vol. VI, No. 4, pp. 4603-4620 (1932, Peking). Undoubtedly, Aoki's study on Liu Chih-yüan CKT was regarded as both attractive and important. At this time Sun K'ai-ti's article on other chu-kung-tiao was also published in the volume VI No. 2 (pp. 4345-4350) of Bulletin of National Library of Peking. In addition to Aoki Masaru and Ho Ch'ang-ch'ün, once again in 1932, Cheng Ch'en-to (1898-1958), one of the pioneer scholars of Chinese popular-literature also published a study on the same subject. This is the well-received article: “Sung-chin yüan chu-kung-tiao kao”, i.e., “Studies on the 'various mode' of the Sung Chin Yüan Periods" which appeared in the first issue of the Wen-hsueh nien-pao (July, 1932, Peking). This massive study, occupying the first 78 pages of the cited journal, could in fact be treated as a monograph for this particular subject. In this essay, in addition to his study of the Structure of Liu Chih- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 250 LIST OF MEMBERS LIFE OVERSEAS MEMBERS: ACORNE, Michael - ARMERDING, L. E. BAKER, W. E. BALL, J. M. BARNETT, K. M. A. BERTUCCIOLI, Dr. Giuliano BLAKER, D. J. R. COLLIN, P. H. COSBY, I. S. G. COSTANTINI, G. COWPERTHWAITE, Lady CUMMING, Mrs. Dorothy M. DRAKE, Prof. F. S. DUNCANSON, J. D. - EWING, Miss E. FABER, Mrs. G. A. G. GALVIN, J. A. T. GARD, Dr. Richard A., M.A., PH.D., D.H.L. GEORGE, T. J. B. GIEDROYC, Michal GOODRICH, Prof. L. Carrington HUGHES, Mrs. G. M. HURT, Miss E. J. IRETON, Mrs. Polly H. 505, Broadway, Petaluma, Ca. 94952, U.S.A. 2222, Kalakaua Avenue, Honolulu, Hawaii, 96815. c/o The Hongkong Electric Co. Ltd., 40, St. Mary Axe, London, E.C.3, England. Thanya Building, 11th floor, 62, Silom Rd., P.O. Box 1923, Bangkok, Thailand. "Bishops Nympton", Devenshire Avenue, Amersham, Bucks., England. Lungotevere delle navi 30, Rome, Italy. 29, Brompton Square, London, S.W.3., England. 6, Cherry Orchard, Stoke Poges, Bucks, England. c/o Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corp., P.O. Box 244, 1 Bantang, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. 19, Boulevard de Montmorency, 75-Paris 16o, France. 33, Bramble Drive, Barnton, Edinburgh 4, Scotland. Inverwick House, Nairn, Scotland. "Lincot", Stoke Road, North Curry, Taunton, Somerset, England. 26, Leinster Mews, London, W.2, England. 25, The Meadows, Old Portsmouth Road, Guildford, Surrey, England. Inveroak, West End Lane, Stoke Poges, Bucks, England. Loughlinstown House, Co. Dublin, Ireland. Director of Institute Services, The Institute for Advance Studies of World Religions, 531-2, Melville Library, State University of New York, New York, 11790, U.S.A. c/o Foreign & Commonwealth Office, King Charles Street, London, S.W.1.A. 2 AH, England. 31, Richmond Way, Fetcham, Surrey, England. Columbia University, New York 27, New York, U.S.A. c/o C. V. Starr & Co., Inc., 102, Maiden Lane, New York, N.Y. 10005, U.S.A. Woodlands School, Woodlands Drive, Scarborough, Yorkshire, England. P.O. Box 362, Langley Washington, 98260, U.S.A. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 LIST OF MEMBERS 251 LIFE OVERSEAS MEMBERS: JORDAN, Dr. David K. - Department of Anthropology, University of California, San Diego, La Jolla, CA 92037, U.S.A. KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G. Wakes Colne Place, Nr. Colchester, Essex, England. LINDSAY, T. J., M.B.E. 3, Bareena Avenue, Wahroonga, N.S.W., Australia. LOTHROP, Francis B. 176, Milk Street, Boston, Massachusetts, U.S.A. MANSFIELD, Miss M. B. The Royal Naval School, Haslemere, Surrey, England. McBAIN, George c/o Imperial Chemical Industries (Japan) Ltd., C.P.O. Box 411, Tokyo, Japan. McDOUALL, J. C. - The Old School, Souldern, Bicester, Oxfordshire, England. MEFFAN, Mrs. I. E. - c/o Swire, MacKinnon, C.P.O. Box 703, Tokyo 100-91, Japan. MICHAELIONES, Miss E. O. The British Council, Halls Croft, Old Town, Stratford-upon-Avon, England. MIDDLEBROOK, R. W. 165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A. MILL, Capt. C. S., Jr. - Indian Hill, Pittsboro, N.C. 27312, U.S.A. MILLER, Carl Ferris O. c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, G.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea. PLAG, Rev. A. 7000 Stuttgart 1, Roemerstr. 41, Germany (F.R.) ROBINSON, Prof. K. E. The Old Rectory, Church Westcoat, Kingham, Oxford, OX7 6SF, England. ROTHE, Ulrich 'Wohnstift Augustinum' Apt. 778, 5483 Bad Neuenahr, Germany. SINFIELD, G. H. C. Hong Kong Tourist Assoc., 159 Bay Street, Toronto, Ontario, Canada. SPERRY, H. M. 64, Hillbrook Drive, Portola Valley, California 94025, U.S.A. STEVENS, Major K. G. - 9 Cherry Glebe, Mersham, Ashford, Kent, England. SWIRE, A. C. c/o John Swire & Sons Ltd., 66, Cannon Street, London, E.C.4, England. TARARIN, P. A. 623, Harper Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif. 90048, U.S.A. TILL, The Very Rev. Barry c/o Morley College, 61, Westminster Bridge Road, London, S.E.1, England. TURNER, Sir Michael c/o The Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corp., 9, Gracechurch Street, London, E.C.3, England. WARD, Miss Janet A. c/o National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, North Devon, England. WELCH, Holmes H. 4 Holden Lane, Concord, Mass., USA ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 264 LIST OF MEMBERS ORDINARY OVERSEAS MEMBERS: ANDERSON, Dr. Eugene N., Jr. Dept. of Anthropology, University of California, Riverside, Cal. 92502, U.S.A. BERKOWITZ, Prof. M. I. Professor of Sociology, Dept. of Sociology, Brock University, St. Catharine's, Ontario, Canada. BEVERIDGE, R. J. 13, Hartwell Hill Road, Hartwell, Victoria, 3124, Australia. BINGHAM, Mrs. Annette Welby Croft, Chapel-en-le-Frith, SK12 6CY, Cheshire, England. BLACKMORE, Michael "Highfield", 37, The Hollow, Bath, Somerset, BA2 1NB, England. BOXER, Prof. Baruch 167, Laurel Circle, Princeton, New Jersey, 08540, USA. BRAGA, J. M. c/o National Library of Australia, Canberra, Australia. BUNGER, Dr. Karl 53, Bonn-Bad Godesberg, Lukas-Cranach-Strasse 14, Germany. CHAR, Tin Yuke 3898, Diamond Head Road, Honolulu, Hawaii 96816, U.S.A. CLARK, Mrs. A. T. c/o Government House, Honiara, British Solomon Islands, Protectorate. EITZEN, Mrs. J. 155, Mt. Pleasant Road, Singapore 11. FITZGIBBON, Desmond J. c/o British Embassy, Beirut, Lebanon. FREEDMAN, Dr. Maurice 187, Gloucester Place, St. Marylebone, London, N.W.2 HAMILTON, Bill G. 13768 Howen Drive, Saratoga, Calif. 95070, U.S.A. HARNISCH, Mr. & Mrs. D. 204, South Ellen St., Homer, Illinois, U.S.A. HARRISON, Prof. Brian 26, The White House, St. Paul's Bay, Malta. HARTWELL, Lady c/o Barclays Bank, Piccadilly Circus Branch, 52, Regent Street, London, W.1., England. HARTWELL, Sir Charles c/o Barclays Bank, Piccadilly Circus Branch, 52, Regent Street, London, W.1., England. HAYDON, E. S. Old Castle Farm, Buckland St. Mary, Somerset, England. HAYWARD, G. W. White Mill End, 5, Granville Road, Sevenoaks, Kent, England. HENSMAN, Prof. Bertha c/o St. Anne's College, Oxford, England. HILSDALE, Mrs. K. H. 1105, Armada Drive, Pasadena, Calif. 91103, U.S.A. HORMANN, Prof. B. L. 2520, Malama Pl., Honolulu, Hawaii 96822, U.S.A. HOWARTH, Richard H. c/o American Embassy, Merchant Street, Rangoon, Burma. JOHNSON, Dr. Graham E. Department of Anthropology & Sociology, University of British Columbia, Vancouver 8, B.C., Canada. Page 270 Page 271 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 34 WELLINGTON K. K. CHAN charitable halls were not merely institutions in which merchants participated; they were merchant institutions initiated and dominated by merchants. In Canton, Governor-general Chang Jen-chün once observed that charitable halls were particularly numerous in Kwangtung because there were a large number of rich merchants.24 Several factors contributed to these developments. The first was a change in the composition of the merchant class by 1900. By turning themselves into entrepreneurs, a number of officials and gentry members had joined the merchant class. Men like Yen Hou-hsin and Chou Chin-piao who came from official backgrounds took the lead in the formation of the Shanghai Commercial Consultative Association and later the Shanghai Chamber of Commerce. The founders of Ai-yü shan-t’ang in Canton probably had official backgrounds as well. Two had taotai rank and the house they bought had belonged to their friend, an official salt merchant who had gone bankrupt. A second factor was these merchant founders' conscious borrowing from the West. It is not enough to argue that they started charitable halls because as a group they commanded great wealth. For then the question arises: Why had the rich salt merchants or the cotton merchants not done the same before? Insofar as the merchants who sponsored charitable halls came from the treaty port areas, it seems that these merchants had been influenced by the work of the Christian missionaries. In one case, an orphanage was founded in Shanghai in 1892 by merchants and the district magistrate after there were reports of alleged cruelty to orphans in the missionary orphanage.22 Indeed, Po Leung Kuk's emphasis on tracking down kidnappers was in response to complaints of a similar sort, while Tung Wah Hospital's emphasis on healing and hospital care paralleled the activities of missionaries like Peter Parker in Canton. This in no way means that works of philanthropy were alien to the Chinese merchant's ethos. The merchant's traditional justification for acquiring wealth was in order to benefit the rest of society. What was new was not the attitude, but the organisational mechanism they now employed to further their ends. A third factor was the local officials' increasing reliance upon the leaders of the trade and handicraft guilds from the 1860's. They were asked to help conduct tax farming, and to organise contributions in money and labour towards the reconstruction of public ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 40 WELLINGTON K. K. CHAN community in the major commercial centres helped the regional governments to become more independent of, and ultimately even more powerful than, the central government. In this way, merchant organisations helped the growth of political regionalism even as they advanced the cause of social and economic integration. We began this study of Chinese merchant organisations on the premise that they reflected not only great resilience as institutions, but also the flexibility of their organisers in adopting changes consistent with changing values and changing times. To synchronise values and the environmental conditions, however, proved to be highly intractable. In late imperial China, as society made fast and momentous changes towards regionalism, warlordism and political illegitimacy, merchant organisations adjusted admirably, but somehow failed to keep pace with the rapidly changing environment. Our conclusion then is to suggest that indeed both men and institutions showed great resilience, but that in times of great social and political stress, there were limits as to what they could accomplish. NOTES 1 See, e.g. Thomas A. Metzger's "The Organizational Capabilities of the Ch'ing State in the Field of Commerce: The Liang-huai Salt Monopoly, 1740-1840," in W. E. Willmott, ed., Economic Organization in Chinese Society (Stanford, 1972), pp. 9-45, showing how the organizational flexibility of the Liang-huai salt administration was matched by the manipulative skills and non-conformist behavior of its administrators; and John E. Schrecker, Imperialism and Chinese Nationalism: Germany in Shantung (Cambridge, Mass., 1971) for emphasizing comparable success by late Ch'ing foreign policy institutions and officials. 2 Ch'üan Han-sheng, Chung-kuo hang-hui chih-tu shih (An institutional history of the Chinese guilds) (Shanghai, 1934), pp. 29-36. 3 H. B. Morse, The Gilds of China (London, 1909), pp. 35-48; Ho Ping-ti, Chung-kuo hui-kuan shih-lun (A historical survey of Landsmannschaften in China) (Taipei, 1966). The German term "Landsmannschaft" used by Professor Ho for "hui-kuan" was first suggested by D. J. MacGowan in his "Chinese Guilds or Chambers of Commerce and Trade Unions," Journal of North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 21 (1888-89). 4 Chung-hsü Hsi-hsien hui-kuan lu (A repeat edition of the continuation to the records of the Hsi-hsien Landsmannschaft) (n.p., 1834), “hsü-lu hou-chi,” pp. 13a, 16b, 19a, 22b; "hsin-chi," pp. 3b-5b, 12a. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d MERCHANT ORGANISATIONS IN IMPERIAL CHINA 41 5 Ho Ping-ti, "Salient Aspects of China's Heritage," in Ping-ti Ho and Tang Tsou, eds., China in Crisis (Chicago, 1968), I. 1:34-35; Ho Ping-ti, Hui-kuan shih-lun, pp. 33-34, 37-40. 6 See John Fincher's article on provincialism in Mary C. Wright, ed. China in Revolution: The First Phase, 1900-1913 (New Haven, 1968). 7 Ezra F. Vogel and Tamako Yagai, “Japanese Studies of Chinese Guilds," unpublished paper delivered at the Seminar on Problems of Micro-Organs in Chinese Society, 1963; Peter J. Golas, "Early Ch'ing Gilds,” unpublished paper delivered at the Conference on Urban Society in Traditional China, 1968. 8 Ch'üan Han-sheng, Hang-hui chih-tu, pp. 99-101; Peng Chang, “Distribution of Provincial Merchant Groups in China, 1842-1911," (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Washington, Seattle, 1958), pp. 51-55. 9 The others were from (1) Chihli, (2) Shantung, (3) Nanking, (4) Wusih and (5) the Shansi bankers. See A. M. Kotenev, Shanghai: Its Mixed Court and Council (Shanghai, 1925), p. 253 n. 10 Lai Lien-san, Hsiang-kang chih-lüeh (A brief account of Hong Kong) (Hong Kong, 1931), 115-17 11 For a detailed account, see Fang Teng, "Yü Hsia-ch'ing lun," (On Yu Hsia-ch'ing) in Tsa-chih Yüeh-k'an (Monthly miscellany), 12.2:46-51 (Nov. 1943); 12.3:62-67 (Dec. 1943); 12.4:59-64 (Jan. 1944). 12 P'eng Tse-i, "Shih-chiu shih-chi hou-ch'i Chung-kuo ch'eng-shih shou-kung-yeh shang-yeh hsing-hui ti chung-chien ho tso-yung" (The revival and function of urban handicraft and commercial organizations in late nineteenth century China), Li-shih yen-chiu (Historical studies) 1:71-102 (1965). 13 T'ung-chih Shang-hai hsien-chih (Gazetteer of the Shanghai County for the T'ung-chih reign), ed. Yü Yueh (n.p., 1871), 2:21-28. 14 Ibid. 15 Nan-hai hsien-chih (Gazetteer of the Nan-hai County), eds. Chang Feng-chieh, et al. (n.p., 1910), 6:106-13. 16 Sixtieth Anniversary of the Tungwah Hospital: A Commemorative Issue (Hong Kong, 1930). 17 They were Ai-yü, Kuang-chi, Kuang-jen, Ch'ung-cheng, Shu-shan, Ming-shan, Hui-hsing, Fang-pien, Jun-shen. 18 "Reports of the Special Committee appointed by H.E. Sir William Robinson, KCMG, to investigate and report on certain points connected with the Bills for the Incorporation of the Po Leung Kuk, a Society for the Protection of Women and Girls" (Hong Kong, 1893). 19 E.g. see Hsiang-shan hsien-chih hsü-pien (A continuation of the Gazetteer of the Hsiang-shan County), ed. Li Shih-ch'in (n.p., 1923), 4:18a-20b, in which it is stated that a number were founded during the Kuang-hsü reign (1875-1908). 20 Song Ong Siong. One Hundred Years' History of the Chinese in Singapore (Singapore, 1967), pp. 277, 309, 424, 432; George W. Skinner, Leadership and Power in the Chinese Community of Thailand (Ithaca, 1958), pp. 2-13. 21 Nan-hai hsien-chih, 6:10b. 22 Shang-hai hsien hsü-chih (A continuation of the Gazetteer of the Shanghai County), ed. Yao Wen-nan (Shanghai, 1918), 2:38a. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 118 RICHARD J. SMITH been a Jung envoy sent to observe Duke Mu's sagacious administration before taking service with Ch'in. Over two thousand years after Li Ssu outlined Yu Yü's achievements in a successful bid to forestall the expulsion of aliens from Ch'in, the Chinese still pointed to the former Jung subject as an example of China's profitable employment of foreigners who had “devoted [their] loyalty” (hsiao-chung) to the Middle Kingdom.26 Much of traditional practice regarding the employment of barbarians, like much of traditional Chinese foreign policy generally, derived from experience in the Han. From the time of Wu-ti on, phrases such as “using barbarians to attack barbarians” and “using barbarians to check barbarians” had become part and parcel of Chinese policy toward foreign tribes. Alliances were often formed with outsiders through marriage, and the use of native chieftains to govern border barbarians became an accepted practice—in time institutionalized as the fu-ssu system. Yu Ying-shih's masterful study of Han foreign relations is particularly useful in identifying these and other early forms of "barbarian management."27 For much of the Han period, and especially during the reign of Wu-ti, open enmity existed between China and the fierce Hsiung-nu. Yet even so, the Chinese made abundant use of these dangerous but militarily useful barbarians, establishing an often-invoked precedent. Not only were surrendered Hsiung-nu soldiers incorporated into Chinese forces as cavalrymen, but individual barbarians also found employment in the Han army as officers.28 Those barbarian commanders who submitted to China (k'uan-sai, lit., to "knock at the frontiers") together with a large number of barbarian troops were particularly likely to receive substantial military appointments; but individuals with far different backgrounds might also rise to the heights of the Han civil or military bureaucracy on the whim of the emperor. Perhaps the most noteworthy example is Chin Mi-ti, a member of Hsiung-nu royalty who, at the age of fourteen, was captured by the Chinese and enslaved. Eventually, Chin gained Wu-ti's attention, won his confidence and affection, and rose to a high and influential position as a result. He served the emperor faithfully in a variety of important civil and military posts, including General of Chariots and Cavalry (ch'e-ch'i chiang-chün), and although certain members of the court resented his power and prestige because he was an alien, Chin conformed in every way to the dictates of Chinese society. It is not surprising that he married ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT 121 allies, for example, occasionally directed their military efforts against, rather than for, the dynasty; and even the Uighurs sometimes became overbearing and troublesome.42 There were, moreover, tensions between barbarian and Chinese officers, as well as conflicts between various competing barbarian commanders. But perhaps the most vivid illustration of the dangers involved in utilizing foreigners was the famous rebellion of the "mixed-breed" barbarian, An Lu-shan, which the Uighur heir apparent had helped combat in its early stages. Contemporary observers saw this uprising not as a civil war between the central government and a local "warlord," but rather as a conflict between the Chinese and a barbarian. Chinese historians went so far, in fact, as to maintain that the rebellion occurred "because An Lu-shan and other barbarians were given important military and political offices."43 Whatever the merits of this view, we may safely assume that An did not rate a biography in Li Te-yü's I-yü kuei-chung chuan; and although foreign troops and individual barbarian commanders assisted in the restoration of imperial rule, and helped sustain the Tang dynasty for nearly a century and a half after the revolt, resentment and distrust of barbarians became increasingly evident as neo-Confucianism rose to prominence. The Use of Foreigners in Post-T'ang Times Chinese anti-foreignism, already on the rise in the later years of T'ang, received reinforcement from neo-Confucianism, with its emphasis on the superiority of Chinese culture and the closer identification of Confucianism with that culture. At the same time, the stress on civil virtues and the growing importance of the vaunted examination system as a channel for upward mobility led to a general decline in martial spirit.44 Yet even as China turned inward, her ever-present need for foreign military and administrative expertise assured that outsiders would continue to find their way into the Chinese service. This proved true in the Sung, when specially trained "barbarian troops" (fan-ping) operated against internal and external enemies, and barbarian commanders (fan-chiang) such as Kuo Yao-shih (a surrendered Liao officer) rendered similar service. Kuo is particularly noteworthy for having led a military force known as the Ever-Victorious Army (Ch'ang-sheng chün) which, in some respects, resembled the contingent with the same designation raised by Frederick Townsend Ward in the latter stages of the Taiping Rebellion (1850-1864).45 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT 133 6 On this point, see John K. Fairbank, "The Early Treaty System in the Chinese World Order,” in J. K. Fairbank, ed. The Chinese World Order (Cambridge, Mass., 1968). See also L. S. Yang's article entitled "Historical Notes on the Chinese World Order" in ibid., 22, for a discussion of Kuo Sung-t'ao's innovative outlook. 7 See Fairbank's introductory essay in The Chinese World Order; also, John K. Fairbank and S. Y. Teng, “On the Ch'ing Tributary System,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 6 (1941). An exception to the standard tributary view of China's foreign relations is John Wills' Pepper, Guns and Parleys (Cambridge, Mass., 1974). 8 James Legge, The Chinese Classics (Hong Kong, 1961), 5:521. For the use of this phrase in various contexts, consult Li Te-yü, chüan 8: 59; Li Hung-chang, Li Wen-chung-kung ch'üan-chi [The collected works of Li Hung-chang] (Nanking, 1908), Letters to the Tsungli Yamen, 11:24b; Chang Ch'i-yün, Chung-kuo chin-shih shih-lüeh (A short history of Chinese military affairs] (Taipei, 1956), 115. 9 Dai Kanwa jiten [Sino-Japanese Dictionary] (Tokyo, 1955-1960), 1926, 6437. For random examples of this common usage, see Su Ch'ing-pin, 1, 2, 35; Hsin T'ang-shu, 145:14b; Ch'ou-pan i-wu shih-mo [The management of barbarian affairs from beginning to end] (Peiping, 1930; hereafter, IWSM), TK, 72:34b, TC 4:25b; 5:51; 8:64b; 12:2b; 23:36b; etc. 10 See the illuminating discussion in Mi Chu Wiens, "Anti-Manchu Thought during the Early Ch'ing," Papers on China, 22A (May, 1969), especially 2-3. 11 Legge, 2:253; Wiens, 2; Wu Hung-chu, "China's Attitude towards Foreign Nations and Nationals Historically considered," The Chinese Social and Political Science Review, 10.1 (1926), esp. 17-19. On the reverse theme, consult Li Hung-chang, Letters to Friends, 1:9b; Lu Shih-ch'iang, Ting Jih-ch'ang yü tzu-ch'iang yün-tung [Ting Jih-ch'ang and the self-strengthening movement] (Taipei, 1972), 241-244. 12 Chinese policy toward the "sinicization" of foreigners was not consistent, however. See Schafer, 22, 49, 291 note 75; also Ch'ien Hsing-hai and L. C. Goodrich, trans., Western and Central Asians in China under the Mongols, by Ch'en Yuan (Los Angeles, 1966), 6ff. 13 Cited in Ch'ien and Goodrich, 9. I have modified the translation slightly after consulting the Chinese original. For a view contrary to Ch'en Yuan's, see Legge, 5: 355: "If he is not of our kin, he is certain to have a different mind”—an oft-cited passage from the Tso-chuan. These two conflicting views suggest a central question: What constituted a barbarian? Unfortunately, no clear answer can be given. Liang Ch'i-ch'ao noted in the late nineteenth century that the implications of the term had changed over time (see Wiens, 1); but even his comparatively sophisticated analysis oversimplifies an enormously complex problem. Lacking an objective standard by which to judge barbarian-ness, one is perhaps best served by deferring to the Chinese chronicler. If, for whatever reason, an individual appears in the record as a barbarian, then that is what he is. Such an arbitrary classification is in many respects unsatisfactory, but it reflects accurately the Chinese viewpoint at a given time, and underscores the uncertain status of even the most "sinicized" barbarian. An argument against writing about China's relations with foreign peoples "in the Chinese idiom and from the Chinese point of view" may be found in Timothy Connor, "Translating the 'Barbarians': A New Book in an Old Tradition," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies (hereafter, HJAS), 32 (1972). 14 Cited in Benjamin Schwartz, "The Chinese Perception of World Order, Past and Present," in Fairbank, The Chinese World Order, 280. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT 135 Wu-ti's Northwestern Campaigns," HJAS, XXVI (1966), 170, 172-173; Yü, 14; Lattimore, 485. Northern barbarian cavalry units were designated Hu-ch'i; southern barbarian units were called Yueh-ch'i. 29 Michael Loewe, "The Case of Witchcraft in 91 B.C.," Asia Major, XV.2 (1970), 180-181 traces Chin's career, major offices, and impact. See also Han-shu, 7: 1b; 38: 21ff; 68: 2a-b, 20b; 112: 16a-b. 30 G. Haloun, "The Liang-chou Rebellion 184-221 A.D.," Asia Major, I (1949-1950), 119; 121. Note the interesting case of Chao Hsin, discussed in Loewe, "The Campaigns," 79. 31 WSM, TC 79; 11; WCSL, 129: 17. 32 Cited in Ch'ien and Goodrich, 9. 33 See, for example, Yü, 205; Chi Ch'ao-ting, Key Economic Areas in Chinese History (New York, 1963), 99; Eberhard, 126; etc. 34 Mackerras, 56-61, especially 60-61. 35 See Su Ch'ing-pin, 399; Yüan, 160; Gabriella Molé, The T'u-yü-hun from the Northern Wei to the Time of the Five Dynasties (Rome, 1970), 157, 163, 167, 169, 180. 36 See Yüan, 153-163; Su Ch'ing-pin, 589. 37 See Wang Kung-wu, The Structure of Power in North China During the Five Dynasties (Kuala Lumpur, 1962); also Su Ch'ing-pin, 399. 38 The preface to this work is very illuminating. Therein, Li Te-yü describes the general circumstances of Wen-mo-ssu's submission, making repeated reference to past experience with submissive barbarians and lauding the present emperor's virtue. After extolling Wen-mo-ssu's merits, Li suggests that just as the Hsiao-ching (Classic of Filial Piety) defines the proper relationship of ruler and minister, father and son, so the I-yü kuei-chung chuan defines the proper behavior of foreign employees in the Chinese service. Implicit in the comparison is the idea that Li is to T'ang Wu-tsung what Tseng Ts'an was to Confucius. For further information on Wen-mo-ssu, see Chang Ch'ün, T'ang-tai hsiang-hu an-chih k'ao [An examination of the treatment of surrendered barbarians in the Tang dynasty]. Hsin-Ya hsieh-pao [New Asia College Journal], 1.1 (August, 1955), 310-311; James R. Hamilton, Les Ouïghours à l'époque des Cinq Dynasties d'après les documents chinois (Paris, 1955), 69, 71, 153-154; Su Ch'ing-pin, 397; Hsin T'ang-shu, 217(B) [lieh-chuan, 142 hsia]: 1-3; T'ang-shu, lieh-chuan, 145: 13-14. 39 Li Te-yü, 2: 10-11; see also ibid., 7: 56; 8: 57; etc. 40 Ibid., 2: 11. 41 Ibid., 5: 29, 31; 5: 33-35; 7: 56; 8: 59-60; 13: 101-109; 19: 159-160. 42 See Mackerras, 14-47; also Li Te-yü, 14: 116-119. Tseng Kuo-fan undoubtedly had the T'ang experience in mind when he wrote: "Since ancient times outer barbarians (wai-i) have assisted China; but in each case, after success, there have been unexpected demands," IWSM, HF 71: 10b. 43 Howard Levy, Biography of An Lu-shan (Berkeley, 1961), 17-20. 44 See Richard J. Smith, “Chinese Military Institutions in the Mid-Nineteenth Century, 1850-1860," Journal of Asian History 8.2 (1974), 124-125; also Lo Jung-pang, "The Decline of the Ming Navy," Oriens Extremus, 5 (1958), 165-168. 45 Sung-shih, 472: 18-21; Liu Sheng-mu, Ch'ang-ch'u-chai hsü-pi [Supplementary writings from the Ch'ang-ch'u study] (preface date 1929), 5: 146. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 138 RICHARD J. SMITH 86 See Smith, "Foreign-Training;" also Yang-wu yün-tung [The “foreign matters" movement] (Shanghai, 1961), 3: 463, 469, 492, 599, 613, etc. 87 IWSM, TC 22: 12-13b; 23: 42-43. 88 See the IWSM references cited in note 85. Pennell became fully sinicized, shaving his head, changing to Chinese clothing, learning Chinese, marrying a Chinese, and finally petitioning to be registered as a native of Ho-fei, Anhwei. Mesny, too, was attracted by Chinese civilization, thus reinforcing the persistent notion of barbarian "transformation". See especially the memorial by Wu Tang and Ch'ung-shih in 1870 requesting that Mesny be advanced to the rank of lieutenant-colonel (ts'an-chiang) and awarded the peacock feather for his efforts against the Miao. This memorial was in many respects a replica of Hsueh Huan's request for similar awards to be granted to Ward in 1862. 89 Examples in IWSM and WCSL abound. See also Fairbank, "The Early Treaty System," esp. 264-265; John Schrecker, Imperialism and Chinese Nationalism (Cambridge, Mass., 1971), 50. Traditional attitudes were, of course, reinforced by the examination system. One of the topics for the metropolitan examinations in 1880 was the following quotation: "By indulgent treatment of men from a distance they are brought to resort to him from all quarters. And by kindly cherishing the princes of the states, the whole empire is brought to revere him." Cited in the North-China Herald, May 18, 1880. 90 See, for example, WCSL 101: 9; 129: 17. 91 See especially K. C. Liu, "The Confucian as Patriot and Pragmatist: Li Hung-chang's Formative Years, 1823-1866," HJAS, 30 (1970); David Pong, "Confucian Patriotism and the Destruction of the Woosung Railway, 1877," Modern Asian Studies, 7.4 (1973). ** 92 For a discussion of the concept of r'i-chih, see Immanuel Hsü, China's Entrance into the Family of Nations (Cambridge, Mass., 1960). 93 See Ella Lonn's Foreigners in the Confederacy (Chapel Hill, 1940) and Foreigners in the Union Army and Navy (Baton Rouge, 1951). 94 See, for example, Ernst Presseisen, Before Aggression: Europeans Prepare the Japanese Army (Tucson, 1965); Noboru Umetani, "Foreign Nationals Employed in Japan during the Years of Modernization," East Asian Cultural Studies, 10.1 (March, 1971). 95 What differed was China's international situation. China had to endure far more political, economic and military pressure from the European powers than either the United States or Japan in the nineteenth century. 96 The great majority of Japanese military employees in the latter half of the nineteenth century neither became Japanese subjects nor accepted Japanese culture. See, for example, Presseisen, 112. 97 See the discussion in Smith, "Foreign-Training." ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 316 NOTES AND QUERIES In talking about his literary works, it should be noted that the general wrote two books; one being Poems Composed at Leisure (2 volumes), and the other being Journal at Leisure (one volume only). Moreover, as a calligrapher, the general was noted for his fist-writing (*) as well as finger-writing (#). According to his Diary, the method he adopted for fist-writing was to wrap his fist with damp cotton. There still remained, on a big rock at the Ma Kok Temple (M) in Macau an inscription of two big Chinese characters each ten feet in width, with the literal meaning "the Mirror of the Sea". In addition, there were also inscriptions there of two poems composed and written by him; one in the autumn of the 23rd year of Tao Kuang reign (✯✯) (1843) and the other in the spring of the same year. In another Buddhist Temple in Macao, the Temple of the Goddess of Mercy by name (***) there was also an inscription of one of his poems, în a special style, of a stanza of 4 lines with 7 characters to a line. It is said that his grandson, Ching-san, still kept a scroll written by his grandfather, and that this scroll had been returned to him by an aged gentry in Kowloon Walled City. In the spring of the 29th year of Tao Kuang reign (1849) General Cheung had also written a scroll, a duplicated copy of which is still now hung in the Lok Sin Tong School in Kowloon. As far as the calligraphy is concerned, the General wrote in a style that was a combination of two famous schools—the Au-Yeung Sau (1) school and Lau Chung-yuen (#) school.* Although each character was usually as large as 4 to 5 Chinese inches in size, they appeared both energetic and elegant; and if one does not pay attention to what he mentioned by himself in his note, one would hardly know it was written with the fist. It is really a great pity that the original piece of writing was destroyed by fire during the foreigners' invasion into his home town. The old residence of Cheung's family was in Wai Yeung District, but it was not named "Peach Garden” until his grandson Ching-san, in the middle of the Kuang Hsü reign (4), spent a lot of money to renovate and develop the place. According to Ching-san's self-explanation, it had been more than 900 years since their ancestors immigrated from Ku Kiang District (1) and settled down * 1007-1072 and 773-819 respectively: see Herbert A. Giles, A Chinese Biographical Dictionary (London and Shanghai, 1898) pp. 524, 606-607 for these famous literati. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 328 BOOK REVIEWS of George Eumorfopolos edited by Professor Perceval Yetts is certainly representative; and with respect to the latter, a good example is the first volume of the catalogue about the Charles Seligman Collection, on Chinese, Central Asian and Luristan bronzes, edited by Professor Howard Hansford. Professor Li's latest publication, although independently associated with a book title, yet, by its nature, should be classified as an illustrated catalogue about a private collection of Chinese art, since every item discussed by the author in Volume I and illustrated in Volume II is from the collection of Dr Charles Drenowaltz in Switzerland. Volume I consists of 15 chapters. I propose to give a brief summary for each chapter before presenting other remarks about this book in this review. Chapter I: Chapter II: Chapter III: Chapter IV: Chapter V: "Introduction", gives a general account of how European collectors built up their collections of Chinese art. It also gives a survey of the general development of Chinese painting. "Figure painting: Persistences and Transformation of the past", Here the central discussion is focused on figure paintings by Chao Liu (ca. 1350-1370) of the late Yuan Dynasty, and Hsieh Shih-chen (1487-after 1567), Chen Hung-shou (1599-1652) and Ting Yün-peng (b. 1547) of the Ming Dynasty; also Chao Yuan of the late Ch'ing Dynasty. "Landscape painting of Ming and Ch'ing: A point of view", serves as a general introduction to this branch of Chinese painting over some 500 years. "The Wu School: Re-establishment of the Yuan Tradition", emphasis is laid upon works by five literati artists of the Ming Dynasty; Shen Chou (1427-1509), Wen Cheng-ming (1470-1559), Lu Chih (1496-1576), Ch'en Kuan (ca. 1570-1640). In addition, works by artists of the school of T'ang Yin (1470-1523), and an album painting by an anonymous artist are also discussed. "The Wu School in the Seventeenth century: A Host of Little Masters", points of view are based on works by the following seven artists: Ch'en Kuan, Ch'en Huan (act. 1600-20), Chang Hung ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d BOOK REVIEWS 329 Chapter VI: Chapter VII: (1577-after 1668), Sheng Mao-yueh (act. 1620-40), Hsiang Sheng-mo (1597-1658), Yün Hsiang (1586-1655) and Shen Hao (act. 1630-50). "The Sung-chiang School: Triumph of a New Theory", under this headline five artists of the Ming Dynasty, Mo Shih-hung (ca. 1540-1587), Tung Ch'i-chang (1555-1636), Ku Shau-yu (act. early 17th century), Li Liu-fang (1575-1629), and Pien Wen-yü (act. 1620-1670) are discussed. "Various Directions of Late Ming: A Mixture of Old and New", this chapter covers Mi Wan-chung (1595-1628), Chang Jui-t'u (1576-1641), and Lan Yü (1585-1664). Chapter VIII: "The Orthodox Masters of Early Ch'ing: The Great Synthesis”, discussions are concentrated on Wu Li (1632-1718), Wang Hui (1632-1717) and Wang Yuan-ch'i (1642-1715). Chapter IX: Chapter X: Chapter XI: Chapter XII: "The Lou-tung School: Homage to Wang Yuan-ch'i", in this chapter the Lou-tung school artists are represented by Huang Ting (1660-1730), Chang Tsung-ts'ang (1686-still alive in 1755) and Wang Ch'en (1720-1797). "The Yu-shan School: Homage to Wang Hui”, in this chapter, Chiao Ping-chen (act. 1680-1720), Wang Chiu (act. later 18th century) and Prince Yung-jung (1744-1790) are taken as being representatives of this School, "The Anhwei School: Transformation of the Ni Tsan Tradition", four early Ch'ing artists: Hsiao Yün-ts'ung (1596-1673), Yao Sung (1648-after 1717), Hung-jen (1610-1663), and Mei Ch'ing (1623-1697) are discussed in this chapter. "Monks and Hermits: A silent Revolution”, another four early Ch'ing artists; K’un-ts'an (b. 1612-ca. 1673), Kung Hsien (b. 1617-1618, d. 1689), Chu Ta (1626-ca. 1705), and Tao-chi (b. 1641-d. before 1720), are discussed under this heading. Chapter XIII: "The Yang-chou School: Haven of the creative mind”, two Yang-chou school artists; Chin Nung (1687-1765) and Huang Shen (1687-1768) are discussed in detail. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 338 BOOK REVIEWS native of Pan-yu of Kwangtung Province, who was born in 1909 and died in 1960. He was not only a collector of Chinese art, but also happened to be a minor seal carver. In this branch of Chinese art, under the experienced guidance of an elderly Cantonese seal carver and scholar, Teng Erh-ya (1884-1954), Chang Hsiang-ning was trained as a seal carver. He has also carved two seals for another well-known Kwangtung paleographist, Jung Keng35. Lastly, in Prof. Li's A Thousand Peaks and Myriad Ravines there appears a little problem of use of references. Some useful information has occasionally been neglected. For example, Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's long handscroll called Kuei-yü I-yüan T'u -λ (pl. LV-LIX) or as Prof. Li has rendered it in English; "Going Home and Living Abroad Are the Same Thing" (p. 172), the following aspects are disputable. Firstly, his introduction about the length of Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's landscape handscroll. It is certainly true that the amazing size; 23.5 × 1302 cm, of this very scroll now in Drenowaltz Collection makes it one of the longest paintings in the handscroll format in China (p. 172). However, it is believed that this figure can be made still more meaningful to student of Chinese art if this particular measurement is compared with the measurements of other long handscrolls. Prof. Li could also point out that Hsiao Yün-ts'ung seems to have been an artist in favour of producing very long handscrolls. To be more specific, the length of Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's other landscape handscroll, according to a Japanese record3, measures more than 40 Japanese feet, namely, 12.12 feet37. This is almost as long as 13.02 feet, the length of Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's handscroll now in Drenowaltz collection. With regard to Hsiao Yün-ts'ung, it is undoubtedly true that not much is known about his early life. Yet, some useful information related to Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's middle age has not been taken into account when Prof. Li wrote his general introduction about the life of this artist. To be more specific, in 1638, when Hsiao Yün-ts'ung was 43 years old38, like many of his contemporary literati-artists around the same time39, he joined the well-known Fu She Association (復社 Association of Reconquering)40. The major interest of this association, from the very beginning, was always politics. At first, around the 1630's, the general motivation of this institution was to encourage the disorganized intellectuals of that time to stand up against the political power established by the eunuchs which ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d BOOK REVIEWS 339 controlled the central government of the late Ming period. However, due to the expansion of the military power of the Manchus, the central activity of this Association from 1640, turns into the intellectuals' Anti-Manchu Movement.41 The fact that Hsiao Yün-ts'ung has been a member of the Reconquering Association can certainly help us to understand more about his life and personality. Although we know nothing about Hsiao's Anti-Manchu activity, a description of him as, “taking up the life of a hermit, he devoted himself to poetry, essay-writing, scholarship, and painting” (p. 177) is at least not the entire picture of Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's life. He must have been patriotic and full of the spirit of justice at one time. More likely it was only because of the triumph of the Manchus that he was forced to live as a recluse for his last 30 years. Professor Li has tended to ignore this key point in Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's life. To conclude, in the 20th Century, in the 60 years since Stephen W. Bushell (1844-1908) published his classic Chinese Art42, due to the stimulation given by the opening of museums, the growth of private collections and a developed new interest in studying things oriental, a good number of histories of Chinese art have been written by scholars of different nationalities. None of them, however, has attempted a Chinese art history based on a single private collection,43 like Thousand Peaks and Myriad Ravines. This appears to be the first book of this kind, and despite those problems that the reviewer has already pointed out, and some other minor disputable points44, it is not inappropriate to call this book the first such publication. It is one, too, that is associated with a unique and earlier feature of writing Chinese art history, the introduction. The reviewer suggests that as a Research Curator of the Nelson Gallery and Atkins Museum in Kansas, with its far better known collection, Professor Li should publish another such history of Chinese art, or history of Chinese painting, based on that renowned assemblage. University of Hong Kong, 1976 FOOTNOTES CHUANG SHEN 1 For instance, the well-known collection of Mr. K. Sumitomo, is described in the illustrated and descriptive catalogue Senoku Seisho ★A★T (The collection of old bronzes of K. Sumitomo) first edited by Prof. Kosaku Hamada∗ ∗ ∗ and others in 1911. After being revised by Prof. Sueji Umehara∗ ∗ ∗ it was reprinted in 1934 in Kyoto. The additional catalogue concerning Mr. Sumitomo's new acquisitions on ancient ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1975 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d 342 BOOK REVIEWS 34 This observation is mainly based on the fact that the first poem from his own collection is entitled "Chin shou-men has shown me a rubbing of the inscription taken from the bronze bells being made for the Ching-lung Monastery during the Tang Dynasty.” 毒門见示所裁唐景龍觀錘髭拓本 In Li E's Fan-hsieh SFC, chuan 1, p. 1 under this poem, the date of its completion is recorded by the combined used of the Chinese cyclical characters: chia-mu which according to Li E's chronology, is to be identified as 1714 (the 53rd year of the Kang-hsi era). 35 Ever since 1963, the Kwang-tung ying-jen chuan, “A Biographical study of the seal-carvers in Kwang-tung", edited by Ma Kuo-chuan, has continuously appeared in the -lin section of Hong Kong's Ta Kung Pao Daily News. His study about Chang Hsiang-ming in particular, appeared in Ta Kung Pao, December 19, 1965. In October 1974 this biographical information was edited and published by the Nan Tung Company in Hong Kong, still entitled Kwang-tung ying-jen chuan. The portion concerning Chang Hsiang-ning is to be seen in this book edition p. 98. 36 This is based on Takikawa Shiteru's colophon being inscribed on Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's painting entitled Li Sao T’u. A full reproduction of this painting has been printed in 1924 in Tokyo by Seigei Omura as one item of his edited Zubon Sosho. In addition, Takikawa's colophon was also quoted by Professor Akiyama Mitsuo in his Sho Sekiboku to Shuzan Koryo zu which appeared as the last article, being collected in the same author's Nihon bijusisu ronko (1943, Tokyo), pp. 413-414. 37 According to Tzu Hai (1967, Taiwan edition), Appendix V (A conversion chart British, Japanese and Metric Lengths), each Japanese feet equals 0.3030 metre. Thus, 40 Japanese feet equal 12.12 metre. On the other hand, since the Drenowaltz handscroll measures 1302 cm; namely, 13.02 metre, the lengths of this painting, now in Switzerland, and the Li Sao Tu, once in Japan, are certainly very close. 38 See Hu I: "Hsiao Yun-ts'ung Nien-p'u” “A Biographical study of Hsiao Yün-ts'ung on A Yearly Basis”, in Mei-shu Yen-chiu (1960, Shanghai), No. 1. 39 For these literary men who were gifted artists as well as members of the Fu She Association, these were, in addition to Hsiao Yün-ts'ung, many others, such as Li Sui-chlu from Kwangtung province, Wan Shou-ch'i (1603-1652), Wu Wei-yeh (1609-1671), Chi Pao-chia (middle 17th century) and Mao Hsiang (1611-1693) from the Kiangsu province, Fang I-chih (1611-1671) from the An-hui province, and Yang Wen-ts’ung (1597-1645) from the Kwei-chou province. These were all example-figures of such a type. 40 Hsiao Yün-ts'ung name is listed in Fu She Hsin-Shih Lu "Records of Members of the Fu-she Association" first volume, p. 7a. This rare book is now owned by the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica at Nankang, Taiwan. 41 Hsieh Kuo-chen: "Nan-ming shih-luch" “A Brief History of the Southern Ming Period" (1957, Shanghai), pp. 12-13. 42 S. W. Stephen: Chinese Art, 2 vols. (1904-06, London). 43 Ch'eng Wei: “A primary study on the Origin and Development of Ancient Bird-and-flower paintings" in Wen-wo (1963, Peking), No. 10, p. 22-29. This article probably serves as the only research on the history of Chinese painting by using one single painting collection as its basis. Yet unlike the work done by Professor Li ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q STUDY OF MODERNIZATION IN CHINA & JAPAN 15 The modernizing activities of Li and others were never coordinated by the central government. Nor were any efforts made to integrate the "regional" armies of these leaders into the dynasty's "regular" military system. At the time of the Sino-Japanese War, the Ch'ing army was little more than a motley collection of diverse armies at various stages of development. There was no standardization in arms, dress or training, no unity in command, and only the most rudimentary commissariat, transport, medical and other services.17 China's two small, uncoordinated provincial military academies did little to improve the situation. China had no draft system and no General Staff. Funding for most modernizing projects (including the armies of Li and others) was irregular and unpredictable. Meanwhile, the "regular" military forces of the empire—some of which had undergone cosmetic surgery to become "re-trained troops" (lien-chün) or members of the Peking Field Force (shen-chi ying)—continued to consume about two-thirds of the national "budget."t China's failure to reform her military institutions in the nineteenth century prevented the emergence of a modern, Western-trained Chinese officer corps. In the eyes of most foreign observers in China, this was the key deficiency of the Chinese army.19 Lacking sufficient numbers of competent Chinese officers, individual Ch'ing officials found it necessary to continue employing foreigners not only to instruct and drill Chinese troops, but also occasionally to lead them.20 The presence of these individuals in Chinese armies often produced or exacerbated anti-foreign feelings, encouraged foreign interference, and created security problems.21 The existence of neutrality laws and other legal obstacles complicated the problem of employing foreigners in a military capacity after the breakdown of the "Cooperative Policy," and the absence of central government guidelines for the employment of foreign nationals encouraged rivalry and intrigue among the Western powers for heightened influence in Chinese military affairs.22 In all, the experience of using foreign military assistance was humiliating, expensive and frustrating. The contrast with Japan is striking. Although no less anxious than the Chinese to maintain control over foreign military employees, and to avoid surrendering administrative authority to them, the Japanese treated foreigners far more regularly, rationally, and regally.23 Extremely careful in its centrally-supervised hiring Page 30 Page 31 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 22 RICHARD J. SMITH 11 Comparative studies on selected aspects of modernizing change in these two time periods would be illuminating. One might compare, for example, the aims and accomplishments of the Peking Tung-wen kuan (established in 1862) and the Bansho Shirabesho (established in 1858). On the former, see Wright, The Last Stand of Chinese Conservatism: The T'ung-chih Restoration, 1862-1874 (New York, 1967), 241-248; on the latter, consult Marius Jansen, "New Materials for the Intellectual History of Nineteenth-Century Japan," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 20 (1957), 569-582. On the use of Westerners in military affairs in Japan from 1853-1868, see Presseisen, 1-23; H. J. Jones, "Bakumatsu Foreign Employees," Monumenta Serica, 29.3 (Autumn, 1974). 12 Presseisen, chapter 1; Smith, , chapter 4. 13 Albert Craig, Chôshu in the Meiji Restoration (Cambridge, Mass., 1961), 131-136, 201-203, etc.; Richard J. Smith, "Foreign-Training and China's Self-Strengthening: The Case of Fenghuang-shan, 1864-1873,” Modern Asian Studies, 10.2 (1976). 14 Presseisen, 22-23. 15 See notes 7 and 8; also Hyman Kublin, "The 'Modern' Army of Early Meiji Japan," Far Eastern Quarterly, 9.1 (November, 1949), 24-26; Meron Medzini, French Policy in Japan during the Closing Years of the Tokugawa Regime (Cambridge, Mass., 1971), 125-133. 16 For a discussion of Li's modernizing efforts, his extensive use of foreign assistance, and the obstacles he encountered, see S. Y. Teng and John K. Fairbank, China's Response to the West (New York, 1966), 111-112; K. C. Liu, “The Confucian as Patriot and Pragmatist: Li Hung-chang's Formative Years, 1823-1866,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 30 (1970); Kenneth Folsom, Friends, Guests and Colleagues (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1968), 152-157; and K. C. Liu, “Li Hung-chang in Chihli,” in Albert Feuerwerker, et al., eds. Approaches to Modern Chinese History (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1967). 17 See, for example, Lord Charles Beresford, The Break-up of China (New York and London, 1899), 267-289, esp. 270-280; Major A. E. J. Cavendish, "The Armed Strength (?) of China," Journal of the Royal United Service Institution, 42 (June, 1898), 709-710, 713-714, 717; Richard J. Smith, "Chinese Military Institutions in the Mid-Nineteenth Century, 1850-1860," Journal of Asian History, 8.2 (1974), 127. 18 See Smith, "Foreign-Training," 212; Cavendish, 709-710, 713-714. 19 See, for example, Cavendish, esp. 720-723; Captain W. R. E. Gill, "The Chinese Army," Journal of the Royal United Service Institution, 24 (1881), 371-377; Chester Holcombe, China's Past and Future (London, 1904), 81-88; "The Chinese and Japanese Armies," reprinted from the Army and Navy Gazette in the Journal of the Military Service Institution of the United States, 15 (1894), 1258; James Scott, "The Chinese Brave," Asiatic Quarterly Review, 1 (1886), esp. 240; etc. 20 See Smith, , Chapters 8 and 9. 21 See Yang-wu yün-tung cited in Smith, "Foreign-Training," 218. On Chinese resistance to foreign instructors and officers, see ibid.; also Cavendish, 720-721. 22 See, for example, L. C. Arlington, Through the Dragon's Eyes (London, 1931), 18; Stanley Wright, Hart and the Chinese Customs (Belfast, 1950), 478-481; John Rawlinson, China's Struggle for Naval Development, 1839-1895 (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), 65-78, 93-94, 163; Holcombe, 80-85, esp. 83. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q "PATTERNED BANDS" IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG 91 9 See John A. Brim, "Village Alliance Temples in Hong Kong”, in Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, Arthur P. Wolf, ed., Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1974, pp. 93-104. 10 J. H. Stewart Lockhart, in his "Report on the New Territory at Hong Kong" (H.M. Stationery Office, 1900, p.6) states that different systems existed in Tai Po, Yuen Long, and "Ts'ün Wan and other areas". 11 In my census sample of Kwan Mun Hau Village, only 15% of the wives of household heads were born in Tsuen Wan. However, 89% of the mothers and 69% of the wives of Village Representatives interviewed by Graham E. Johnson in 1969 were born in Tsuen Wan District. (Graham E. Johnson, Natives, Migrants, and Voluntary Associations in a Colonial Chinese Setting, unpublished doctoral dissertation, Cornell University, 1970.) The reason for the discrepancy between the two samples is not clear; it may reflect differences between leaders and ordinary people, or between Kwan Mun Hau Village and Tsuen Wan in general. 12 Reported by Pat and Roger Howard, Canadians teaching in China. 13 Reported by Graham E. Johnson in 1976. 14 This was stated by Fei Hsiao-tung in an interview with Helga E. Jacobson and Graham E. Johnson in October 1976. 15 There is, for example, no mention of a backstrap loom in the very comprehensive study China at Work, by Rudolf P. Hommel (The M.I.T. Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1969). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 118 CARL T. SMITH Government, for they hoped that through those converts, whom they financed in their efforts to reach the areas controlled by the Taiping government, they might influence the movement. Since they believed that these converts who had been under their instruction were better grounded in the fundamentals of the Christian faith than the Taiping leaders at Nanking, the missionaries expected their converts to strengthen the Christian element in the movement and correct some of its reported misconceptions in doctrine and aberrations in practice. They also hoped that through the good offices of these converts, once they had established themselves at Nanking, the missionary would, in time, be able to join them. The most prominent of these individuals was Hung Jen-kan, a distant cousin of the Taiping leader Hung Hsiu-ch'uan. He became the Kan Wang (Shield King) in the Taiping government at Nanking in 1859 and was executed in November, 1864, after the fall of Nanking. He accompanied Hung Hsiu-ch'uan to Canton for Christian instruction under the Rev. Issachar Roberts in 1847. In an appendix to Dr. Margaret M. Coughlin's unpublished doctoral thesis, Strangers in the House: J. Lewis Shuck and Issachar Roberts, First American Baptist Missionaries to China (University of Virginia, 1972), there is a letter of Roberts to Shuck, dated 27 March, 1847, giving details of Hsiu-ch'uan's spiritual development. After a month's instruction, they were sent out on a preaching tour in the course of which they returned to their home district, Hua-hsien, Kwangtung. Jen-kan did not return to Canton with Hsiu-ch'uan for further studies but remained at home to study medicine. While Hung had been preaching near his home in Kwangtung and studying with Roberts at Canton, Feng Yün-shan, a friend of his who had also been influenced by Christian ideas, had been gathering a group of followers in Kwangsi. They adopted the name of "The Society of God Worshippers" and were the nucleus from which developed the Taiping movement. The usual accounts of the movement attribute its origins to the activity of Hung Hsiu-ch'uan. This interpretation rests heavily on the account given in Hamberg's booklet The Visions of Hung Siu-Tschuen and Origin of the Kwang-si Insurrection, published in Hong Kong in 1854, and on various documents of the movement which were written after the death of Feng Yün-shan. There are several contemporary references which ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 128 CARL T. SMITH later to Lilong, where he served under Brother Bellon in the boy's school. Because of his relation to the Rebel King, it was difficult on the mainland so he came to Hongkong until 1878, when he emigrated with those of Shaukiwan. 14 A search of the records of British Guiana might provide details of his later career. Lechler's Day Book under date 12 January, 1871, mentions a visit from Tsau-phoi, a member of the Fung family of Tsim Sha Tsui, and on 18 February, 1871, he notes that Fung A-lin from Tsim Sha Tsui returned to the Girl's School at Sai Ying Poon. It is probable that Fung Tsau-phoi and Fung A-lin were the son and daughter of "a former Rebel King", who is referred to in the records of the Girl's Boarding School of the Basel Mission at Sai Ying Poon. A report dated 10 July, 1866, lists as a student Lyu Tsya, aged eighteen years, "betrothed to a son of a former Rebel King, who long has put away the crown, baptized by the Berlin Missionary Hanspach in her home." Also listed is Fung A-lin, the small sister of the young man. She had been enrolled in 1865, aged seven years. Her mother was a widow and a Christian. Keeping in mind that the Hakka version of the surname Hung was written Fung, and that the entries in Lechler's Day Book were written in a very illegible script, it may be that Fung Tsau-phoi is the same as Hung Tsun Fooi mentioned in T’ai-p’ing t'ien-kuo shih-shih jih-chih Appendix, p.24, as present in Hong Kong after the fall of the Taiping government. Two relatives of Feng Yün-shan, a twenty-one year old nephew A-sou and his fourteen-year old cousin, accompanied the Rev. Issachar J. Roberts to Shanghai in 1853, in an attempt to reach Nanking. A-sou was baptized by Roberts at Shanghai. The Baptist Missionary Rev. Matthew T. Yates became acquainted with the two boys, but in his book The Tai Ping Rebellion, he mistakenly states that they were brothers of Feng Yün-shan. Fung A-sou found it impossible to reach Nanking, so he came down to Hong Kong. From here he went up to Canton where he became a teacher to an American missionary. But he became ill, and returned to Hong Kong where he died on the 21 August, 1855. These accounts of some of the events in the lives of friends and relatives of Taiping leaders and their association with the missionary ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q NOTES ON FRIENDS AND RELATIVES OF TAIPING LEADERS 129 movement in China illustrate the impact of the Christian aspect of the Taiping ideology had on individuals connected with it in a peripheral way. The Taiping rebellion upset the even tenor of their former village life. They became refugees. Most had an objective, however: they wished to join their former village clansmen and neighbours at the Taiping capital, Nanking. A few were successful; more, perhaps, were not. Having been previously influenced by the confused Christian ideas as promulgated by Hung Hsiu-ch'uan and Feng Yün-shan during the period before the outbreak of open hostilities between the Imperial forces and the Taiping revolutionaries, it was natural for them to seek out the missionaries for assistance and employment and also to be receptive to more thorough training in the Christian faith. The missionaries welcomed them as a means of relating to the Taiping movement with its promise of establishing a new dynasty on Christian principles. The promise was never realized and the missionaries eventually were disillusioned, but not before forming close relations with these refugees, some of whom became valuable assistants and contributed to the growth of the Chinese Christian Church. The Taiping Kingdom had within it, from the Christian point of view, the seeds of a transformation of China, but the end result was largely disastrous for China, and its fall left behind those who had dreamed of a glory that had passed them by. Some, as this article suggests, adjusted to a life devoted to the Christian Church, while others went other ways. But the missionaries maintained a nostalgic interest in those who had been closely connected to the leaders of the Taiping movement. NOTES This article first appeared in Ching Feng (*) Quarterly Notes on Christianity and Chinese Religion and Culture, XIX, No. 2, 1976: 105-119, and is reproduced here with permission. Ed. 1 When my sources have not given names in Chinese characters, I have used the romanization of the original manuscript, except for Hung Hsiu-ch'uan, Hung Jen-kan and Feng Yün-shan. There are particular difficulties in determining the proper surname for individuals who appear in the sources as Fung. This was the accepted Hakka form of the surname Hung #, but it was also the Cantonese spelling of the surname Fung. 2 Die Evangelischen Heidenboten, Oct., 1854, Letter of Hamberg, dated, May 1854. 3 Ibid., June, 1868, p. 73. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q NOTES ON FRIENDS AND RELATIVES OF TAIPING LEADERS 133 Gützlaff ever met each other in 1848 when Feng returned from Kwangsi and stayed in his native place for a short period to wait for the return of Hung Hsiu-ch'üan. I cannot see how the fable started. It may be that some members of the Union did join the Taiping army and recognized superficially the similarity of the organizations of Feng and Gützlaff with practically the same contents in their teachings, thus misunderstanding the identity of the two groups; and thus, Feng was mistaken for a fellow-member of the Union. All in all, this problem needs further study and intensive research before a conclusive answer can be obtained. (2) Li Tsin-kau ($£$) According to Hamberg's account, Li Ching-fang (***) was Hung Hsiu-ch'üan's cousin who lived in Lien Hua Tang (##) in Hua-hsien where Hung taught. The Tai P'ing pamphlet T'ai Ping T'ien Jih (***ŋ) identifies him. Hung first studied Liang Fa's pamphlets seriously with him. W. Oehler, Die Taiping-Bewegung (1923), asserts that Ching-fang was the grandfather of Li Tsin-kau. For certain reasons I believe Ching-fang was more likely the father, as Tsin-kau was seemingly too young to befriend and discuss such serious matters with Hung. The late Rev. Chang Chu-ling (✯✯✯) told me a very amusing anecdote about Li Tsin-kau. After establishing his capital in Nanking, Hung Hsiu-ch'üan ordered Tsin-kau to recruit followers in Kwangtung. Tsin-kau failed in this mission but went north personally. When he arrived at Shanghai on the way to Nanking, he heard that the God whom Hung saw in his visions years ago wore a black robe. He thought that God, the True God, should be dressed in white, and therefore what Hung had seen was really the Devil. The result was that he turned back to Hong Kong immediately without attempting to see Hung again. (See my Taiping Tienkuo Chuan-shih, pp54-55, notes pp58-59) This story corroborates with the account Carl Smith found (p. 124), but the call to come to Nanking might be from Hung Jen-kau rather than from Hung Hsiu-ch'üan. (3) Hung Jen-kau (Shield King †1##) At last, the question 'who financed Hung Jen-kau's trip to Nanking?' is solved with Carl Smith's finding that the London ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 207 promote among themselves morality, education, social solidarity, and mutual aid. The plan seems to have enjoyed some vogue in the Ming dynasty, but the early Ch'ing rulers took over the term to give it a new meaning: 'hsiang-yüeh' became a public lecture system by means of which the masses were to be indoctrinated with the political ethics of Confucianism. Yet by the nineteenth century 'hsiang-yüeh' had once again undergone a transformation, a lecture system developing into a framework of state control to the point where 'hsiang-yüeh' was sometimes taken to be synonymous with 'pao-chia' and 'li-chia', the state organisations for security and taxation. On the other hand, a contrary process of evolution was also at work moving ‘hsiang-yüeh' back towards the kind of self-government which had been originally conceived under its name. It is on record that in places in Kwangtung the heads of 'hsiang-yüeh' assumed roles of local leadership in such a way as to take command of local affairs. In addition, 'hsiang-yüeh' were used as a setting for organising ‘regiment and drill corps' ('t'uan-lien') for local defence, and it is an interesting speculation that just as the 'ke yüeh hsiang-yung', the village braves of the several yeuk, rallied to the defence of Canton against the British in 1842, so we might find on closer inspection that some of the armed resistance to the first British in the New Territories was bound up with the Ts'at Yeuk and other yeuk-complexes. (There are of course many sources, both Western and Chinese, for the history of 'hsiang-yüeh'. The best and most convenient is Hsiao Kung-chuan, Rural China, Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century, Seattle, 1960, pp. 184, 205). 28. My tentative view of the matter is that, while early Ch'ing policy may have popularised the term heung yeuk in the course of spreading the public lecture system, at the time we are concerned with, at least in our part of Kwangtung, yeuk were looked upon by the people who engaged in them as instruments of local control independent of state supervision. They might be used for treating with the state, as seems to have been the case especially with the three yeuk-complexes oriented to Kowloon City, and might have allied themselves with officialdom in the face of banditry or attack by outsiders, but they were far removed from being mere instruments of state control. Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, whose home was in an area of Kwangtung which may be regarded as being in many ways comparable to San On, laid stress on the heung yeuk as a basis for a high degree of local independence and self-government in his ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 243 £5 orders; these will presumably have been sent into town by the bank to be cashed through a city post office and, along with orders actually presented at city post offices, fail to appear in New Territories figures. The indications from the travel agencies in the last month or so of my stay in Hong Kong were of few men going to Britain; the main agency has almost stopped any new business; and it seems unlikely therefore that remittances will increase further. On the contrary, the probability is that after a while they will fall as men remain away longer, their ties with the New Territories being reduced and their commitments abroad increased. And the question will arise whether hardship will result for the New Territories. It is not simply a matter of people being deprived of extra money; if there is any resemblance between the New Territories and the emigrant areas of Fukien and Kwangtung in respect of their economic response to overseas migration, then we should be prepared to find that economic standards and activities have become so adjusted to external income that its falling away occasions disruption and distress. 81. It is of course artificial to treat the matter of overseas migration apart from the movement between the New Territories and the urban areas of the Colony. The city has always attracted New Territories people to it and provided the countryside with an income. It would be extremely interesting to have material showing where absent members of a village are at a given time and what they are doing for a living. I discovered that on one of the islands a local committee was keeping records on emigration and I was able to obtain the data which are presented below. They can have no general value for the study of the problem as a whole, but they suggest the possibility that some Rural Committees have gathered information of this sort and that others might be encouraged to do so. The total number of emigrants involved in this case is 183. Of these 62 are overseas and the remainder in the urban area of the Colony. Of the 62 overseas, 33 are seamen, 23 are in the United Kingdom, 5 in the U.S.A. and 1 in Borneo. All these are men, but 22 of the 99 people in the urban areas are women. Of the 23 men in Britain 5 are in their twenties, 7 in their thirties, 9 in their forties, 1 in his fifties, and 1 in his seventies. Of the 5 in the U.S.A. 2 are in their forties, 2 in their fifties, and 1 in his sixties. The sole man in Borneo is in his thirties. Over a dozen communities are involved in these figures. The distribution of overseas migrants and seamen ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q NOTES AND QUERIES POLITICAL AND PUGILISTIC FREEMASONRY?* CHINESE FREEMASONS 281 Door front of a house in a Chicago China Town street. The Chinese inscription on the glass panel: +##NR% (literally: China Hung Mun Peoples' Governing Party). "Hung Mun" is a branch of Chinese martial art (kung fu); "Peoples' Governing Party" is probably what Freemasons are known to be by this organisation in Chicago. This photograph was taken by Y. F. Lam, P.M. 428 and 493, S.C. during his U.S.A. tour in May, 1976. Mr. Lam continues: I am indebted to my good friend, James W. Hayes, M.A., Ph.D., currently Town Manager and District Officer, Tsuen Wan, N.T. and Editor of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch, who provided me with a relevant and interesting excerpt from a book entitled Ex-Chief Inspector Kenneth Andrew, Hong Kong Detective, published by John Long, London 1962. It runs: * Reprinted, with permission, from the "1975-1976 Year Book and Proceedings of the District Grand Lodge of the Far East". Mr. Y. F. Lam is, of course, our Member and Printer. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 300 Vol. No. NOTES AND QUERIES Village (and Gazetteer reference) Surname 70. Fan Leng (p. 208) # 71. Fan Leng (p. 208) 72. Wai Tau Tsuen (p. 200) Pang 彭 Pang Cheung 張 73. Tai Kei Leng (p. 167) #4 Chung 鐘 74. Tin Sam (p. 171) Tsoi 蔡 75. Ha Wo Hang (p. 216) F** Lei 李 75.* [Duplicate] 76. Kwu Tung (p. 205) Lei 李 moved from Sham Chun area. 77. 78. Sha Lo Tung Lo Wei (p. 198) ***ŁE Lei # Lin O (Map ref. 070854) Lei 李 79. Ha Tsuen (p. 164) Tang 鄧 80. Kat Hing Wai (p. 172) N Tang 鄧 81. 82. Kat O Au Pui Tong (p. 221) *** Sheung Tsuen (p. 171) # Lam 林 Tse 謝 83. Nai Wai (p. 162) 84. 85. Later additions 86. Man 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. a 1st generation Cheng group now living in Hong Kong City. 92. 賴氏族譜 (mainland China) 93. 94. (2 vols.) Ng Uk Tsuen (p. 169) A** Ping Yeung (p. 214) ** of San Tin (p. 203) Pro- vided by Dr. James L. Watson 廣東番禺潭山許氏族誌 Unidentified: surname Taam possibly from Kwan Mun Hau, Tsuen Wan. 四必堂陳氏族譜誌 (the same as 89). [***] Sheung Tsuen (p. 171) Graham E. Johnson, Courtesy of Dr. U.B.C. Received from Dr. H. D. R. Baker Census of Lin Fa Tei village (p. | From Mr. 171) drawn up for the Ta Chiu of | H. G. H. Nelson 1967. To Ng 吳 Chan 陳 謝陶 Page 315 Page 316 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n TWO ESSAYS ON THE CH'ING ECONOMY OF HSIN-AN 81 buyers and sellers of commodities and to effect a transaction between them.” By the late 1920's, "its importance to the Hopei provincial finance was only second to that of the land tax." It is difficult to weigh the relative importances of the various taxes in Hsin-An, but we do have figures on the revenue collected on trade between local markets in November 1911, which indicate a relatively low volume of local trade (see Imperial Maritime Customs, 1902-1911, Volume II, p.156). Also, refer to Appendix II, which Lockhart credits as a reliable source. The Tangs of Kam Tin and Lung Kwat Tau (A) were apparently farmed the monopolies of collecting market taxes in Un Long Kau Hui (±##4) and Tai Po Kau Hui (£# #). The Tongs who oversaw the markets in turn "sub-leased" the brokerages to traders, merchants, and shop-owners. 4 The CSO files held in the Government Archives of Hong Kong constitute one of the richest stores of first-hand knowledge about local political economy and society in Hsin-An during the period 1890-1910. I am very grateful to Mr. Ian Diamond, Government Archivist, and his staff for their assistance in helping with my research. 5 C. M. Chang, op. cit., pp. 826-828. 6 Lien-sheng Yang, "Buddhist Monasteries and Four Money-Raising Institutions in Chinese History," in his Studies in Chinese Institutional History, pp. 198-199n. 7 Yeh-chien Wang draws heavily on the Ts'ai-cheng Shuo-ming-shu for his research on the land tax in China (Land Taxation in Imperial China, 1750-1911). On the basis of the material presented in this paper, Hsin-An conforms to his general thesis of the declining relative importance of the land tax throughout late Ch'ing. 8 Correspondence Respecting the Extension of the Boundaries of the Colony (hereafter Extension Papers), p. 60. 9 For a fuller discussion of li-chia, see Kung-chuan Hsiao's Rural China, Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century, pp. 84-143. 10 The annual rotation of these positions (44) constituted the primary mechanism whereby the local magistrate attempted to maintain some measure of centralized power by restricting the excesses of local magnates. 11 Hsiang-kang Teng-ch'u-shui-mau Ts'ung-ch'eng (44¥Æ#*# Z), p. 2: "All together the cultivated land measured 8 ch'ing 3 mau 6 fen 1 li 9 hau 2 ssu 5 hu (i.e., 803.61925 mau) and was registered under the name of Tang Tin-luk, 6th tu, 7th p'i, 2nd chia. In addition, Tang Chi-cheung and others had purchased from Ho Ch'iu-ping and others plots of land at Wong Nei Chung... having a total area of 1 ch'ing 89 mau registered in Tung-Kuan under the name of Tang Chi-fu of the 2nd tụ, 18th p'i, last chia." The formula is often repeated in the land memorials held at the Land Office of the Registrar General in Hong Kong. 12 Kwangchow Fu-chih (1759), ch'uan 4: 43a-b, 46b. 13 Hsin-An Hsien-chih (1819), ch'uan 2. 14 Kwangtung T'u-shuo, Hsin-An Hsien-t'u. 15 Krone, "A Notice of the Sunon District", originally published in the Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 6:5, 41-105. This quote, as all the others, is from the reprinted copy in the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society V: p. 119. 16 Tung-Kuan Hsien-chih (1797), 10:10b-11. 17 Lockhart, in the Correspondence Respecting the Affairs in China, writes: "Small villages and hamlets often place themselves under the protection of large and influential clans to which they refer all complaints and from which they expect assistance in case of attack, robbery, and ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n LIST OF MEMBERS LIFE OVERSEAS MEMBERS: ACORNE, M. J. 505 Broadway, Petaluma, California 94952, U.S.A. ARMERDING, L. E. 2222, Kalakaua Ave., Honolulu, Hawaii 96815, U.S.A. BAKER, Dr. H. D. R. School of Oriental & African Studies, Malet Street, London WC1E 7HP, England. BAKER, W. E. Old Quarry, Blackberry Road, Felcourt, East Grinstead, Sussex RH19 2HL, England. BALL, J. M. 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W. DE BURE, Mrs. U. 703 Prince's Building, Hong Kong. Residence No. 8, Flat 1A, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. 3, Mount Nicholson Road, 1/F1, Hong Kong. Twin Brook 11B, 43 Repulse Bay Road, Hong Kong. Banque Nationale de Paris, Central Building 2/Fl, Hong Kong. 48, Haven St., 4/Fl, Causeway Bay, Hong Kong. 1903 Hang Chong Building, Queen's Road, C., Hong Kong. Mail Collection, H.K. & S. Bank, P.O. Box 64. Hong Kong. Flat A1, Pearl Gardens, 7 Conduit Road, Hong Kong. Apt. 9, 23B Shouson Hill Road, Hong Kong. Apt. 6009, Cape Mansions, Mount Davis Road, Hong Kong. Dept. of Community Medicine, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. 5, Wylie Gardens, King's Park, Kowloon. Property Dept., Local Property & Printing Co. Ltd., 54/6 Caxton House, 1 Duddell St., Hong Kong. King George V School, Kowloon. Flat B23, 7 Homantin Hill Road, Kowloon. 28, Yun Ping Road 2/Fl, Hong Kong. Mountain View, 31 Plantation Road, The Peak, Hong Kong. P.O. 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Ostasiatisches Seminar, Der Universitat Zürich, Mühlegasse 21, 8001 Zürich, Switzerland. Time-Life News Service, c/o Associated Press, P.O. Box 775, Bangkok, Thailand. Dept. of Chinese, Australian National University, Canberra, A.C.T., Australia. c/o U.S. Embassy, 581 Merchant Street, Rangoon, Burma. Maryknoll Centre House, 120 San Min Road 1st Section, Taichung City 400, Taiwan. The Singapore International Chamber of Commerce, Denmark House, Singapore 1. The Library, Cabrillo College, 6500 Soquel Drive, Aptos, California 95003, U.S.A. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895 19 altogether. But fears over tampering with inherited institutions and respect for ancestral precedent (tsu-tsung ch'eng-fa) prevented the tests from being either transformed or abandoned. Subsequent attempts to reform or abolish the system of military examinations, such as Shen Pao-chen's famous memorial of 1878, came to nothing.19 As late as 1898, we still find the throne ordering officials to determine what the policy of the imperial ancestors had been regarding military reform before taking concrete steps.20 Small wonder the prestigious civil service examinations also remained essentially unaltered throughout the nineteenth century. There was, however, room for the reform of military education outside the examination system - particularly during the Taiping period. Not only did the Rebellion allow for the emergence of new civil and military leadership in China; it also resulted in the establishment of new-style military forces which placed comparatively heavy emphasis on military education. The yung-ying armies of Tseng Kuo-fan and others, for example, employed the highly effective training methods of the famous Ming general Ch'i Chi-kuang - techniques that had long since fallen into disuse. In addition to Confucian moral instruction, yung-ying armies received daily drill, which was all but unheard of in Banner and Green Standard forces. They practiced regularly with firearms, swords, knives, spears and other weapons, and were taught tactical formations such as Ch'i Chi-kuang's "mandarin duck" (yuan-yang) and the "three powers" (san-ts'ai). It is true, of course, that officers received very little, if any, formal military training, since it was deemed sufficient that they be upright gentlemen (chün-tzu) who led by moral example. Moreover, we know that active involvement by officers in troop training was generally considered demeaning. But at least some lower level personnel in yung-ying staff organizations (ying-wu ch'u), and perhaps some high-level officers as well, were more knowledgeable about key aspects of military affairs - planning, command, field maneuvers, discipline, supply, communication and so forth - than the vast majority of their Banner or Green Standard counterparts.25 After 1860, Western influences began to penetrate Chinese military forces. In the latter stages of the Ch'ing-Taiping War, the British and French took an active role in supporting the introduction of foreign-training to Chinese troops. Foreign-officered con- ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 20 RICHARD J. SMITH tingents such as the Ever-Victorious Army (Ch'ang-sheng chün) brought Western drill and tactics to literally thousands of Chinese soldiers. Officers from these forces not only instructed their own men, but also trained large numbers of troops for Chinese officials, most notably Li Hung-chang.23 At about the same time, foreign-training programs arose in several port areas, including Tientsin, Shanghai, Ningpo, Foochow and Canton. A number of Green Standard forces at the capital (and eventually elsewhere) were transformed into Western-armed "retrained armies" (lien-chün) on the yung-ying model, and several thousand Bannermen were molded into the famous Peking Field Force (Shen-chi ying), established by Wen-hsiang and others.24 The Peking Field Force was an especially interesting experiment. Until the late 1860's, selected members of the force were drilled by foreign instructors using English words of command but thereafter, Western-trained Bannermen carried on instruction independently in Manchu. Nominally 20,000 strong throughout most of the late nineteenth century, the Peking Field Force usually numbered closer to half that amount. According to Major A. E. J. Cavendish, a British military attaché in China, the force as late as 1894 was considered to be an elite organization with "higher pay and quicker promotion" than in any other Banner units at the capital. Officers in the force were described as "the pick of the Banners," and posts in it were "eagerly sought after." Yet Cavendish formed a decidedly negative opinion of the force, which he described as poorly armed and superficially trained, with emphasis on form rather than content. One can imagine the shape of the rest of the traditional Ch'ing military establishment.25 A major deficiency in all of the early foreign-training efforts was lack of centralized direction and support. In the absence of adequate central government guidelines, drill procedures, arms, and even the language of instruction varied widely from force to force and area to area. There was virtually no effort on the part of the Ch'ing government to co-ordinate its military programs, or to expand foreign-training in a systematic way.26 In fact, the Manchus seem to have been intent on compartmentalizing Western military knowledge as much as possible—presumably for reasons of internal control. In 1863, for example, the Tsungli Yamen stated explicitly that in the provinces only Bannermen should learn to make ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 22 RICHARD J. SMITH Li's approach to officer education during his tenure as governor-general of Chihli from 1870 to 1895, at the apex of his power, may shed some light on the many problems involved in China's late nineteenth century effort to create a modern officer corps.34 Throughout his illustrious career up to 1895, Li continually drew upon foreign talent to instruct (and occasionally to lead) his forces.35 But in 1876, he took the unprecedented step of sending Chinese military men abroad for training, entrusting seven petty officers to one of his best German drill instructors, a man named Lehmayer. Li's plan was to employ these men as instructors in the Anhwei Army upon their return to China.36 Li had as early as 1874 inquired into the possibility of sending Chinese students to West Point, and in 1875 had discussed the establishment of a military academy in China with the American general Emory Upton.37 But political difficulties in the United States stood in the way of the first plan, and financial constraints made the second impossible.38 Li's writings in the mid-1870s indicate a full awareness of the value of military academy education, but apparently the need at the time was not sufficiently great to justify the cost of establishing a full-fledged military academy on Chinese soil.39 Of the seven men sent to study in Germany, two were recalled before completion of their planned three-year program of study because of their frivolous attitude and poor progress. One became sick and died, three successfully completed their infantry training, and one—Wang Te-sheng—stayed on in Germany until 1881, receiving additional specialized instruction in Berlin. Of the seven, only Wang emerged as a prominent figure in the Anhwei Army, heading Li's crack “personal guard unit” (ch'in-ping), and eventually achieving the rank of tsung-ping. Overall, the educational experiment fell far short of complete success, and was marked by numerous problems, including disputes with the German supervisor, language difficulties, and, of course, high costs.40 As one of the three regular graduates of the German training program, Cha Lien-piao's experience as an instructor in the Anhwei Army is illuminating. Cha served in Chou Sheng-ch'uan's 10,000-man Sheng-chün—perhaps the best detachment of the Anhwei Army in all of China up to the time of Chou's death in 1885.41 Convinced of the value of Western training and drill from long exposure to foreign instructors in Li's force (dating from the Taiping period), ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895 23 Chou lamented the fact that the spirit of foreign drill had not more fully permeated the Anhwei Army. Hoping to remedy the situation, and appreciative of Cha's contributions to the overall efficiency of the Sheng-chün, Chou urged Li to "break the rules" by giving Cha a salary increase in order to reward and encourage him.42 Significantly, however, Chou did not recommend Cha for high-level promotion within the Green Standard system—a reward which most yung-ying officers especially esteemed.43 Although Chou's voluminous writings repeatedly emphasize the importance of Western-style drill, it is apparent that Chou himself was not prepared to request maximum rewards for those who had mastered it.45 How much more of a problem must this have been in other, less progressive military forces? Another difficulty in the Anhwei Army was a certain hostility to foreigners and foreign influences. Although Chou took obvious pride in his knowledge of Western military science and technology,46 and took pains to point out that his foreign-trained officers were trusted by their men,47 it is clear that the acceptance of foreign influences within the Anhwei Army as a whole was less than complete. In the words of one well-informed observer of Li's force, "to be smart [in Western drill] is to be like a hated foreigner and to lose caste." This attitude, together with an inherited distaste for active involvement in drill, undoubtedly compromised the military effectiveness of the Anhwei Army's officer corps. Although Chou repeatedly admonished his battalion and company officers to become actively involved in the training process, it is evident that they continued to resist such direct and degrading participation. Chou's writings, as well as independent foreign observations, note this crucial and persistent problem, but little could be done to remedy it.49 Several times during the early 1880's, Chou confessed that the vaunted Sheng-chün had declined, that after two decades it had lost much of its sharpness and acquired a "twilight air." The experienced officers, he complained, lacked vigor, while the new and brave officers lacked knowledge.50 In order to alleviate the problem, and to bring the force more in line with Western practice, Chou suggested shortly before his death the establishment of a foreign-style Chinese military academy (Wu-pei yüan).51 Apparently fearful of upsetting vested interests within the Anhwei Army, Chou emphasized... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 24 RICHARD J. SMITH phasized that it would “not be necessary to teach many commanders": 52 but he did encourage Li to establish a "public office" (kung-so) as soon as possible to provide systematic instruction for Chinese soldiers under German supervision.53 The immediate incentive was three-fold: the military demands of Sino-French conflict, the support of other Anhwei Army commanders, and the presence of a core group of capable German instructors,54 Li's initial proposal for a military academy (Wu-pei hsüeh-t'ang) at Tientsin was quite modest. In part because of financial limitations, but also because of military exigency (and perhaps in deference to Chou), Li decided to train about one hundred petty officers and troops (pien-ping) selected from the Anhwei Army and lien-chün units, as well as some civil personnel (wen-yuan) who were "willing to learn about military affairs." The simplified curriculum, taught by German officers with the aid of Chinese interpreters, consisted of astronomy, geography, science, surveying, drafting, mathematics, fortifications, and military drill and operations. Li expected the students to complete their education in one year (it actually took two), after which time they would return to their original units to transmit the newly-acquired information to their comrades.55 In all, about 1,500 "cadets" were probably trained in this fashion from 1885 to 1900. Most served only as instructors, however; few became ranking officers. On the whole they were neither given authority nor esteemed by their older colleagues and superiors.56 In the spring of 1887, Li added a five-year program to the Tientsin Military Academy. In contrast to the short course, this program aimed at producing officers. Stringent requirements were imposed on the applicants, who ranged in age from thirteen to sixteen.57 Forty students were accepted at first. Each had to guarantee to study for five full years without asking for leave, taking the civil service examinations, or getting married. The five-year course of study was comparatively demanding. During the first three years, the students took a foreign language (German or English), arithmetic, algebra, geometry, mechanics, astronomy, natural science, geography, map-making, and, of course, Chinese history and the Classics. During the last two years, they studied gunnery, military drill, fortifications, and other technical subjects. Periodic examinations determined class standing, and provided the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895 27 establishment of a Directorate for Military Affairs (Tu-pan chün-wu ch'u) in early November, 1894, did virtually nothing to alter the course of the war, and the nearly useless Naval Board (Hai-chün ya-men) was disbanded even prior to the end of the fighting. Neither body found it possible to effectively coordinate land fighting or to insure cooperation between the army and navy.76 Meanwhile, poor field communications and transport facilities, inadequate preparation, faulty intelligence, and widespread corruption in pay and supply, made it virtually impossible for Chinese forces to fight efficiently.77 Ammunition shortages, worthless shells, and lack of standardization in weapons proved especially troublesome at sea. On land, ammunition shortages seem to have been less acute, but morale undoubtedly suffered from the absence of a modern hospital corps and ambulance service such as Japan possessed.78 Surprisingly, Chinese forces did not always do poorly, in spite of these handicaps. Portions of Li Hung-chang's Anhwei Army under Chang Kao-yüan, for example, performed admirably during the war, as they had done a decade earlier under Chang on Taiwan during the Sino-French hostilities. Chang, who had once served with the Ever-Victorious Army, received the praise of foreign observers not only prior to Sino-Japanese War but also during and after the conflict for his tactical ability and the training, discipline, and effective weapons of the troops under his command.79 I-k'o-tang-a, a Manchu general, also gained plaudits from foreigners, including the Japanese, who acknowledged that he had surprising tactical talent for "a Chinese warrior of the old school."80 A few other Ch'ing commanders, such as Tso Pao-kuei, at least received praise for their bravery against the Japanese. But overall, Chinese troops were poorly-led and unsuitably trained. Lack of effective leadership exacerbated all of China's military problems and undermined both discipline and morale. The overwhelming majority of China's field commanders and middle-grade officers were not graduates of China's two infant military academies, and although some such individuals served with distinction in low-ranking positions, their mere presence within a given army was seldom enough to inspire confidence among either officers or the rank and file.81 Generally, the Chinese were extremely timid on land and sea, encouraging the Japanese to attempt daring and highly successful tactics that would ordinarily be considered too hazardous for use ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 MILITARY EDUCATION in CHINA, 1842-1895 31 Chinese society.103 The new content of military education, which emphasized technical skills and diluted traditional values and loyalties somewhat, created a new professional elite that was significantly different in outlook from even such relatively progressive (and rare) individuals as Chou Sheng-chuan.104 For all his innovativeness, Chou remained bound by the inhibiting institutional structure of the Anhwei Army as well as the limits of his own educational experience within that force. As a result, he was never able to resolve certain fundamental conflicts in his self-image, attitude, and approach toward military affairs and reform.105 One is tempted to see in Chou the tensions of becoming "modern" and remaining "Chinese" suggested by Joseph Levenson, and even a kind of nineteenth-century version of the "red versus expert" dilemma of more recent times. Although Chou obviously admired Western military organization and repeatedly solicited foreign military advice, he was also anxious to demonstrate that the Chinese yung-ying model was in many respects equivalent or superior to the Western model, and he often reacted quite defensively to foreign criticisms.106 Chou admired foreign technology (at one point maintaining that bullets were more important than rations), but he also repeatedly stressed the human factor in warfare, down-playing on occasion foreign advantages in organization and weapons, emphasizing the importance of "will" (chih-ch'i), and periodically suggesting to Li Hung-chang the utility of rapidly recruiting volunteers (i-yung) and employing them as "surprise troops" (ch'i-ping).107 Obsessed with the need for intensive drill, Chou nonetheless continually employed the Sheng-chün in non-military tasks which undoubtedly compromised its fighting effectiveness—work on military agricultural colonies (t'un-t'ien), land reclamation, flood and famine relief work, and so forth.108 Finally, although Chou seems to have considered himself to be a professional soldier, and was anxious to foster positive attitudes toward the military, he, like virtually all of his fellow officers and commanders, esteemed civil status and sought identification with the civil bureaucracy.109 The more genuinely professional education provided by the Tientsin Military Academy after Chou's death helped resolve some of the tensions that seem to have plagued Chou.110 Certainly, it allowed the many Tientsin-trained commanders in Yüan Shih-k'ai's Peiyang Army to accept more readily the modern principle and ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895 33 The major stumbling block to more pervasive reform was simply the lack of sufficient central government incentive to change, and above all, a fear of upsetting vested interests at all levels of the military. Li Hung-chang himself had such fears, but they might easily have been overcome had the throne given wholehearted support to military reform through financial assistance and other forms of official encouragement, including adequate institutional rewards for the acquisition of new military skills.122 It is true, of course, that state revenues were extremely meager, and that Peking's fears over the threat of foreign interference in Chinese military affairs were not wholly unwarranted.123 But it is also evident that the Manchus, as alien rulers, had no desire to establish a systematic, centralized program of modern military education in China-particularly when it became apparent that Western arms and training could not be confined to the traditional Banner and Green Standard forces. Ironically, had the Manchus undertaken meaningful, centralized reform during the late 1860's and early 1870's, when anti-Manchu sentiment was no longer a political problem and imperialist pressure was minimal, the dynasty might have been able to build a Meiji-style system of military education and dispense with foreign instructors by the early-1890's, as did Japan.124 Instead, the Ch'ing government by stages alienated patriotic Chinese and disappointed the foreign powers by its failure to build a modern, Western-style military force capable of doing more than simply keeping a lid on internal rebellion. Most ironic of all, in seeking foreign talent after the Sino-Japanese War, the Chinese turned to the one-time "dwarf bandits" of Japan, who now began training large numbers of Chinese soldiers in modern military methods both at home and abroad. This new education, and the nationalism that inspired it, had revolutionary consequences. NOTES Abbreviations: CJCC - Chung-Jih chan-cheng CWCK - Ch'ou Wu-chuang-kung i-shu FRUS - Foreign Relations of the United States IWSM - Ch'ou-pan i-wu shih-mo LWCK - Li Wen-chung-kung ch'üan-chi NCH - North-China Herald YWYT - Yang-wu yün-tung ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 34 RICHARD J. SMITH 1 Throughout the latter half of the nineteenth century, informed Western observers repeatedly pointed to the lack of a modern, Western-trained officer corps as the key deficiency of the Chinese army. See, for example, Mary Wright, The Last Stand of Chinese Conservatism (New York, 1967), 201; Major A. E. J. Cavendish, "The Armed Strength of China,” Journal of the Royal United Service Institution, 42.244 (June, 1898), 720-722; NCH, July 6, 1880; Chinese Times, December 3, 1887; etc. For an interesting and informative discussion of officer education in the West, consult Correlli Barnett, "The Education of Military Elites," Journal of Contemporary History, 2.3 (July, 1967). 2 Cited in Chang Chung-li, The Chinese Gentry (Seattle, 1955), 174. 3 Helmutt Wilhelm, "Chinese Confucianism on the Eve of the Great Encounter," in Marius Jansen, ed., Changing Japanese Attitudes Toward Modernization (Princeton, 1965), 288-289. 4 Etienne Zi, Pratique des examens militaires en Chine (Shanghai, 1896), 111-112. For other critiques of the traditional military examinations, see Chang Chung-li, 181, 187-190; William Ayers, Chang Chih-tung and Educational Reform in China (Cambridge, Mass., 1971), 178-182; Ichisada Miyazaki, China's Examination Hell (New York and Tokyo, 1976), chapter 8. 5 Richard J. Smith, "Chinese Military Institutions in the Mid-Nineteenth Century, 1850-1860," Journal of Asian History, 8.2 (1974), 128. 6 Hsieh Pao Chao, The Government of China, 1644-1911 (Baltimore, 1925), 311-312; Chang Chung-li, 187. 7 Cited in Chang Chung-li, 181. 8 Miyazaki, 106. See also Robert Marsh, The Mandarins, (New York, 1961), 149-151. 9 Smith, "Chinese Military Institutions," 135. 10 Wu Wei-p'ing, "The Development and Decline of the Eight Banners" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania), 1969), 84-88. 11 Lo Erh-kang, Li-ying ping-chih (Chungking, 1945), 199-200. 12 Cited in ibid., 53. 13 Lei Hai-tsung, Chung-kuo wen-hua yi Chung-kuo ti ping (Changsha, 1940). 14 W. T. deBary, et. al., eds., Sources of Chinese Tradition (New York and London, 1960), 2: 9-10. 15 IWSM, Hsien-feng, 28: 46b-47. 16 Ibid., 28: 47a-b. 17 Ibid., 28: 47b-49. 18 Zi, 112. 19 Chang Chung-li, 181 and note 69. See also Chang Pe'i-lun's reform proposals in 1889, YWYT, 3: 527-530, and Chang Chih-tung's in 1898, Ayers, 178-182. 20 Ralph Powell, The Rise of Chinese Military Power 1895-1912 (Princeton, 1955), 93. 21 Smith, "Chinese Military Institutions," 150-156; see also Wang Erh-min, Huai-chün chik (Taipei, 1967) 191-193, 207-208. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895 35 22 See Jonathon Porter, Tseng Kuo-fan's Private Bureaucracy (Berkeley, 1972), 74-76, 127. 23 Consult Richard J. Smith, Mercenaries and Mandarins: The Ever-Victorious Army in Nineteenth Century China (Millwood, New York, 1978). 24 Richard J. Smith, "Foreign-Training and China's Self-Strengthening: The Case of Feng-huang-shan, 1864-1873," Modern Asian Studies, 10.2 (1976), 196-197; also Kwang-ching Liu and Richard J. Smith, "The Military Challenge: The Northwest and the Coast," in The Cambridge History of China, Vol. 11, Late Ch'ing, Part Two, Chapter 4, forthcoming. 25 Cavendish, 709-710. See also the sources cited above, note 24. 26 Smith, "Foreign-Training,” 196, 220-223. 27 IWSM, Tung-chih, 25: 3. 28 Smith, “Foreign-Training,” 220-223; also Richard J. Smith, “Reflections on the Comparative Study of Modernization in China and Japan; Military Aspects,” Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 16 (1976). 29 Ibid., (both sources); Smith, Mercenaries and Mandarins, chapters 8 and 9. 30 Smith, "Foreign-Training," 215-223. See also Mark Bell, China (Simla, 1884), 2: 58; William Bales, Tso Tsung-tang Soldier and Statesman of Old China (Shanghai, 1937), 339; K. C. Liu, "Nineteenth-Century China," in Tang Tsou and P. T. Ho, eds., China in Crisis (Chicago, 1966), 120. 31 On the relationship between modern weapons and tactics and officer-training in the West, see Emory Upton, The Armies of Asia and Europe (New York, 1878), 270-271, 318-319, 324, 328-330 and passim. See also NCH, July 28, 1866, cited in Wright, The Last Stand, 201. For Upton's critique of Chinese tactics and training in the mid-1870's consult The Armies, 20-23. For the use of lien-chün in suppressing internal rebels, see Kung-chung tang Kuang-hsi ch'ao tsou-che, 2: 302, 664, 667; 3: 172, 318, 323, 399, 445, 518, 753, etc. I am indebted to Professor K. C. Liu for supplying this reference. For a critique of yung-ying and lien-chin forces in the 1890's, consult Cavendish, 712-714. 32 Smith, "Foreign-Training," 216 and notes. 33 Bell, 2: 4. The standard works on Li's army are: Stanley Spector, Li Hung-chang and the Huai Army (Seattle, 1964); Wang, Huai-chün chih (Hong Kong, 1973). 34 See Chang Chih-tung's somewhat comparable effort in the 1880's and 1890's, discussed in Ayers, chapter 5. For a brief overview of the problems connected with officer education in late Ch'ing China, consult Powell, 40-45. 35 Smith, Mercenaries and Mandarins, chapter 9. 36 Wang, Huai-chün, 203; LWCK, Letters to the Tsungli Yamen, 4: 39-41, 41-43; LWCK, Memorials, 27: 4-5. 37 On the West Point inquiry, see Chester Holcombe, China's Past and Future (London, 1904), 82-83; FRUS, 1875, part 1, 227-228. On Li's negotiations with Upton, consult LWCK, Letters to the Tsungli Yamen, 4: 39a-41a; YWYT, 3: 592; Peter Michie, The Life and Letters of Emory Upton (New York, 1885), 29-298, 309-310. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 36 RICHARD J. SMITH 38 Holcombe, 82-83; LWCK. Memorials, 27: 405. See also Wang Chia-chien, "Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-t'ang ti chuang-she chi ch'i yin-hsiang," Kuo-li T'ai-wan shih-fan ta-hsüeh li-shih hsüeh-pao (April, 1976), 3. 39 LWCK, Letters to the Tsungli Yamen, 4: 39-41. 40 Wang, Huai-chün, 203 and passim; LWCK Memorials, 35; 33b-34, 34b-35. On Wang, see also Bell, 2: 49. 41 On Chou's army, see Japan, Ministry of War, comp. Rimpō heibi ryaku (1882), 3: 45b-46b; Bell, 2: 4, 57-59; Great Britain, War Office, 33/34 (1880), 128-130; FRUS, 1873, part 1, 182-188; CWCK, 1.4: 36b-32; etc. Chou's nien-p'u is included in CWCK. His writings and nien-p'u indicate a rather progressive outlook, including an appreciation not only of Western weapons and military methods, but also of certain aspects of Western science and medicine. 42 CWCK, 2.2: 13a-b; also 1.4; 2b-3, 32-33. 43 Ibid., see also 2.2: 1-8. On the attractiveness of Green Standard rank, consult K. C. Liu, “The Limits of Regional Power in the Late Ch'ing Period: A Reappraisal," Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies, n.s. 10.2 (July, 1974), 210, and esp. 218. 44 See, for example, CWCK 1.1.2: 24b; 1.4: 2-3, 5-13b, 19-24, 26b-27, 32-33b; 2.2: 1-2b; "supplement," 1: 11-23, 44; etc. 45 See, for example, CWCK, 1.1.2: 16b-17, 23-24, 27-28; 1.4: 3b-4, 10a-b, 27, 30-32; "supplement,” 1: 7-24. 46 CWCK, 1.1.2: 17b-18; 1.4: 30-41; etc. 47 Ibid., 1.4: 33b. 48 Bell, 2: 57; see also Cavendish, 721. 49 Bell, 2: 57, 197; Great Britain, War Office, 33/34 (1880), 129, "The Army of Li Hung-chang"; CWCK, “supplement," 1: 14b, 20, 23b, 35b-37b; see also CWCK, 1.4: 36b-37. 50 CWCK, 1.1: 19b; 1.1.2: 41b-42; 2.2: 22b. 51 Wang, "Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang," 3-4, 23-24, note 18. 52 CWCK, 1.4: 34. 53 CWCK, 1.4: 33b-34; also 1.1.2: 41b-42. 54 See note 40. 55 Knight Biggerstaff, The Earliest Modern Government Schools in China (Ithaca, 1961), 61-62; Cyrus Peake, Nationalism and Education in Modern China (New York, 1932), 10-12; Wang, "Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-t'ang," 7-8. 56 Ibid. (Wang), 7-8. 57 Chinese Times, April 30, 1887. The entrance examination consisted of three parts. The theme for the essay was: "(When the people have been taught patriotism and loyalty) they may easily overcome their enemies." The theme for the discourse was: "Much planning brings success." And the subject for the poetry exercise was: "Though summer has come, nature is still mild and pleasant." Ibid. 58 Biggerstaff, 63; NCH, April 13, 1887; Chinese Times, April 23, 1887, "The Tientsin Military School"; etc. The most complete discussion of the establishment, rise, structure, administration and influence of the Tientsin Military Academy is Wang Chia-chien's, "Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-t'ang." ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895 59 Ibid. (Wang), 8. 37 60 Ibid. Wang notes that branch schools of the Tientsin Military Academy were established at Shan-hai-kuan and Wei-hai-wei. 61 Ibid., citing LWCK, Memorials, 74: 25. 62 Ibid., 8-9. 63 Ibid., 7. On Li's financial difficulties, consult Wang, Hual-chin, 275-290; Spector, chapter 7. 64 Wang, "Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-t'ang," 9-12. The major problems, according to Wang, were: (1) The administrators of the academy were not well suited to their tasks (non-specialists); (2) the foreign instructors were arrogant, overpaid, unappreciative, and remiss in their teaching responsibilities; (3) heavy reliance on interpreters was inefficient and confusing; and (4) both academic and practical training tended to degenerate into formalism. Other problems included capricious grading, reports of cheating, and shortages and lack of standardization in equipment. For problems in China's other military and naval schools, consult Ayers, 108-113, 179-180, and John Rawlinson, China's Struggle for Naval Development (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), passim. 65 Rawlinson, 163, 169; Ernst Presseisen, Before Aggression (Tucson, 1965), 140-141; NCH, September 21, 1894. 66 For a summary of the fighting on land and sea, consult Liu and Smith, "The Military Challenge." ** 67 See, for example, E. Bujac, Précis de quelques campagnes contemporaines (Paris, 1896), vol. 2; N.W.H. Du Boulay, An Epitome of the China-Japanese War, 1894-95 (London, 1896); Lieutenant Sauvage, La guerre Sino-Japonaise 1894-1895 (Paris, 1897); Richard Wallach, "The War in the East," Proceedings of the United States Naval Institute, 21, 4 (1895); T. A. Brassey, ed., The Naval Annual (Portsmouth, 1895); Vladimir (pseudonym for Zenone Volpicelli), The China-Japan War (London, 1896). 68 On the Japanese response to the war, see Donald Keene, "The Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95 and Its Cultural Effects in Japan," in Donald Shively, ed., Tradition and Modernization in Japanese Culture (Princeton, 1971); also Jeffery Dorwart, The Pigtail War: American Involvement in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 (Amherst, Mass., 1975), 94-96. 69 Professor Samuel Chu of Ohio State University is currently studying the Chinese response to the war, and has produced several illuminating but as yet unpublished papers on the subject. For the time being, the best available discussion of Chinese attitudes is Kuo Sung-p'ing, "The Chinese Reaction to Foreign Encroachment" (unpublished dissertation, Columbia University, 1953). 70 See Liang Ch'i-ch'ao's critique, cited in Joseph Levenson, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and the Mind of Modern China (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1967), 111; consult also Kuo, 49-50, 81-83, etc. 71 Cited in Li Chien-nung, The Political History of China 1840-1928, translated and edited by S. Y. Teng and Jeremy Ingalls (Princeton, Toronto, London and New York, 1956). See also Japanese Imperial General Staff, eds., History of the War between Japan and China (Tokyo, 1904), 1; 30-32. 72 Rawlinson, 190. 73 Liu Feng-han, "Chia-wu chan-cheng shuang-fang ping-li ti fen-hsi," Chung-kuo i-chou, 829 (March 14, 1966) and 830 (March 21, 1966); CJCC, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 38 RICHARD J. SMITH 1: 15-24; Japanese Imperial General Staff, History of the War between Japan and China, 1: 26-29; Vladimir, 255; Wallach, 718. 74 CJCC, 1: 63; Japanese Imperial General Staff, History of the War between Japan and China, 1: 30-32; Rawlinson, 174-177, 180. 75 See, for example, Presseisen, 140-141; Vladimir, 112, 118, 164, 242-243, 260; Wallach, 718-719. 76 Wang Chia-chien, "Ch'ing-chi ti Hai-chün ya-men (1885-1895)," Chung-kuo li-shih hsüen-hui shih-hsien chi-k'an, no. 5; Rawlinson, 186; Vladimir, 281. 77 See, for example, Chang Yin-lin, "Chia-wu Chung-kuo hai-chün chan-chi k'ao," Ch'ing-hua hsüeh-pao, 10.1 (January, 1935); also CJCC, 4: 72-82, 166-244, 245-271, etc. 78 See Dorwart, 112-113; Cavendish, 717. 79 NCH, January 14, 1898; Vladimir, 267-268, 80 NCH, January 14, 1898; Vladimir, 243. 81 For the participation of Tientsin Military Academy graduates in the early stages of the war, consult CJCC, 1: 18. 82 Vladimir, 126, 193, 248. 83 For criticisms of China's officer corps by foreign contemporaries, consult Du Boulay, 8, 11, 160; Bujac, 217; Brassey, 128-129, 139, 143; NCH, October 19, 1894; etc. 84 Cavendish, 722. 85 Vladimir, 124, 153-154, 192, 198-199, 208, 217, 277; also Wallach, 695, 719; CJCC, 1: 236, 256, 276, etc. 86 Wallach, 709, 712-713; Vladimir, 109, 150, 231, 256; Sauvage, 221. 87 Brassey, 139, 88 Cavendish, 721. 89 Brassey, 127. 90 Vladimir, 251-252; Du Boulay, 73. 91 See Rawlinson, 174-185; CJCC, 1: 34, 63-69, 239-245. 92 Rawlinson, 188-190. 93 See ibid., 175-187; Brassey, 90, 92, 99-101, 110, 115, 120, 124, 127; NCH, February 1, February 8, and March 22, 1895. 94 NCH, January 25 and February 1, 1895. 95 See Powell, 71-72; WCSL, 101: 6b-10; Liu Feng-han, Hsin-chien fu-chün (Taipei, 1967), 45-46. 96 Paul Cohen, Between Tradition and Modernity (Cambridge, Mass., 1974), 108, 232. 97 Roswell Britton, The Chinese Periodical Press 1800-1972 (Shanghai, 1933), esp. chapter, 8. 98 Cited in NCH, October 2, 1896. See also Wang Erh-min, Chung-kuo chin-tai ssu-hsiang shih (Taipei, 1977), 122-123, 124. 99 Ayers, 130-136. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895 100 Powell, 56-59; Peake, 20-22; Wang, Huai-ch'in, 363; etc. 39 101 Wang Chia-chien, "Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang," 1, 8; Powell, 235-236. 102 Chinese Times, April 30, 1887; Ayers, 118. 103 See Ernest Young, "Nationalism, Reform and Republican Revolution," in James Crowley, ed., Modern East Asia: Essays in Interpretation (New York, etc., 1971), 160-162; Yoshihiro Hatano, "The New Armies,” in Mary Wright, ed., China in Revolution (New Haven and London, 1968), and Powell, passim. 104 For abundant documentation on the dilution of traditional values and loyalties at the Tientsin Military Academy, see Wang, "Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang," 9, 11-12, 19-20, and notes, Li Hung-chang had pointed out the need to study the Classics and History "in order to strengthen the root," but Wang claims that the students tended to adopt a foreign-worship mentality, ignored China's legendary heroes, and (in the words of a contemporary critic) neither discussed the virtues of integrity (chih) and duty (i), nor knew of honesty (lien) and shame (ch'ih). Cf. Chou Sheng-ch'uan's army song (Sheng-chün hsün-yung ko), CWCK, "supplement," 1: 50-52b. 105 The evidence, contained in CWCK, remains to be gathered systematically, but even a brief glance at Chou's nien-p'u and his extensive writings suggests these conflicts. 106 CWCK, 1.4: 30-47b, esp. 33b and 37. 107 Ibid., 1.1: 20a-b; 1.1.1: 10a-b; 1.1.2: 15b, 19b-20, 23b (on bullets and rations), 40b-41; etc. 108 CWCK, "introductory chuan (Chou's nien-p'u)" 31b-56 passim. Ironically, after Chou's death, the Sheng-chün was employed in work on the grounds of the Tientsin Military Academy. Chinese Times, May 28, 1887. 109 For Chou's concern with positive attitudes toward the military, see CWCK, "supplement," 1: 20b-21, 22b-23, 50-52b. For Chou's esteem for civil status, see CWCK, "introductory chuan," 57n. Cf. sources cited in note 72. 110 These tensions were not, of course, fully resolved — but neither were such tensions in the West. See Barnett, "The Education of Military Elites," esp. 21, 27, etc. On the emphasis on technical education at the Tientsin Military Academy, see the sources cited in note 104. 111 Ernest Young, The Presidency of Yuan Shih-k'ai (Ann Arbor, 1977), 58-59. 112 Ibid., 56. 113 Powell, 160. 114 Wang, "Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang," 8; Biggerstaff, 63. 115 Young, Yuan Shih-k'ai, 56-64; Powell, 79-81; Jerome Ch'en, "Defining Chinese Warlords and Their Factions," Bulletin of the London School of Oriental and African Studies, 31.3 (1966), and especially Wang, "Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang," 12-19, which discusses the careers of over 60 individuals from the academy. Young, 56, notes that of thirty "leading military participants" singled out by Liu Feng-han for "their subsequent prominence in the early republic," twenty-five had attended the Tientsin Military Academy before joining Yuan Shih-k'ai at Hsiao-chan (in the period 1895-1899). See Liu Feng-han, Hsin-chien lu-chün, 113-125. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 58 MARGARET N. NG 曾子曰:君子以文會友,以友補仁。 12 Ibid., 1, 4. 曾子曰:吾日三省吾身。 13 Ibid., XIX, 21. 曾子曰:君子之過也,如日月之食焉。過也,人皆見之。更也,人皆仰之。 14 Ibid., XIX, 8. 15 Ibid., V, 15. 子曰:敏而好學,不恥下問,是以謂之文也。 16 Ibid, II, 17. 子曰:由,誨女,知之乎。知之為知之,不知為不知,是知也。 17 Ibid, II, 15. 子入太廟,每事問。或曰:孰謂鄹人之子知禮乎。子入太廟,每事問。子聞之曰:是禮也。 18 Ibid., I, 8. 19 Ibid., XV, 7. 邦有道則仕,邦無道則可卷而懷之。 20 See Note 3 above. 21 In Gerhart Piers and Milton Singer, Shame and Guilt, Charles C. Thomas, U.S.A., 1953, Piers argues that shame can be internal and the required audience can also be internalized. But his arguments mainly concern the development of shame as a reaction formation in individuals in Western culture. Incidentally, he also characterizes shame as the realization that one has fallen short of an ideal self. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 90 EUGENE COOPER also keeps them closely informed of events on the Mainland. Membership in an affiliated union may also facilitate return trips to one's native village in China during New Years and at other times as well, since the Federation provides a link up with Chinese representatives and bureaucracy in Hong Kong. The contradiction between the interest of the Hong Kong worker in his own material well being, and the requirement that he subordinate his immediate interests to the long run national interests of Peking, has surely not made life easy for the constituent unions of the pro-communist Hong Kong Federation of Trade Unions in their organizing efforts in the post-war Hong Kong setting. Nevertheless, in more recent years, as Peking pursued the resolution of what it took to be "principle contradictions", namely admission to the U.N. and the liberation of Taiwan, developments in Hong Kong tended to bear out the appropriateness of their strategy. In 1971, when the Peking government displaced the Taiwan government as the sole legitimate representative of the Chinese people at the United Nations, the political influence that Peking was able to exercise in the political balance of Hong Kong grew enormously at the expense of the Nationalists. Organs of Peking power like the Hong Kong Federation of Trade Unions gained an enormous legitimacy in the new aura that came to surround the Peking government. Allegiance to the People's Republic, long an obstacle to effective organizing among Hong Kong's largely political-refugee population, became somewhat more of an asset for groups like the Woodwork Carvers' Union. 1971 marked a turning point in the fortunes of their organizing. Indeed one could argue that the relegation of the "Hong Kong problem" to the status of a secondary contradiction made a great deal of sense, as the political balance tipped noticeably in favor of the Peking government after 1971 with the resolution of a higher order contradiction, i.e. the seating of the Peking government at the U.N. These developments have helped the Woodwork Carvers' Union immeasurably in its attempt to organize an increasingly proletarianized work force according to principles consistent with Maoist ideology, although the apparent contradiction between genuinely class oriented, as opposed to nation oriented, loyalties and its peculiar configuration in Hong Kong remains. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 136 C. MARTIN WILBUR munity.1 Kin status is for all practical purposes also a prerequisite. To be a village elder a man must stand at the head of a large clan or family, and the more powerful the group behind him, the greater will be his influence. Age is a second value which custom requires, although this is losing its force in many places today. Ability, specifically scholarship, is the third desirable quality for village leadership. Scholarship, whether of the old or the modern style, almost universally brings leadership, both because of the traditional reverence for learning, and because the man of letters is able to talk on a plane of ease and familiarity with officials of the government higher up, a thing which the common villager can never do. The traditional village leaders have behind them several very powerful psychological supports for their authority. The first of these is custom: all that is carried over from the familist system such as reverence for age, respect for status, and the habit of obeying vested authority. The central government, at least up until very recently, recognized them as the responsible authority in the village, and thus added to their prestige. Also, they hold their position partly because of their practical ability, their wisdom, and their popularity. At the same time these leaders are constantly protecting and reinforcing the customary values to which they owe their influence. One of the most obvious indications of change in village government today is the emergence of a new type of leader in rural affairs. In villages where the influence of new forces has begun to penetrate, men who lack the traditional qualifications for leadership are beginning to assume an importance in village polity. These are men of natural ability who are able to exert power by inspiring and leading small, discontented groups, or the mob generally, to an opposition of + 1 Maybon, B.; Essai sur les Associations en Chine, p. 192 points out that throughout all associations in China runs this common trait of “particularism”. He says: "Entre les members d'une association existe toujours un lien de communauté. la commune n'est ouverte qu'aux habitants originaires des villages, à l'exclusion des aubains." From the point of view of the central government, speaking historically, it was only possible for a man to change his political residence (i.e. to become a member of a village other than that of his ancestral home) if the family from which he came had been destroyed. Then if he were the head of a family of his own, had been a registered land owner for twenty years in his new home, could speak the dialect properly, and were an honorable character, his name might be transferred to the local Yüan Chi (§#) or register which fixed his political residence. Bazin; "Recherches sur les Institutions Administrative et Municipales de la Chine" II, p. 258. On this point see also Boulais, Guy: Manuel du Code Chinois, p. 161-162. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 156 C. MARTIN WILBUR The plans of the Nationalist Government call for the organization of local self-government in rural districts along republican lines which will fit into the scheme of a thoroughly democratized state. The years between 1930 and 1935 have been designated as a period of political tutelage during which the new organization is to be effected. The smallest unit of organization is to be the Lin (鄰), composed of five families. This unit will be controlled by a president and vice president elected by the citizens. Five Lin constitute a Lü (閭), which will have similar officers. Villages, Hsiang (鄉), and market towns, Chên (鎮) are composed of at least 100 families or four Lü. From twenty to fifty of these villages, in turn, form a county, Ch'u (區), while an undetermined number of counties form a Hsien (縣) or district under a district magistrate or Hsien-chang (縣長). This whole system of organization, it will be seen, is based upon very ancient Chinese forms. What is different is the democratic and republican form which the government is supposed to assume. The machinery of rural self-government is supposed to operate from the smallest unit, the Lin, upwards to the district or Hsien. The rights of election, recall, initiative and referendum are conferred first upon the smallest units. Because of an untrained citizenry, however, the attack has been made first upon the largest unit. And District magistrates, during the period of tutelage, are not to be elected by the people but are first to be examined and then recommended by the provincial Government and appointed by the National government. In the meantime, the plan of the Central Government calls for training schools for county chairmen, and provinces and districts are supposed to form training schools for preparing the personnel of the smaller units of local government. The only available report as to how this process of organization works in practice is that given in the survey of Ching Ho, and unfortunately this village is not typical of rural districts. Ching Ho is a town composed of a number of villages, and has a population For the statement of the plan for rural government as given here, see: China Year Book 1932; p. 687, and Tyau, Min-ch'ien; Two Years of Nationalist China, p. 76-78. 2 Ching Ho: a Sociological Analysis. This study was made during 1928 and 1929, and therefore is by several years too early to give a picture of the situation at present under the slowly strengthening National Government. But it is valuable because it indicates the reaction of a town on which the new, external forces of change are operating. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 172 C. MARTIN WILBUR Niu Jen-yen (BMT); Local Self-government in Full ($*£T). Shanghai, Kung Min Book Store (ARTH), 1930. 4 vol. $5.00. Temporary Regulations in Force in Honan Municipal, District, Street, and Village Local Self-Government ( X$+@##6#*6*4). Honan Provincial Affairs Bureau (TäÂ). Various Rules and Privileges in Practice in Chekiang Village and Hamlet Local Government (#2#3#2# ). Chekiang Provincial Affairs Bureau (****). III. RURAL INVESTIGATIONS (2###) Chiang Wen-yü (3¤M*); “Hsu Kung Bridge" (##). Shanghai, Chinese Professional Educational Society (*****). Farmers and Landlords in Heilungchiang Region ( XAVAMAJR#X1). Nanking, Central Research Bureau (★★*£*). $0.60. Huang K'u-t'ung (*****); Rural and Village Investigation (*#**). Shanghai, The Commercial Press (*****). $2.25. Investigation of Rural and Village Conditions in Lin An County (Chekiang) (**&*£*)). Nanking, Committee of Reconstruction (✈✯員會設建委), 1931, Kiangsu in the Future (Haz×4). Kiangsu Provincial Affairs Bureau (江蘇民政廳) Li Ching-han (***); Rural Families in Peiping Suburbs (***** 4) Shanghai, The Commercial Press (*****). $0.75. Yang K'ai-tao (#ML); Rural and Village Investigations (****). Shanghai, The World Book Company (L***FA ), 1930. $0.60. IV. RURAL AND VILLAGE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS (農村經濟) Chu Hsin-fan (***); Special Characteristics and Economic Conditions of Chinese Rural and Village Life (†B⭑#MALLAT ). Shanghai, Hsin Sheng Ming Book Store ( 1**£*#4). $1.20. Ling Tao-yang (); Various Aspects of Economic Conditions in the Agriculture of China (I*<***). Shanghai, The Commercial Press (£#*#*#) $0.45. Liu Ta-chün (§**); Economic Conditions of Farmers in China (ADP *M*RA). Shanghai, Hsien Tai Book Store (ARTA). $0.45. Majayar(?) (HLEN · *) (Author), Ch'en Hua-ch'ing (RIC# · #) (Translator); Studies in Economic Life in Chinese Rural and Village Communities (†B£##*#*). Shanghai, Shen Chou Kuo Kuang Shê (#tđk ), $2.20. Taylor (Author), Li Hsi-chou (†49#*) (Translator); Actual Conditions of Economic Life in Rural Communities and Villages of China (†B£#***). Shanghai, Wen Hua Hsueh Shé ( *ČR 學社)、$0.80. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 THE U.S. AND THE QUESTION OF HONG KONG 1941-45 9 Hong Kong, stated without authorization but from his "knowledge of the movement of opinion in England", he felt confident that when the time came to deal with Hong Kong, the Chinese would be completely satisfied." The Foreign Office was naturally most displeased by such an utterance,36 By contrast, the American behaviour at the conference was dis-coordinated. While much of the criticism of British imperialism and skepticism regarding the British attitude and intention in respect to the Atlantic Charter were expressed by the American participants, and while they generally supported the Chinese stand on Hong Kong, the pressure they succeeded in exerting was considerably discounted because they failed to function as a closely coordinated team. Stanley Hornbeck, a delegate to the conference, commented specifically on the organization of the American group in a memorandum on his observations of the conference: "It needs to be kept in mind with regard to I.P.R. Conferences that, whereas, as a rule, the Groups from most countries... attend and function as “delegations” (with a certain amount of guidance if not definite instructions from their Governments), the members of the American Group attend the function simply as members (without a "group" organization and without express guidance and with no instructions from their Government.)" This disjointed approach was to largely characterize the American stand regarding the question of Hong Kong during the war, Such an approach did not long escape Britain's attention. In March 1943 Anthony Eden, the British foreign secretary, paid a visit to Washington, apparently on Churchill's prompting. Eden's conversations with Roosevelt and senior American officials only "provided an exchange of views with regard to such matters as cooperation between the Governments with respect to political questions arising in connection with the prosecution of the war"; there was no intention of commitment on either side.38 Early in Eden's visit Harry Hopkins, special assistant to Roosevelt, made the general remark, in front of the president, to the British visitor that he "thought no useful purpose would be served at this stage of the war, and surely no useful purpose at the Peace Table, by Great Britain and [the United States] having no knowledge of [their] differences of opinion” regarding Hong Kong, Malayan Straits, and India.39 Eden could do no harm in agreeing to this comment.40 Roosevelt, however, was much more direct about Hong Kong. He ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 CHINESE RELIGION REDISCUSSED 161 present day Taiwan, I may point out the cult of the Golden Mother of the Jade Pool and the cult of Kuan Ti focussing on divinatory writing and the publication of morality books. Having discussed the great variety of temples according to the first criterium: religious affiliation, the other two criteria mentioned (nature of deities enshrined, and ownership) do not need much attention, since they have already been co-discussed. However, the second criterium needs some elaboration: distinction of temples according to the nature of the deities enshrined. In a few cases there can be no mistaken identity although this criterion by itself is insufficient to determine the temple type. The clearest cases are when the Buddhist Holy Ones are the main objects of worship; Buddhas Sakyamuni, Amitabha or Amita, the Buddha of Healing (rather than 'Medical Buddha' as Baity calls him on p. 126), bodhisattvas Kuan-yin (Avalokitesvara), P'u-hsien (Samantabhadra), Maitreya, Wen-shu (Manjusri), to name the principal ones. In most instances these temples are essentially Buddhist. However, one has to be very careful: the mutual absorption of cult objects by various religions has often blurred the origins; in many Matsu temples (community temples of the folk religion) there is a secondary shrine behind the central hall, in which Kuan-yin is enthroned on the central altar. However, the iconography has been changed: this Kuan-yin does not have the appearance of traditional Buddhist sculpture but appears as another deity of the folk religion. Therefore such temples are still essentially folk religious temples, and the dissonant appearance of Kuan-yin should not deceive the observer. The same principal applies to the cult of Ti-tsang (Ksitigarbha). Although originally a bodhisattva, his cult has become so popular that he has been absorbed into the folk religion: his image can be found in many community temples throughout Taiwan, mostly on a secondary altar in the central hall. But once again he has lost the typically Buddhist iconographic appearance. What is the difference between Taoist and popular deities? The most distinctively Taoist Holy Ones are those one does not often see in the temples: their images, painted on scrolls, are in the possession of Taoist priests and brought to the temples or temporary roadside shrines by them for special occasions: such as rituals for the dead or the great chiao festival. Besides those there ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 OVERSEAS LIFE MEMBERS DUNCANSON, Mr. J. D., 26 Leinster Mews, LONDON, W.2., UNITED KINGDOM. EWING, Miss E., 25 The Meadows, Old Portsmouth Road, GUILDFORD, Surrey, UNITED KINGDOM. FABER, Mrs. G. A. G., Inveroak, West End Lane, STOKE POGES, Bucks, UNITED KINGDOM. FAWCETT, Mr. B. C., c/o Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corp., Queen's Road Central, G.P.O. Box 64, HONG KONG, FEHL, Prof. Noah E.. 685 Shawnee Drive, NASHVILLE, Tennessee 37205, U.S.A. FRASER, Mr. A. P., 11 Thorkill Gardens, Thames Ditton, Surrey KT7 QUP, UNITED KINGDOM. GALVIN, Mr. J. A. T., Loughlinstown House Co., Dublin, IRELAND. GEORGE, Mr. T. J. B., c/o Foreign & Commonwealth Office, King Charles Street, LONDON, SWIA 2AH., UNITED KINGDOM, GIEDROYC, Mr. Michal J, H., 31 Richmond Way, Fetcham, Surrey, UNITED KINGDOM. HARDEN, Mr. Guy T. Jr., The Manor House, Old Bosham, Chichester, West Sussex, PO18 8HS. UNITED KINGDOM, HAYDON, Mr. E. S., Old Castle Farm, Buckland St. Mary, Somerset, UNITED KINGDOM. HENSMAN, Prof. Bertha, c/o St. Anne's College, Oxford, UNITED KINGDOM, HILSDALE, Mrs. K. H., 1105 Armada Drive, Pasadena, California 91103, U.S.A. HOWARTH, Mr. Richard, 1585 Inlet Ct., Reston, Virginia 22090, U.S.A. HUGHES, Mrs. Marion, c/o C. V. Starr & Co. Inc., 102 Maiden Lane, New York, N.Y. 10005, U.S.A. HURT, Miss Evelyn Joyce, Woodlands School, Woodlands Drive, Scarborough, Yorkshire, UNITED KINGDOM, IRETON, Mrs. Polly Hogue, P.O. Box 362, Langley, Washington, 98260, U.S.A. JOHNSTON, Mr. James J., P.O. Box 5, Marshall. Arkansas 72650, U.S.A. JORDAN, Dr. David K., Dept. of Anthropology, University of California, San Diego, La Jolla, California 92037, U.S.A. KIDD, Mr. S. T., Windy Brow, Gardeners Lane, Upper Basildon, Reading, Berks, UNITED KINGDOM, Page 255 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 256 OVERSEAS LIFE MEMBERS KNOWLES, Miss Moira G., 3 Kirkmay House, Marketgate, Crail. Fife KY10 3RF, SCOTLAND. KNOWLES, Mrs. W. C. G., Wakes Colne Place, Nr. Colchester, Essex. UNITED KINGDOM. KURATA, Mrs. Lucien, 478 Edison Avenue, Ottawa, Ontario K2A 1TQ. CANADA. LANCHESTER, Mrs. G. W., Alderfen, Surlingham, Norwich NR14 7AW, UNITED KINGDOM. LI, Dr. Choh-Ming, 81 Northampton Avenue, Berkeley, California 94707, U.S.A. LINDSAY, Mr. T. J., M.B.E., 3 Bareena Avenue, Wahroonga, New South Wales, AUSTRALIA. LOTHROP, Mr. Francis B, 176 Milk Street, Boston, Massachusetts 02109, U.S.A. MANSFIELD, Miss M. B., 51 Fairlawns, Maldon Road, Wallington, Surrey, UNITED KINGDOM. MCBAIN, Mr. George, c/o Imperial Chemical Industries (Japan) Ltd., Central P.O. Box 411, Tokyo, JAPAN. MCDOUALL, Mr. J. C., The Old School, Souldern, Bicester, Oxon, UNITED KINGDOM. MICHAELIONES, Miss E. O., The British Council, Halls Croft, Old Town, Stratford-upon-Avon, UNITED KINGDOM. MILL, Capt. Charles Stuart, U.S.M.C., 132 Greenbriar Court, Jacksonville, N.C., 28540, U.S.A. MILLER, Mr. Carl Ferris O., c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255. Seoul, KOREA. O'BRIEN, Mr. J. R., + St. Paul's, 1 Roma Avenue, Kensington, New South Wales 2033, AUSTRALIA. PLAG, Mr. Albrecht (Rev.), 7000 Stuttgart 1, Roemerstr. 41, GERMANY (F.R.). POLAND, Mr. T. D., 15 Bellevue Lawns, Delgany, Co. Wicklow, REPUBLIC OF IRELAND. ROBINSON, Prof. K. E., The Old Rectory, Church Westcoat, Kingham, Oxford OX7 6SF, UNITED KINGDOM. ROTHE, Mr. Ulrich, Wohnstift Augustinum, Apt. 778, 5483 Bad Neuenahr, GERMANY. SINFIELD, Mr. G. H. C., Hong Kong Tourist Association, 159 Bay Street, Toronto, CANADA. SPERRY, Mr. H. M., 64 Hillbrook Drive, Portola Valley, California 94025, U.S.A. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 SWIRE, Mr. A. G., c/o John Swire & Sons Ltd, 66 Cannon Street, LONDON, E.C.4. TARARIN, Mr. Peter A., 623 N. Harper Avenue, Los Angeles, California 90048, U.S.A. TILL, The Very Rev. Barry, c/o Morley College, 61 Westminster Bridge Road, London, S.E.1., UNITED KINGDOM. TURNER, Sir Michael, 9 Gracechurch Street. LONDON, E.C.3., UNITED KINGDOM, WARD, Miss Janet E. A., c/o National Provincial Bank Ltd., Bideford, North Devon, UNITED KINGDOM. WELCH, Mr. Holmes H., P.O. Box 117, Harvard, Mass 01451, U.S.A. WHITELEGGE, Mr. D. S., Westport Lodge, Cricket St. Thomas, Chard, Somerset, TA20 4BY, UNITED KINGDOM. WOLF, Mr. John, Suite 204, 1000 Connecticut Ave., N.W., Washington, D.C., 20036, U.S.A 257 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 258 OVERSEAS ORDINARY MEMBERS ANDERSON, Dr. Eugene N. Jr., Dept. of Anthropology, University of California, RIVERSIDE, California 92502, U.S.A. BEVERIDGE, Mr. R. J., 13 Hartwell Hill Road, HARTWELL, Victoria 3124, AUSTRALIA. BINGHAM, Mrs. Annette, Welby Croft, CHAPEL-EN-LE-FRITH, Cheshire SK12 6CY, ENGLAND. BRAGA, Mr. J. M., c/o National Library of Australia, CANBERRA, A.C.T., AUSTRALIA. BUNGER, Dr. Karl, 53 Bonn-Bad Godesberg, Lukas-Cranach-Strabe 14, GERMANY. CAMPBELL, Miss Christy Mary, United California Bank, Metro Bank Plaza-12th Floor, Buendia Avenue Ext., Makati, Metro Manila, PHILIPPINES. CHAR, Mr. Tin Yuke, 3898 Diamond Head Road, HONOLULU, Hawaii 96816, U.S.A. CHINN, Mrs. Caroline Lee, 1717 Mott Smith Drive, 2712, HONOLULU, Hawaii, 96822, U.S.A. CLARK, Mrs. A. T., c/o Government House, HONIARA, BRITISH SOLOMON ISLANDS PROTECTORATE. DAWSON-GROVE, Dr. A. W., Le Mas du Siaresq, Chemin du Siaresq, OPIO 06860, Am. FRANCE. DE FAZIO, Mr. and Mrs. M. F., RANGOON, Dept. of State, Washington D.C. 20520, U.S.A. EASTON, Ms. Linda, 5458 South Harper, CHICAGO, Illinois, 60615, U.S.A. FITZGIBBON, Mr. Desmond, Programa Para El Desarrollo, Naciones Unidas (Poud), Casilla De Correo 1107, ASUNCION, PARAGUAY. GOODRICH, Prof. L. Carrington, 640 West 238th Street, The Bronx, NEW YORK, 10643, U.S.A. HALPERIN, Mr. David R., Shearman & Sterling, Citicorp Center, 153 East 53rd Street, NEW YORK, N.Y. 10022, U.S.A. HARRISON, Prof. B., 26 The White House, St. Paul's Bay, MALTA. HAYWARD, Mr. G. W., White Mill End, 5 Granville Road, Sevenoaks, Kent, UNITED KINGDOM. HEMMING, Miss Janet M., 179 Danks Street, Albert Park, Victoria 3206, AUSTRALIA. JASCHOK, Ms. Maria, History Dept., S.O.A.S., University of London, Malet Street, LONDON, W.C.1., UNITED KINGDOM. Page 285 Page 286 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 204 DAVID FAURE hsü 12 (1886). In the Kau Sai Hung Shing Temple, the lintel is dated Kuang-hsü 15 (1889), and the altar Kuang-hsü 20 (1894); and in the Hang Hau T'in Hau Temple (besides the 1840 bell), the lintel is dated Kuang-hsü 1 (1875), a tablet Kuang-hsü 2 (1876), an altar is of the same year, a wooden board of Kuang-hsü 4 (1878), a shrine of Kuang-hsü 10 (1884), a pair of stone lions of Kuang-hsü 13 (1887), and a pair of incense burners of Kuang-hsü 20 (1894). The bell and the incense burner at the Tin Ha Wan T'in Hau Temple are both undated, but Mr. Ip Ch'un, who lived nearby, told us that the temple was already in disrepair over fifty years ago. Historical inscriptions found in Sai Kung and elsewhere in Hong Kong and the New Territories have been transcribed as a special project and may be found in David Faure, Alice Ng, and Bernard Luk, "A collection of historical inscriptions in Hong Kong". The report is available in the Institute of Chinese Studies, Chinese University of Hong Kong, and will, it is hoped, be published shortly. 7 Mr. Hoh Taai of Ko Tong, aged over 60, knew of the whereabouts of a charcoal burner, but never saw it in operation (Int. 10.6.81). Lime kilns were reported in Wong Yi Chau, Wong Keng Tei, Tai Mong Tsai Tso Wo Hang, Tai Wan, Kiu Tsui, Sha Ha, Pak Sha Wan, Che Keng Tuk, Ta Ho Tun, Tai Tan, and Yau Yu Wan (Ints. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81, 22.5.81, Mr. Wong Yung Ts'ing 20.5.81, Mr. Tang Kei Faat 25.6.81, Mr. Lei Yau 28.6.81, Mr. Wong Ping Lin 29.6.81, Madam Liu 20.5.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81, Mr. Tse Wing 9.6.81, Mr. Tse Shui Kam 24.6.81, Madam Lo Koon Mooi 21.6.81, Mrs. Hoh née Lei 28.6.81, Mr. Chung 23.7.81, and Madam Lam Yau Ch'un 19.8.81.) The Liu family at Kiu Tsui built the ancestral hall that can be seen today on the main road into Sai Kung Market. For an impression of the long history of lime making in Sai Kung, it should be noted that Madam Lo Koon Mooi was 85 and Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 87 in 1981, and it was their fathers who were engaged in the lime business. Mr. Yau continued working the kilns until his early 40's. Brick kilns were reported in Chek Keng and Pak Tam Chung (Ints. Mr. Chiu Sz 7.5.81 and Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81, 22.5.81). The lime industry, of course, also provided income for fishermen who collected coral for the kilns. See "Return of the approximate number of fishermen employed in taking coral and shell from the sea adjoining the New Territory", in Hong Kong Legislative Council, Sessional Papers, 1901, p. 685. "The best indication of the growing importance of the trade in pigs is a set of account books that belonged to Mr. Yung Sz Ch'iu of Pak Sha O, a photocopy of which is held by the Oral History Project. See also ints. Mr. Chan Tsz K'eung 28.5.81 and Mr. Hoh King 5.6.81. • There are many instances of seamen recruited by recruitment firms (haang shuen koon); see, eg. Mr. Chiu Sz (Int. 7.5.81). Remittance from abroad was sent back to the village through import-export houses (kam shan tsong), see Mr. Yau T'aai Hong (Int. 11.8.81). 10 Mr. Cheung T'o's grandfather was a cook on Hong Kong Island, and his father was employed on the Kowloon-Canton Railway. Mr. Cheung, of Ho Chung, was c. 70 in 1981 (Int. 15.6.81). Mr. Tsang Yau of Tai Mong Tsai (age unknown, but who married before World War II) worked in a shop started by his father in Shaukiwan on Hong Kong Island (Int. 23.6.81). 11 Ints. Mr. Cheng Chung Ting 21.5.81, Mr. Chan P'aang Hing 29.5.81, Mr. Chan T'aai 22.7.81; Bernard Williams, "Visit to Ho Chung and Sheung Yeung villages in the Sai Kung area”, in Marjorie Topley, ed. Aspects of Social Organization in the New Territories, Hong Kong, 1965, pp. 46-47, and "The Chan family of Tseung Kwan O", JHKBRAS 7 (1967), pp. 158-160. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 205 12 On this particular type of tenancy, see John Kamm, "Two essays on the Ch'ing economy of Hsin-an, Kwangtung Province”, JHKBRÁS 1977, pp. 55-84, and James Hayes, The Hong Kong Region, 1850-1911, Folkestone, Kent, England, 1977, pp. 50-53. 13 Ints. Mr. Wong 22.6.81, Mr. Lam Kaap Shau 8.6.81, Mr. Cheung Kau 26.6.81, Mr. Cheung 26.6.81, Mr. Cheng Yung 10.7.81, and Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81; Hugh D.R. Baker, Sheung Shui, A Chinese Lineage Village, Guildford and London, 1968, p. 172. 14 Father Sergio Ticozzi, 12.5.81, quoting from Giovanni B. Tragella, Le Mission Estere di Milano, Nel Quadro Degli Avvenimenti Contemporanli, Milan 1950-1963, vol. 1, pp. 274-275, vol. 2, pp. 85, 89, and 314. Int. Father George Carusso, 20.5.81. 15 Ints. Mr. Lok Tak K'ei 17.7.81, Mr. Leung Yung Hei 16.6.81, Mrs. Lau 14.6.81, and Mr. Tse Kw'an 16.11.80. 10 Int. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81. Mr. Yau's term for "moorage inlet" was "siu wan t'au". Cf. also the type of market James Hayes refers to as "coastal market centres" in his Hong Kong Region, p. 37. 17 Documents on this case are included in Kuan T'ien-p'ei, Ch'ou-hai ch'u-chi (1836, n.p., Taipei reprint, 1968) 2/26a-33a, 56a-74a, 80a-99b. Kuan was Naval Commander-in-Chief for Kwangtung from 1834 to 1841. C. Fred Blake, in Ethnic Groups and Social Change in a Chinese Market Town, Hawaii, 1981, p. 46 note 8, states "Lung Shuen Wan was a traditional outpost for the Chinese imperial navy's regulation of eastern approaches to the Pearl River. I wonder if perhaps Lung Shuen Wan was the original 'coastal market centre' in this area?" Elsewhere (loc. cit. and p. 95) he points out that the Lung Shuen Wan Tin Hau Temple retained the patronage of the Pak Kong and Sha Kok Mei villagers, despite the greater convenience of the Tin Hau Temple within Sai Kung Market. 18 These are figures of shops as registered in the Block Crown Lease (DD215, DD224). It is more than likely that these were shop spaces rather than shops, and in the event that a shop might take up more than a shop space, there were fewer shops in Sai Kung and Hang Hau in the early 1900's than noted here. For comparison, in 1905, Yuen Long had only seventy-four shops and Tai Po Market twenty-three large and fifteen small ones. See James Hayes, Hong Kong Region, p. 36. 19 Ints. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81, Father George Carusso 20.5.81, Mr. Lei Kan 19.6.81, Mr. Ue Shun Hing 10.7.81. 20 Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81. 21 Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81, Madam Chiu I Mooi 7.5.81, Mrs. Foo, née Lei, 28.6.81. 22 Mrs. Kong Lei San Kiu 21.6.81. Mr. Cheung Kin Wa 10.6.81 of Taai Fung Nin (opened c. 1933) in Sai Kung Market remembered that the shop used to slaughter a pig each day to sell to the boat people. 23 Mr. Chan Kei Shang 28.5.81, Mr. Chan Shou 19.6.81. 24 Mr. Hoh King 6.5.81, Mrs. Lei née So 20.6.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80, Mr. Cheung Ming Shing 8.6.81, Mr. Lai Foh 8.5.81. Mrs. Lei used to obtain piglets from Kam Lei Loi in Sai Kung Market. It took six to seven months to fatten them, and two dollars to have each pig carried back to Sai Kung Market. She also had rice and pig feed (chiefly rice husk) from Kam Lei Loi on credit. Kam Lei Loi was a butcher's cum general store, where her husband worked. 25 According to Mr. Yau T'aam Shang, 15.5.81, the interest rate in Sai Kung Market was 5 cents per dollar per month, i.e. 60 percent per annum. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 50 JIANN HSIEH * According to an imperial decree issued in 1645, a man could change his official domicile only if his grandfather had settled in a new place for more than twenty years, and if he could prove that in that place he had an estate and a clan graveyard (Ho, 1966:8). ? According to the informant, who is one of the directors of the Wai-yeung Merchants Association is a locality association in nature, but not a merchants' guild. * It is especially true that genealogical seniority played a very important role in the leadership of the Chinese traditional clan associations. This emphasis on seniority also prevailed in the leadership structure of other kinds of voluntary associations through pseudo-kinship relationships (Gamble, 1929). • The division of residence by dialect or original locality survives even in today's Chinese community of Singapore. For example, most of the Hainanese concentrate in Hsiao-p'o, while the Cantonese are dominant in the area of Niu-ch'e-shui. 10 Since all the Waichow schools are subsidized by the Hong Kong Government, it is an obligation for them to use Cantonese as the teaching medium. 11 The estimated size of the Waichow population in Hong Kong according to the association leaders ranges from 700,000 to 1,200,000. REFERENCES A. CHINESE Ho, P. T. 1966 Chung-kui hui-kuang shih lun (A Historical Survey of Landsmannschaften in China). Taipei: Students' Book Store. Huang, C. L. 1972 Ma-hua li-shih tiao-ch'a yen-chiu ch'u-lun (A Preliminary Study of Chinese History in Malaya). Singapore: Wan-li Press. Li, S. T. 1957 Yuan-lang Sao-kuan-hu Li-shih tsu-p'u (The Genealogy of Lis in So Kwun Wat, Yuen Long). MS. Li, Y. Y. 1970 Lo, H. L. 1933 Ih-ko i-chih ti shih-chên (An Immigrant Town). Taipei: Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica. K'ê-chiao yen-chiu tao-lun (An Introduction to Hakka Studies). (1975) Taipei: Ku-t'ing Press. See, C. B. 1976 Fei-lu-pin hua-jên wen-hua ti chih-hsü (Persistence and Preservation of Chinese Culture in the Philippines). Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, 42:119-206. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 52 JIANN HSIEH Hsieh, J. 1977 Internal Structure and Socio-cultural Change: A Chinese Case in the Multi-Ethnic Society of Singapore. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pittsburgh, U.S.A. 1978 "The Chinese Community in Singapore: The Internal Structure and Its Basic Constituents." In Peter S. J. Chen and Hans-Dieter Evers (eds.), Studies in Asian Sociology. Singapore: Chopmen, Kerri, J. N. 1976 "Studying Voluntary Associations as Adaptive Mechanisms: A Review of Anthropological Perspective." Current Anthropology, 17(1):23-49, Little, K. 1965 West African Urbanization: A Study of Voluntary Associations in Social Change. Cambridge: The University Press. 1974 Urbanization as a Social Process. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Skinner, G. W. 1960 "Change and Persistence in Chinese Culture Overseas: A Comparison of Thailand and Java.” Journal of the South Seas Society, 16(1-2):82-100. Suyama, T. 1962 "Pang Society: The Economy of Chinese Immigration." In K. C. Tregonning (ed.), Papers on Malayan History. Singapore: Journal of Southeast Asian History. Ward, B. E. 1965 "Varieties of the Conscious Model: The Fishermen of South China." In M. Banton (ed.), The Relevance of Models for Social Anthropology. London: Tavistock. Willmott, W. E. 1967 The Chinese in Cambodia. Vancouver: Publications Center of UBC. Wong, A. K. 1968 "A Preliminary Report on the Kaifong Study." United College Journal, 7:27-48. 1971 "Chinese Voluntary Associations in Southeast Asian Cities and the Kaifongs in Hong Kong." Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 5(2):62-73. 1972a "Chinese Community Leadership in a Colonial Setting: The Hong Kong Neighbouring Associations." Asian Survey 17(1): 587-601. 1972b The Kaifong Associations and the Society of Hong Kong. Taipei: The Orient Cultural Service. CCCHS 1950 Ch'ung chêng tsung-hui san-shih ch'ou-nien chi-nien t'e-kan (Thirty Years of the Tsung Tsin Association). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 PERSISTENCE & PRESERVATION OF HAKKA CULTURE 53 CHTCH 1970 Chiao-kang Huei-chow tung-hsiang-huei Ch'üan-wan fên-huei t'e-kan (A Special Publication of the Waichow Main Union, Tsuen Wan Branch). CHTH 1964 CHTPC 1973 СРТНН 1976 CTTH Chiao-kang Huei-chow tung-hsiang tsung-huei huei-kan (Journal of the Waichow Clansmen General Association, Hong Kong, Ltd.). Chiao-kang Huei-chow tung-hsiang tsung-huei Ping-chow fên-huei t'e-kan (A Special Publication of the Waichow Clansmen General Association, Hong Kong, Ltd., Peng-Chau Branch). Chiao-kang Po-lo tung-hsiang-huei huei-kan (A Publication of the Pok-law District Association). 1969 Chiao-kang Tzu-chen tung-hsiang-huei huei-kan (A Publication of the Tze-kam District Countrymen's Association, Ltd.). HKCCTH 1971 Ch'ung-chêng tsung-huei chin-hsi ta-ch'ing t'e-kan (A Publication in Commemoration of the 50th Anniversary, Tsung Tsin Association). HSKOCT 1973 HTSCT 1978 SSHTTL 1978 STTCCS 1978 STTCCY 1976 YHTTL 1969 Huei-chow shih-shu kong-huei chêng-li chi-nien t'e-kan (A Publication in Commemoration of the Grand Opening of the Ten-Districts of Waichow Association). Huei-chow tung-hsiang tsung-huei san-shih ch'ou-nien chi-nien t'e-kan (A Publication in Commemoration of the 30th Anniversary of the Waichow Clansmen's General Association). Hsin-chiai Shang-shui Huei-chow tung-hsiang-huei ti-êrh-chiai li-chien-shi chiu-chih t'ien-li t'e-kan (A Publication in honor of the Second-Term Members of the Executive and Supervisory Committees, the Waichow Union Sheung Shui Branch, Hong Kong). Shih-chieh Tsêng-shih tsung-ch'in-huei Chiu-lung fên-huei chêng-li san-ch'ou-nien chi-nien t'e-kan (A Publication in Commemoration of the Third Anniversary, the Kowloon Branch of Tsang Clansmen Association, Ltd.). Shih-chieh Tsêng-shih tsung-ch'in-huei Chiu-lung-fên-huei chêng-li san-ch'ou-nien chi-nien t'e-kan (A Publication in Commemoration of the First Anniversary, the Kowloon Branch of Tsang Clansmen Association, Ltd.). Yi-lan-lang Huei-chou t'ung-hsiang-huei ti-san-chiai li-chien-shi chiu-chih t'ien-li chi huei-yüan lien-huan ta-hui t'e-kan (A Publication in Honor of the Third-Term Members of the Executive and Supervisory Committees and the General Meeting, Waichow Un Long Residents Association). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 190 WILLIAM Y. CHEN Oyanagi, Shigeta, 1870–1940. Rō-Sō no shiso to Dōkyō. Tokyo, 1943. 小柳司氣太,老莊の思想匕道教,東京,關書院,1943. 13, 392 p. CA, LC Pao sung pao ho chi. Hongkong, 1962. 寶松抱鶴記.覺慈編輯,香港,雲鶴山房,1962. 14, 492 p. LC Shan-yin-chu-shih. Tao ling fa man t'an. Kowloon, 1977. 山隱居士,導靈法漫談,九龍,青山出版社,1977. 186 p. LC Shimode, Sekiyo, 1918– Dōkyō. Tokyo, 1971. 下出積與,道教.東京,評論社,1971.254 p. CA, LC T'ai-wan tao shih ming chien. Hu-wei-chen, Yün-lin hsien. 1977. 台灣道士名鑑.主編廖和桐,雲林縣虎尾鎮,道德文化出版* *, 1977. 49, 6 leaves. LC Takeuchi, Yoshio, 1886– Rō-shi to Sō-shi. Tokyo, 1935. 武内義雄,老子莊子.東京,岩波書店,1935. 1 v. CA T'an, Ch'iao. T'an-tzu hua shu Chuang-Lieh shih lun ho k'an. Taipei, 1961. 譚峭,譚子化書,莊列十論合刊,台北,自由出版社.1961. 85 p. LC, SA T'ao, Hung-ching, 456–536. Chen kao. Taipei, 1965. 陶弘景撰,真誥.台北,台灣商務,1965. 2 v. (255 p.) CA, SA T'ao, Shih-yü, fl. 1690–1694. Chou-i ts'an-t'ung-ch'i mo wang. Taipei, 1962. 陶式玉,周易參同契脉望,台北,自由出版社,1962. 1 v. LC, SA Tao-chiao yen chiu tzu liao. Pan-ch'iao, 1974– 道教研究資料,嚴一萍編,台北縣板橋,藝文印書館, 1974- v. LC, SA Tao shu ch'üan chi chen pen. n.p., 16- 道書全集真本. n.p.,嵩秀堂藏版.16-32v. CA ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 192 WILLIAM Y. CHEN Yüan, Chou-tsung. Lao-tzu shen shih chi ch'i ping hsieh ssu hsiang t'an tse. Taipei, 1977. 袁宙宗,老子身世及其兵學思想探賾,台北,台灣商務,1977. 280. [20] p. 2. BIBLIOGRAPHIES AND INDEXES 目錄與索引 Cheng-t'ung Tao-tsang mu lu so yin. Pan-ch'iao, 1977, LC 正統道藏目錄索引,原編者施博爾,改編者李殿魁,台北縣板橋,藝文印書館,1977 490. 64 p. LC Chuang-lin hsü Tao-tsang. Taipei, 1975. 莊林續道藏,莊陳登雲守傳,台北,成文出版社,1975. 25 v. (33,7496 p.) Chung wai Lao-tzu chu shu mu lu. Taipei, 1975. SA 中外老子著述目錄,嚴靈峯編纂,台北,中華叢書編審委員,1957. 12, 380, 6 p. LC Kyoto Joshi Daigaku. Toshokan. Min seitohon Dōzo shomei jikaku sakuin. Kyoto, 1965. 京都女子大學圖書館,明正統道藏書名宇畫索引,京都,該館,1965. 11, 64, 2, 5 p. CA Lieh chen yi lu chi yao. Taipei, 1958. 列真語錄輯要,孫誠德.李誡志編輯.台北,自由出版社,1958. 2. 122 p. Mi tien chu lin. n.p., 19– 秘殿珠林,n.p., 19- 8v. LC, SA, CA Tao-tsang mu lu hsiang chu. Taipei, 1975. 道藏目錄詳註,李杰註.台北,廣文書局,1975. 10, 4, 4, 326 p. Tao-tsang tzu mu yin te. Peking, 1935. CA, LC 道藏子目引得,翁獨健編,北平,哈佛燕京學社,1935. xxxvi. 216 p. Tonkō bunken bunrui mokuroku. Tokyo, 1969. SA 敦煌文獻分類目錄:道教之部,吉岡義豐編,東京,東洋文庫,1969. 83 p. LC ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TAOISM 193 Tonkō dokei mokuroku. Kyoto, 1960. 敦煌道經目錄,大淵忍爾編,京都,法藏館,1960. xv, 123, 5 p. CA Yen, Ling-feng, 1916– Lao-Lieh-Chuang san tzu chih chien shu rru. Taipei, 1965. 嚴靈峯,老、列、莊三子知見書目,台北,中華叢書編審委員會,1965. 3 v. in 2. LC 3. SACRED BOOKS 經典 Ch'ing-ching-ching Hsüan-men-pi-tu ho k'an. Taipei, 1966. 清靜經玄門必讀合刊.無名子,李二曲合著,台北,自由出版社,1966. 8, 79, 2, 1, 12, 7 p. Chuang-tzu. Taipei, 1969. 莊子,沈洪選註,台1版,台北,台灣商務,1969. [20], 10 p. Chuang-tzu chi shih. Taipei, 1974. LC, SA LC 莊子集釋,郭慶藩輯,台景印3版,台北,河洛圖書出版社,1974. 8, 1118 p. LC Huang-ti yin-fu-ching Huang-t'ing-nei-wai-ching-ching ho kan. Taipei, 1965. 黃帝陰符經,黃庭内外景經合刊,歷代古真輯註,台北,自由出版社,1965. 2, 152, 18 p. LC, SA Huang-t'ing-ching mi. Taipei, 1965. 黃庭經秘義,冷謙註,台北,自由出版社,1965. 2, 124 p. LC, SA Huang-t'ing wai-ching yin-fu-ching ho chu. Taipei, 1959. 黃庭外景陰符經合註.石和陽註,台北,自由出版社,1959. 1 v. LC, SA Huang-chün-lao-tsu. T'ai shang wu chi hun yüan chen ching. Taichung, 1972. 鴻鈞老祖,太上無極混元真經,台中,鸞友雜誌社,1972. 34 p. LC Keng-sang, Ch'u. Sung pen Tung-ling-chen-ching. Shanghai,1928. 庚桑楚.宋本洞靈真經,上海,涵芬樓,1928. 38 double leaves. CA Page 225 Page 226 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 194 WILLIAM Y. CHEN Kuan, Hsi. Wen-shih-chen-ching. Taipei, 1960. 關喜,文始真經,台北,自由出版社,1960.1v. LC. SA Lu, Hsi-hsing. Nan-hua chen ching fu mo. Taipei, 1974. 陸西星,南華真經副墨,台北,自由出版社,1974. 20 LC, SA Nan-hua chen ching. n.p., 1530. 南華真經,郭象註,陸德明音義.n.p.,世德堂刊,1530. LC 6 v. Noja Todokkyong. Korea, 1976. 新鐸老子道德經,盧台俊譯解,什舍,弘新文化社,1976. 290 p. LC Ro-shi. Tokyo, 1973. 老子,小川環樹訳註,東京,中央公論社,1973. 157 p. LC Rō-shi, Resshi. Tokyo, 1965. 老子·列子.奥平卓,大村盆夫訊,東京,經營思潮研究會,1965. 286 p. LC Sha-chou chu tzu erh shih liu chung. Taipei, 1971. 沙州諸子二十六種,台北,廣文書局,1971.1v. LC Shima, Kunio, 1908– Rõ-shi kosei. Tokyo, 1973. 島邦男,老子校正,東京,汲古書院,1973. 226 p. LC So-shi. Tokyo, 1971- 莊子.金谷治譯註,東京,岩波書店,1971-v. LC So-shi. Tokyo, 1965. 莊子,岸陽子說,東京,經營思潮研究會,1965. 286 p. LC T'ai-i-chen-jen. T'ai-i pei-chi-tsun-ching Hun-yüan-i-ch'i miao-ching ho k'an. Taipei, 1971. 太乙真人,太乙北極尊經,混元一炁妙經合刊.台北,自由出版社,1971.1v. LC. SA T'ai-shang-hsin-ching. Taipei, 1960. 太上心經,玄元子輯,台北,自由出版社,1960. 1 v. LC, SA T ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TAOISM Tsuda, Sokichi, 1873–1961. Dōka no shiso to sono tenkai. Tokyo, 1927. 津田左右吉,道家の思想匕其の開展,東京, 東洋文庫, 1927. 3, 3, 639, 9 p. CA Yajima, Genryō. Chūgoku Bstsu-Dõ nempu. Tokyo, 1974. 矢嶋玄亮,中國佛道年譜,修訂增補,東京,國書刊行會, 1974. 402, 24 p. LC Tu, Erh-wei. Chung-kuo ku tai tsung chiao yen chiu. Taipei. 1960. 杜而未.中國古代宗教研究:帝道后土研究,台北, 華明書, 1960. 6, 172 p. CA Tu, Erh-wei. Chung-kuo ku tai tsung chiao yen chiu: T'ien tao Shang-ti chih pu. Taipei, 1959. 中國古代宗教研究:天道上帝之部,台北,翠明書, 1959, 6, 246 p. LC 杜而未 Yi, Nung-hwa, 1869-1945. Chosōn togyo sa. Korea, 1977. 李能和,朝鲜道教史,什竜,永信卟101韓國學研究所, 1977. 18, 480 p. LC Yoshioka, Yoshitoyo, 1916– Dökyō keiten shiron. Tokyo, 1955. 吉岡莪豐,道教經典史論,東京,道教刊行會,1955. 5, 584, 50 p. CA, LC 5. TAOIST DOCTRINES Chang, Pai-t'ao. Pu-t'ien sui. Taipei, 1960. 張百燾.補天髓,台北, 自由出版社,1960. LC, SA 1 v. Chang, Tung. Chang San-feng ta tao chih yao. Taipei, 1971. 張通,張三丰大道指要,台北, 自由出版社, 1971. 232 p. LC, SA Chang, T'ung. Chang San-feng tsu shih Wu-ken-shu tz'u chu chieh. Taipei, 1962. 張通.張三丰祖師無根樹詞註解,台北,自由出版社, 1962. 67 p. LC, SA Chang, Yung-chéng. Wu-chen-p'ien ch'an yu. Taipei, 1959. 張用成,悟真篇闡幽,台北,自由出版社,1959. 1 v. LC, SA ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 198 WILLIAM Y. CHEN Chang, Yung-ch’eng. Wu-chen-pien chi chu. Taipei, 1962. 張用成,悟真篇集注,台北,自由出版社,1962. 1 v. LC, SA Chao, Liang-p'i. Hsüan wei hsin yin. Taipei, 1968. 趙兩弼,玄微心印,台北,自由出版社,1968. 2, 25, 15, 19 p. LC, SA Chao, Pi-chen, b. 1860. Hsing-ming fa chüeh ming chih. Taipei, 1963. 趙避塵,性命法訣明指,台北,真善美出版社,1963. 34, 514 p. LC Ch'en, Hsien-wei. Wen-shih-chen-ching yen wai ching chih. Taipei, 1965. 陳顯微,文始真經言外經旨,台北,自由出版社,1965. 114, 2 p. LC, SA Ch'en, Hsü-pai. Hsuan-tsung cheng chih. Taipei, 1966. 陳虛白,玄宗正旨,再版,台北,自由出版社,1966. 2, 6, 152 p. LC, SA Chiang, K’o-chih. Hsiu tao chuan chih. Taipei, 1964. 蔣克志,修道全指,台北,自由出版社,1964. 100, 22, 50 p. LC, SA Fang-nei-san-jen. Nan pei ho ts'an fa yao. Taipei, 1958. 方内散人,南北合法要,台北,自由出版社,1958. 4, 198 p. LC, SA Fu, Chin-ch’üan. Cheng tao i k'uan chen chi. Taipei, 1959, 傅金銓,證道一貫真機,台北,自由出版社,1959. 2 v. LC, SA Fu, Chin-ch'uan. Hsing t'ien cheng ku Wu-hsing ch'iung yüan ho k'an. Taipei, 1960. 傅金銓.性天正鵲、悟性窮源合刊、台北,自由出版社,1960. 25, 64 p. LC, SA Han-ku-tzu. Wu-hsing ch'iung yüan. n.p., 1852. 涵谷子,悟性窮原.n.p.,山陽縣大白洞存版,1852. 2, 2, 38 double leaves. CA Hsiao, T'ien-shih. Tao hai hsüan wei. Taipei, 1974. 蕭天石,道海玄徽、台北,自由出版社,1974. 15, 691 p. LC, SA ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TAOISM Yün-chi ch'i ch'ien. Taipei, 1975. 雲笈七籤,張君房輯,台北,台灣商務,1975. 852 p. 201 CA, LC, SA # 6. BIOGRAPHY OF TAOISM Chang, Ch'i-chün. Chih hui ti Lao-tzu. Taipei, 1976. 張起鈞,智慧的老子.台北,新天地書局,1976. 6, 2, 208 p. 6.2, LC Chang, Chih-ho. Hsüan-chen-tzu. Taipei, 1966. 張志和,玄真子,台北,台灣商務,1966. 55 p. SA Cheng, Ch'ang-shih. Hsien hsüeh cheng-chuan. Taipei, 1960. 鄭昌時,仙學正傳,台北,自由出版社,1960. 42, 33 p. LC, SA Chih-yu-tzu. Taipei, 1966 至游子,撰人不詳,台北,台灣商務,1966. 68 p. SA Chung-li, Ch'üan. Chung-Lü ch'uan tạo ch’üan chi. Taipei, 1965. 鍾離權,鍾呂傳道全集,台北,自由出版社,1965. 244 p. LC, SA Hai-ling san-hsien chuan. Shanghai, 1937. 海陵三仙傳,撰人不詳,上海,商務,1937. 9 p. SA Hsiang an tu. Shanghai, 1933. 香案牘,陳繼儒纂,上海,商務,1933. 1, 2, 13 p. CA Hsiao yao ti tzu yu jen: Chuang-tzu. Chung-ho hsiang, T'ai-pei hsien, 1967. 逍遙的自由人:莊子,林耀川編譯,台北縣中和鄉,常春樹,1976. 194 p. LC Hsien li chuan. Shanghai, 1937. 仙史傳,太上隱者輯,上海,商務,1937. 5 p. CA Huang, Lu-tseng, 1487-1561. Chung-Lü ĕrh hsien chuan. Shanghai, 1937. 黄魯曾,鍾呂二仙傳,上海,商務,1937. 2, 2 p. Huang, Yung-liang. Pei-p'ai ch'i chen hsiu tao shih chuan. Taipei, 1965, 黃永亮,北派七真修道史傳,台北,自由出版社,1965. 88 p. LC, SA ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 206 WILLIAM Y. CHEN Chang, T'ung. San-feng tan chüeh. Taipei, 1969. 張通,三丰丹訣,台北,自由出版社,1969. 2, 123 p. LC, SA Ch'en, Chih-hsü. Chin-tan ta yao. Taipei, 1963. 陳至虛,金丹大要,台北,自由出版社,1963. 31 p. LC, SA Chin-tan chen ch'uan. Taipei, 1962. 金丹真傳,孫汝忠傳,再版,台北,自由出版社,1962. LC, SA 142 p. Chin-tan ta ch'eng chi yao. Taipei, 1965. 金丹大成輯要,歷代古真傳述,台北,自由出版社,1965. 2, 189 p. LC, SA Chung-li, Ch'üan. Chin-tan hsin fa. Taipei, 1970. 鍾離權,金丹心法,台北,自由出版社,1970. 78 p. LC, SA Ito, Mitsuan. Tseng ting yang sheng nei kung mi chüeh. Taipei, 1966. 伊藤光遠。增訂養生內功秘訣,台北,自由出版社,1966. 230 p. LC, SA Ku pen yang sheng hsü chih. Taipei, 1967. 古本養生須知,無名子輯錄,再版,台北,自由出版社,1967. 2, 126 p. LC, SA Li, Ch'ing-yün. Ch'ang sheng pu lao mi chüeh. Taipei, 1959. 李青雲,長生不老秘訣,台北,自由出版社,1959. 6, 4, 114, 4 p. Liu, Yü. Ch'iao-yang-ching Chin-tan-miao chüeh ho k'an. Taipei, 1960. 劉玉,樵陽經金丹妙訣合刊.台北,自由出版社,1960. 1 v. LC, SA Lü, Yen, b. 798. Wu-chen-pao-fa Hsien-Fo-chen-chuan ho k'an. Taipei, 1969. 呂嵒,悟真寶筏,仙佛真傳合刊,台北,自由出版社,1969. 4, 2, 6, [82] p. LC, SA Lung-men-p'ai tan fa chüeh yao. Taipei, 1965. 龍門派丹法訣要,閔一得輯註,台北,自由出版社,1965. LC, SA 2, 208 p. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TAOISM Nei wai kung t'u shuo chi yao. Taipei, 1971. 207 内外功圖說輯要,莫釐席纂輯,再版,台北,自由出版社,1971. 20, 6, 444 p. LC. SA Nü-chin-tan fa yao. Taipei, 1960. 内金丹法要,傅金銓輯錄,台北,自由出版社,1960. 1 v. LC, SA Tao-chia yang sheng mi chih tao lun. Taipei, 1965. 道家養生秘旨導論,歷代古真傳,台北,自由出版社,1965. 3, 3, 22, 4, 6, 191 p. LC, SA Wai-chin-tan ta ch'eng chi. Taipei, 1970. 外金丹大成集,歷代外金丹祖師傳著,台北,自由出版社,1970. 1 v. LC, SA Wu, Shou-yang. Nei-chin-tan hsin fa mi chih. Taipei, 1960. 伍守陽,内金丹心法秘指,台北,自由出版社,1960. 1, 62 p. LC, SA Wu, Shou-yang. Wu Ch'ung-hsü tan-tao-ch'üan-shu Tan-tao-ju-men ho k'an. Taipei, 1965. 伍守陽,伍冲虚丹道全書,丹道入門合刊. 台北,自由出版社,1965. 1 v. LC, SA 9. IMMORTALS 神仙 Ch'ang sheng ch'i kung chieh fa chi ch'eng. Taipei, 1969. 長生氣功捷法集成,台北,自由出版社,1969. 5, 88, 89 p. LC, SA Chou, Shao-hsien. Tao-chia yi shen hsien. Taipei, 1970. 周紹賢,道家與神仙,台北,台灣中華,1970. 4, 4, 276 p. Hsien hsieh chen ch'üan, Taipei, 1960. 仙學真詮葆真子元同子傳述,台北,自由出版社,1960. 1 v. LC, SA Hsien hsieh chi chin. Taipei, 1963. 仙學集錦,龔松仙編著,台北,真善美出版社,1963. 3, 4, 12, 7, 318, 4 p. LC. SA Hsien hsieh miao hsüan, Taipei, 1967. 仙學妙選,李帶俅編,台北,真善美出版社,1967. 11, 9, 472 p. LC, SA ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 208 WILLIAM Y. CHEN Hsien hsüeh tz'u tien. Taipei, 1962. 仙學辭典,戴源長編著.台北,台灣台北監獄印刷工場, 1962. 2, 2, 15, 175 p. LC Hsien-yüan-pien-chu, Chih-yen tsung ho k'an. Taipei, 1976. 佛苑編珠, 至言總合刊.蕭天石主編.台北,自由出版社, 1976. 3, 2, 244 p. LC, SA Li shih chen hsien t'i tao t’ung chien. Taipei, 1968. 歷世真仙體道通鑑,趙全陽纂輯,台北,自由出版社, 1968. 3 v. (1356 p.) LC, SA Lü, Yen. b. 798. Ching-tso-fa chi yao. Taipei, 1976, 呂峦.靜坐法輯要.三版增訂本.台北,自由出版社, 1976. 4, 8, 320 p. LC, SA Shih, Chien-wu. Hsi-shan-ch'ün-hsien-hui-chen-chi, Chin-lien- cheng-tsung-chi ho k'an. Taipei, 1965. 施肩吾,西山潭仙會真記,金蓮正宗記合刊.台北,自由出 版, 1965. 230 p. LC, SA Shimode, Sekiyo, 1918– Shinsen shiso. Tokyo, 1968. 下出積與,神仙思想,東京,訓弘文館,1968. 3, 5, 249, 8 p. CA, LC Wang, Chien-chang. Hsien shu mi k'u. Taipei, 1960. 王建章,仙術秘庫,台北,自由出版社,1960. 1 v. LC, SA ## 10. PERIODICALS Dōkyō kenkyu. Tokyo, 1965- 道教研究第1——册.東京,豐島書店,1965- CA, LC Tao-chiao wen hua. (Journal of Taoist culture) Taipei, 1977- 道教文化.台北,道教文化雜誌社,1977- SA Tõhō shukyō. Kyoto, 19– 東方宗教,京都,19- CA, LC : ! Page 240 Page 241 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m 211 Elsewhere, "smuggling" between Nationalist-held areas and Japanese-held areas was just as prevalent as that conducted across Mirs Bay, and it was not necessarily carried out without the knowledge or consent of the Japanese. See the political context of this particular form of trade discussed in Lloyd E. Eastman, "Facets of an ambivalent relationship: smuggling, puppets, and atrocities during the War, 1937-1945", in Akira Iriye ed., The Chinese and the Japanese, Essays in Political and Cultural Interactions (Princeton, 1980). Mr. Shing 10.7.81. 100 Mr. Chan T'in Po 12.5.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81. 101 Mr. Ip Wan 2.7.81. 102 Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80. 103 Mr. Tse Koon K'au 9.6.81. 104 Other members of the East River Guerrillas included Wong Koon Fong, Kong Shui, and Lo Fung; see ints. Mr. Cheung Hing 28.11.80, Mr. Chiu Lin Shing 11.5.81, Mr. Sham Kin K'eung 23.6.81, 1.7.81. For the background history of the East River Guerrillas see Feng Pai-chu, Tseng Sheng, et. al. Kuang-tung jen-min k'ang-Jih chan-cheng hui-i (Canton, 1951), and "The general conditions of the liberated areas behind enemy lines in South China (East River and Hainan Island)”, in K’ang-Jih chan-cheng shih-chi chieh-fang-ch'ü kai-k'uang (Peking, 1st ed. 1953, rep. 1981) pp. 123-132. Dr. (later Sir) Lindsay Ride contacted Ts'oi Kwok Leung immediately upon his escape from Hong Kong and after the British Army Aid Group was formed, Ts'oi co-operated with the B.A.A.G. to assist prisoners-of-war escaping from Hong Kong. See Edwin Ride, BAAG, Hong Kong Resistance, 1942-1945 (Hong Kong, 1981). 105 Mr. Cheung Hing 28.11.80. 100 Mr. Hoh Shang 24.6.81, Mr. Wong Ts'ing 23.6.81. 107 Mr. Lau 17.7.81, Mr. Chan Shing 21.11.80. 108 Mr. Lau Wan Hei 25.6.81, Mr. Sham Kin K'eung 23.6.81, Madam Chiu I Mooi 7.5.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81. 100 Mr. Cheung Hing 28.11.80, Mr. Wong Ts'ing 23.6.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81. 110 Mr. Chan Shing 21.11.80. 111 Mr. Chiu Lin Shing 11.5.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81, Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80. 119 Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Yau Koon K'au 27.7.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80, Mr. Tse Kw'an 16.11.80. 113 Mr. K.M.A. Barnett 13.2.82, Mr. Wan Yau 14.7.81. 114 Father Lau Wing Yiu 18.5.81. 115 Mr. Chung Poon 13.11.80, Mr. Sham Kin K’eung 23.6.81, 1.7.81. 116 Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80, Mr. Tse Kw'an 16.11.80. See also "The story of the American pilot Kerr's escape", in the Wen-hui pao 7.1.80, and Edwin Ride, op. cit. pp. 219-220. 117 Mr. Wan Ts'eung 31.11.80. 118 Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81. 110 Mr. Chung P'oon 13.11.80, Mr. Lau Wan Hei and Mr. Kong Sai P'ing 25.6.81. 120 J. Barrow, "Annual Report of the D.C.N.T. 1947-48”, p. 2. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m 154 WEI PEH-T'I the Chinese point of view, Juan Yuan reported Barrowcliff as the guilty party in his memorial to the Emperor dated 12 December 1820. It was at this time that he wrote the secret memorial proposing strong measures to control the British, and receiving in return instructions from the Emperor to hold to a more moderate line.** Perhaps Juan Yuan only displayed the willingness to make the best of a situation in the Barrowcliff case, the kind of co-operative spirit that led the British to refer to him as a “man of singular moderation and wisdom”35 only because no opium was involved. The next major crisis over jurisdiction took place not quite a year later. By then, the new Emperor had proclaimed a policy to strengthen the law prohibiting importation of opium and exportation of silver. In October 1821, Terranova, an Italian seaman serving on an American ship, the Emily, accidentally killed a Chinese boat woman. He was sacrificed to Chinese justice in order to prevent the Canton government from investigating further into the cargo of opium that was on various foreign ships in port at that time. This is a well-known case in the West and is often cited as an example of the barbarity of Chinese justice. Terranova, who had been turned over to Chinese officials, was strangled to death as punishment for having taken a life. The incident arose when on 29 September, a boat woman, Kuo-Liang shih (surnamed Kao née Liang), who spoke "pidgin", sculled her sampan to the Emily, peddling fruit. Terranova, leaning against the railing of the ship above her, lowered her five copper cash in a basket. Not satisfied with the number of oranges and bananas he had been given by the woman, he negotiated further. Somehow, the argument became heated, ending with Terranova throwing a pottery jar at the woman, hitting her on the head, cracking her skull, causing her to fall into the water, and resulting in her death. This was a serious matter, for, in addition to murder, there were other violations. Terranova, as a foreigner, was buying goods from a Chinese directly without going through the regular channel of the hong merchants. The security merchant of the Emily was Exchin, but, as in other serious cases over jurisdiction, Puiqua, as head of the hong merchants, was also involved. Juan Yüan's investigations showed that the act of the jar striking Kuo-Liang shih on the head had been witnessed by another woman, Ch'en-Li shih, who had shouted for help. A worker for the Canton customs, Yeh Hsia, in a boat nearby, attempted a rescue, but failed. The body of the dead woman was not pulled out of the water until her husband arrived at the scene of the accident. The injury on the woman's ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m JUAN YUAN'S MANAGEMENT OF SINO-BRITISH RELATIONS IN CANTON, 1817-1826 11 Ti-tzu chi, 5:11. 165 12 Four men were known by the name (or title) of Howqua. They were Wu Tung-yüan (Puiqua or Howqua II), his father Wu Kuo-yung (Howqua I) before him, his two sons, Wu Shou-ch'ang (Howqua III) and Wu Chung-yao (Howqua IV). 13 Wai-chi-tang, (hereafter cited as WCT), n.p. Copy of memorial from Juan Yüan, Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, dated TK 1/11/19 (1821/2/21). 14 +6 16 Morse, Chronicles, III, 334. Liang-kuang yen-chik, chuan on Chia-ch'ing. Ibid. 17 Morse, Chronicles, IV, 57. 18 Copy of memorials from Juan Yüan, Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, in Shih-liao Hsun-k'an 4:126a-b. 19 W. C. Hunter, The "Fan Kwae" at Canton Before Treaty Days, 1825-1844, (Shanghai, 1911), p. 40. 20 H. F. McNair, Modern Chinese History: Selected Readings, (Shanghai, 1913), 1:42. 21 Chinese Repository, V:2:422 (January, 1834). 22 Morse, Chronicles, III, 377. 23 Extract of letter from the Select Committee to the Court of Directors, East India Company, as reprinted in Parliamentary Papers, 21:104. 24 Morse, Chronicles, III, 318. 26 Ibid., 320. 26 Wai-chiao shih-liao, Chia-ch'ing 6:57. 27 28 Letter from the Select Committee, Parliamentary Papers 21:537. Wai-chiao shih-liao, Chia-ch'ing 6:57b. 20 Letter from the Select Committee, Parliamentary Papers, 21:537. 30 Morse, Chronicles, III, 381. In the listing of Company ships at Canton 1805-20, however, the security merchant for the London is given as Kinqua, Ibid. 31 Letter from the Select Committee, Parliamentary Papers 21:537. 32 Ibid. After the crisis was over, it was revealed that Pigott had been hiding on a British warship, the HMS Liverpool, then moored at Lintin. He could not return to the London when it left China because of bad weather, but managed to return to England at a later date, Morse, Chronicles, III, 382. 33 Letter from the Select Committee, Parliamentary Papers 21:539; Morse, Chronicles, III, 380. 34 Morse, Chronicles, p. 380. 35 Eliot to Palmerston, as cited in Chinese Repository IX:406 (August, 1842). **WCT-TK1/11, Chinese Repository, V:5:223. 37 *7 WCT-TK 1/11. 38 Morse, Chronicles, IV, 23. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m The Hong Kong Origins of Dr Sun Yat-sen's Address to Li Hung-chang 171 Their editorial and correspondents' columns offered a ground for free political discussions, with greater attention on issues in China than those in Hong Kong. There appeared in the 1870's two Chinese-language newspapers, the Hsin-huan jih-pao founded and edited by the well-known scholar reformist, Wang Tao, and the Hua-tzu jih-pao, which was firstly issued by the China Mail as a separate paper in Chinese called the Chinese Mail. But in 1886, the Chinese Mail became an independent paper with Ch'en Ai-ting as its editor. These two early Chinese newspapers were well-known for their promotion of Western learning and China's modernization. About one-third of the Hsün-huan jih-pao was devoted to an editorial for such causes. The Hua-tzu jih-pao did not have an editorial, but a special column was reserved for publishing the writings of Chinese intellectuals in China or Hong Kong. In addition to newspapers, there were occasional pamphlets on current issues or ideas of reforms of the time. The well-known compradore-reformist Cheng Kuan-ying's I-yen, later to be incorporated in his Sheng-shih wei-yen, was first printed and published in Hong Kong in 1872. Intellectuals such as Ho Kai and Hu Li-huan also often wrote to express their views on China's modernization and reforms. Thus in Hong Kong, Sun was well exposed to these writings and ideas. Recent studies show that during these years Sun might also have written occasionally.13 At least two papers written around this time have been identified. In 1890, Sun wrote to Cheng Tsao-ju, a scholar of Sun's native county Hsiang-shan and a prominent and progressive official who had served as Chinese Minister to the United States between 1881 and 1885. The letter was later published in a newspaper in Macao.14 Meanwhile, Sun also made acquaintance with Cheng Kuan-ying, although it is not clear how closely he was associated with Cheng. Regional ties, common appreciation of knowledge of the West, and concern for the renovation of China must have helped Sun to look to Cheng. Sun wrote a paper on agricultural reforms, which, after some revision by Cheng, was incorporated in the 1894 edition of Cheng's Sheng-shih wei-yen. On the way to the north in 1894, Sun stopped in Shanghai to discuss his proposal with Cheng, through whom he also met Wang T'ao. It was through their introduction that Sun was able to meet one of Li's secretaries. The letter to Cheng Tsao-ju and the paper on agricultural reforms are relatively less well-known pieces of Sun's writings. But the ideas expressed in both, though less detailed, are similar to ideas in the letter in 1894. The superiority of Western science and technology, benefits of modern education, full use of human talents and the need for modernization of agriculture are the major themes.15 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m 214 KING, Miss Carol A. KIRKBRIDE, Mr K.M.G. KROPATSCHECK, Mrs Hannemarie KWAN, Mrs Alice W.S.C. KWOK, Mr Ping Leong LACK, Mr Alan J. LAI, Miss Merlin S.C. LANG, Mr Frederick G. LAWRENCE, Mr Anthony LAWTON, Mr David LEE, Mr Peter E.I. LEE, Mr Peter J. LEE, Mrs R.M. LEE, Miss Sandra Suk Yee LEE, Mrs S. Jane LERNER, Mr Bernard LEVIN, Mr David A. LEVIN, Ms. Stephanie S. LI, Mr Edwin Lao LI, Mr Shi-Yi LIARDET, Mr A.J. LIN, Mr Tien-Wai LIU, Miss Dimon LLOYD, Mrs Aileen S. LLOYD, Mrs Waltraud E. LO, Miss Alexandra Dak Wai LO, Mr Shu-wing LOCKING, Mr J.R. LOFTS, Prof. Brian LOK, Dr Leonora Shin U. LOK, Miss Wai Kwan LOVELL, Mrs Hin-Cheung LUNNEY, Mr Raymond LUTZ, Mr Hans F. MA, Prof. Ho-Kei MA, Mrs Jackie MA, Prof. Meng, MBE MACCABE, Mrs S.J. MACCALLUM, Mr. I. MACCALLUM, Mrs Wendy M. MACGREGOR, Mr Keith MAHLKE, Mr William J. MANSON, Mr James B. MAO, Dr Philip Wen-chee MARKEY, Mr J.C. MARTIN, Dr Michael R. MASON, Mr A.K. MATHEW, Mr David MATHEWS, Mr J.F. MAYERS, Mr Walter MCLEAN, Mrs Robyn H. MCCULLY, Mrs Arthur M. MCDONALD, Mrs John R. MCELNEY, Mr Brian S. MINERS, Dr N.J. MINTER, Mr C.J.W. MITCHELL, Mr Eion A. MITCHELL, Mrs Ruth M. MORGAN, Ms V. Elaine MOSER, Mr Michael J. MOYLE, Mr G.C. MULLOY, Mr G.N. MURPHY, Mr Francis S. NEWBIGGING, Mr D.K. NEWBIGGING, Mrs Carolyn NG, Dr Margaret N. NG, Miss Tonia NGUYET, Mrs Tuyet O'HARA, Mr Randolph ONG, Prof. Guan Bee OUTCH, Mr William T. ORR, Mr Iain Campbell OXLEY, Mr C.W.B. PARRINGTON, Miss June PARRY, Mr Roger H. PERESYPKIN, Mr Oleg P. PICKARD, Mrs Jane PICKFORD, Mr John B. PRESCOTT, Mr Jon A. PRYOR, Dr E.G. QUESTED, Mrs Rosemary RAM, Mrs Jane REDDING, Dr S.G. REYNOLDS, Prof. W.A. REYNOLDS, Mrs Johanne RHODES, Mr Peter F. RIBEIRO, Mrs Susan RICHARDS, Dr S.F. RICHARDS, Mrs J.K. RICK, Mr D.R. RIGG, Mrs Jillian R. ROBERTSON, Mrs A.G. ROBERTSON, Mrs W.G. ROHRS, Mr Kenneth R. ROPER, Mr G.W. ROSS, Mr David M. ROWARK, Mrs Sally ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 97 * For Fang Han-ch'i, see Note 10. Li Ming-jen "I-pa-ssu nien Hsiang-kang pa-kung yün-tung" ("The Strike in Hong Kong in 1884), Li-shih yen-chiu (Historical Studies), 1958:3 (March, 1958) 89-90. Lloyd E. Eastman, "The Kwangtung anti-foreign disturbances during the Sino-French War", Papers on China, 13 (1959) 1-31, Lewis M. Chere, "The Hong Kong Riots of October 1884: Evidence for Chinese Nationalism", JHKBRAS, Vol. 20 (1980), p. 54. * Chinese Prisoners, Papers respecting the confinement and trial of Chinese prisoners in Hong Kong 1857 (155, Sess. 2) XLIII, Great Britain, Parliamentary Papers (Shannon, Ireland: Irish University Press, 1971) Vol. 24: China, pp. 151-188. For a narration of the event see James Pope-Hennessy, Half Crown Colony: A Hong Kong Note Book (London: Jonathan Cape, 1969), pp. 55-58. Marsh to Parkes, 4th October, 1884, enclosed in F.O. to C.O., 2nd February, 1885: CO129/224. Marsh to Parkes, 6th October, 1884, Telegram enclosed in F.O. to C.O., 9th December, 1884: CO129/219. Tsungli Yamen to Parkes, 10th October, 1884, enclosed in F.O. to C.O., 13th December, 1884; ibid. **For Paou-chong, see Ordinance No. 13 of 1844; for Tepo, see Ordinance No. 3 of 1853; for the Registrar-General, see Ordinance No. 7 of 1846. The Registrar-General's duties were redefined by Ordinance No. 6 of 1857, and again by Ordinance No. 8 of 1858. For the Chinese elite, see Carl Smith's works cited in Note No. 59. See also his "An Early Hong Kong Success Story: Wei Akwong, the Beggar Boy", Chung Chi Bulletin No. 45 (December 1968), pp. 9-14; "English-educated Chinese Elites in Nineteenth Century Hong Kong", Symposium Paper, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, (November 1972), pp. 65-96; and H.J. Lethbridge, "A Chinese Association in Hong Kong: the Tung Wah", "The Evolution of a Chinese Voluntary Association in Hong Kong: The Po Leung Kuk" and "The District Watch Committee: The Chinese Executive Council of Hong Kong?" in his Hong Kong: Stability and Change. **Marianne Bastid, "The Social Context of Reform” in Paul A. Cohen and John E. Schrecker, ed., Reform in Nineteenth Century China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1976), pp. 117-127; 118. Li Tak Cheong was a director in 1872, chairman in 1883, and a hip-li in 1873 and 1884. Ho Amei was chairman in 1882 and a hip-li in 1883. Leong On was a founding chairman, and chairman again in 1877 and 1887, and was a hip-li in 1872, 1878 and 1888. **Ho Kai's father, Ho Fuk Tong and his brother-in-law Wu T'ing-fang were both founding chi-shi. See Note No. 34. Marsh to Derby, 24th March, 1886, Despatch No. 91: CO129/225. **This refers to a meeting called by Europeans in Hong Kong to discuss the rise of crime which they believed resulted from the leniency of the new Governor Hennessy. Some of the Chinese leaders however supported him and the meeting developed into a confrontation between Europeans and Chinese residents in Hong Kong. See James Pope-Hennessy, Verandah (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd.), pp. 203-205. This was also fully reported in the Daily Press and China Mail throughout October 1878. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 'flower' 145 /f-/ 花 fal /m-/ E maengl 'late' /t-/ 東 tungl 'east' パピーノ t'ik3 'iron' /s-/ 四 sil 'four' /n-/ 怒 nu4 /ty- 醉 tyoyl /ty- ty'iw2 /y-/ 有 yawl /k-/ 傑 kik4 'anger' 'drunk' 'tide' 'to have' 'remarkable' /k-/ 鹟 k ́ung2 'poor' /h-/ 靴 höl 'boots' /ng-/ E ngaeng4 'hard' /kw-/ *kwungl 'pole' /kw'-/ /w-/ /1-/ *kw'ay2 wang2 林 lam2 2. Initials, comparisons with SC. 'a flowery plant' 'cloud' 'the surname Lam' KHW appears a little more conservative than SC in that it does not show the merger of /n-/ and /l-/, recently implemented in SC (at least its Hongkong variety): nu4 'anger' is kept distinct from lu4 'road', ✯ nü3 'female' from naeng2 'difficult' from laeng2 ‘orchid', etc. nak4 'history', has /n-/ where /l-/ should be expected on etymological grounds. One character, surname Lü', In another set of correspondences, SC appears to be more conservative than KHW: all words with SC initials /k-/, /h-/ and the 'zero initial' have had these changed to KHW /kw-/ /f-/ (from a former *hw-) and /w-/ respectively, when combining with the SC finals /-oi/, /-on/, /-ot/, as a result of the raising of these finals to KHW /-uy/, /-ung/, /-uk/ (the change in final consonants occurred independently and need not concern us here): ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 148 /-i/ #k'iw2 'earth' /-iw/ 橋 kiw4 'bridge' /-im/ 染 yim1 'dye' /-ing/ king1 'see' /-ip/ 劫 kip4 'robbery' /-ik/ 舌 sik4 'tongue' /-0/ 過 kwol 'pass' /-oy/ 菜 ts'oy3 'vegetables' /-ong/ 床 ts'ong2 'bed' /-ok/ 國 kwok3 'country' /-u/ 古 ku3 'ancient' /-uy/ 妹 muy4 'younger sister' /-ung/ p mung2 /-uk/ 竹 tyuk3 'bamboo' /-0/ 靴 höl 'boots' /ông/ 傷 söngl 'wound' /-ök/ 脚 kök3 'foot' LAURENT SAGART #ti4 'door' #ty'oy1 #ty'ong2 /-ü/ 去 hül 'go' /-üng/ sông2 'lack' /-ük/ #k'ük3 'boat' The vowel system of KHW consists of 4 lax vowels /a, i, ü, u/ and their 4 tense counterparts /aa, e, ö, o/ respectively. /ü/ and /ö/ are similar to the vowels in French pu and peu. When the vowels occur alone without a final (that is, not followed by any final consonant), they are distinguished only by their timbre, and the contrast between /a/ and /aa/ is neutralized. When combining with a final consonant to form a final, the lax vowels emerge as short vowels, while the tense vowels emerge as long vowels. Simultaneously, all vowels except /a/ and /aa/ become diphthongs: the tense vowels /e, ö, o/ are realized as opening diphthongs, starting mid-high and ending mid-low, while the lax vowels /i, ü, u/ are realized as closing diphthongs, starting mid-high and ending high. Similar diphthongs of lesser amplitude are sometimes heard when the vowels occur alone. When combining with a final consonant, /a/ and /aa/ exhibit simultaneous contrasts in length, frontness (the tense vowel /aa/ being always more fronted than the lax vowel /a/, even emerging ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 150 LAURENT SAGART SC: ui; KHW: -ü: SC: -ue; SC: -0: KHW: -u: SC: -00: Ek'ü2 ‘he'; 'female' but also yül 'rain' hül 'go' ✯ nül sül 'book' and lu4 'road'; pul 'cloth' tyu3 'ancestor' but also ku3 'old' and ful 'father' In addition to this we find that words classified in the Sung dynasty rhyme-book Yun Jing # as belonging to the 1st division of the Xiao rhyme-group have merged in SC with those /-o/ finals that are the result of the lowering of /-00/, as detailed above. In KHW, the same words have merged instead into the lax /-aw/ final, in which they coexist with words from the Liu rhyme-group, which have SC final /-au. Hence the correspondence: SC: -0: SC: -au: Thus, KHW 'clown', and 'save' etc. KHW: -aw: kaw? 'high'; # ty'aw3 'grass' lawi 'old' but maw4 'hat'; also ty'aw3 'clown' and kawl 'save' ty'aw3 'grass' is homophonous with #ty'aw3 kawl 'high' is homophonous with kawl Apart from those SC /ui/ finals that were derived from an earlier /-ue/ after certain initials as detailed above, the /-ui/ final of SC also includes words classified in the Sung rhyme-tables as belonging to the labialized finals of the Zhi it & and Xie rhyme-groups. In KHW, these Zhi and Xie rhyme group words appear with the final /-oy/, together with words with non-guttural initials from the non labialized 1st division of the Xie rhyme-group. These non labialized Xie rhyme group words with non guttural initials in SC have the final /-oi. Hence the correspondence: SC: -ui; SC: -oi; KHW: -oy: soyl 'tax'; # tyoyl 'drunk'; # toyl 'pair' but also ty'oyl 'vegetable' Thus, some words with the SC final /-ui/ and some with the final /-oi/ have merged into the KHW final /-oy/. I can only ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 152 LAURENT SAGART In the above chart, an OC final is reconstructed as the corresponding SC final if it is homophonous with the corresponding KHW final, or one of the corresponding KHW finals. In case SC and KHW disagree totally on the pronunciation of a given class of words, no reconstruction is attempted although a separate final must have existed for this class of words in OC. The main characteristic of the KHW system of final nasal and stop consonants is the merger of the -n/t finals into the ng/k finals. All SC words ending in -n or -t correspond to KHW words ending in -ng or -k. In general, an -n/t final merged into the -ng/k final of the same vowel, resulting in widespread homophony: *-n/t finals *ng/k finals kaengl 'interval' is homophonous with: kaeng 'the 7th celestial stem' sangl 'new' is homophonous with: #sangl 'sound' paek3 'eight' is homophonous with: paek3 'hundred' sak3 'lose' is homophonous with: sak3 'know' fung3 'style' is homophonous with: fung 'wind' However, in certain cases, there did not exist a -ng/k final of the same vowel. This led to the creation of new -ng/k finals, which resulted in overcrowding and phonetic realignment: thus the */-in, -it/ finals were changed to /-ing, -ik/, but instead of merging with the original finals /-ing, -ik/ which possibly had a slightly lower /i/, as is the case in SC, pushed them away towards /-ang, -ak/ (lax) with which they eventually merged: SC: -ing/k; KHW: -ang/k: kangla 'classic'; sangl 'star'; p'ang2 'level'; sak3 'know'; nak3 'history' The *-uen/t finals were changed to -üng/k, an innovation in the system of finals which could not result in homophony. The -on/t finals of SC correspond to KHW -ung/k, as already mentioned. However, the raising of /o/ to /u/ in */-oi, -on, -ot/ is unrelated to the movements of final stops and nasals. It is possible that */-on, -ot/ first merged with */-un, -ut/ before the merger of final dentals and velars took place. A similar situation... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 153 tion prevails in Kau Sai where all /-oi/ have been raised to /-ui/, while -ng/k and -n/t are kept distinct: McCoy gives füf lui 'long time', lui 'to come', hui 'sea', ui 'to love'. Unfortunately, he gives no examples of words with SC -on/t finals. Note that Kau Sai /-ui/, as KHW /-oy/, includes words with SC finals /-oi/ and /-ui/. K.M.A. Barnett mentions that SC kon 'dry' is 'almost always tabooed in (Hongkong) place names, being replaced by kwun ( or )'. I suspect that sound change, rather than superstition, accounts for this pronunciation. *-un/t did not merge with -öng/k, but with -ang/k: SC: -un/t: KHW: -ang/k: *ty'ang1 'spring'; ty'ak3 'to go out'; sak4 'technique'. In Kau Sai, SC -un/t merges with -en/t, the Kau Sai homologue of SC -an/t (lax). It may then be the case that in KHW, the *-ön/t finals first merged with -an/t, to be later converted into -ang/k. /-ang/ and /-ak/ are probably the largest of KHW finals in terms of their word membership: they include all words having the SC finals -ang/k; -an/t; -un/t; -ing/k. rhyme- It is worth mentioning that a number of Lower Entering-tone words with labial initials, mostly in the Shan group, have a tense vowel /ae/ in KHW corresponding to a lax vowel /a/ in SC: SC KHW # 'uproot' pât paek4 襪 'stocking' mât maek4 'to fine' fât faek4 *'wheat' mâk maek4 KHW appears to be the conservative dialect in this correspondence since lax vowels are irregular in the concerned rhyme-groups in SC. The correspondences between SC and KHW finals are summarized in the following chart: ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 154 SC KHW final final LAURENT SAGART T 一路 Conditioning factor Unconditioned Unconditioned Examples 沙花麻爬架話 蛇姐𩵚謝 -ė -oeli 症 Unconditioned -i oh -ei Unconditioned Unconditioned Unconditioned --ay Unconditioned —ual -aay Unconditioned -ve Unconditioned -ü ㄧui -oi -rooi -·00 -oy n- 3rd Div. of the 遇 rhyme-group, alveolar and velar initials labialized finals of the and rhyme-groups open 1st Div. of the rhyme-group, non-guttural initials open 1st Div. of the rhyme-group, guttural initials Unconditioned Unconditioned 1st Div. of the 遇 rhyme-group, labial and velar initials open 1st Div. of the rhyme-group 靴 初鋤鹅河 詐絲支知衣而紙特 飛微比尾四死旗地 梯費葵米世貴弟 買介怪大太 猪書主柱處雨樹 虛徐舉趣去女们 酪對稅帥 開愛害 加倍妹 符胡古婦父故附 粧蘇梛賭翽武我母 高老桃草你好到 —au Unconditioned 抽修流九有厚戴 -aau 一缸w Unconditioned 粜飽 -w Unconditioned 招烋潮橋條燒 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 158 LAURENT SAGART I believe the 'dialect of the walled villages' is the same language that K.M.A. Barnett calls 'Namtau A a sub-dialect of Tung Kwun'. He writes: 'In the most prevalent Punti dialect, the Namtau dialect spoken in the N.W. plains by the oldest-established clans, there is confusion between final -n and -ng; e.g. the surname Man is pronounced Mang, Chan is pronounced Chang, while Ching is pronounced Chan, and so on' (p. 156). With reference to the place name Tai To Yan ‘Razor cliff', he writes (p. 137): 'The Nam Tau dialect pronounces this Tai Tau Yang'. These pronunciations correspond very well to KHW, except that 'Ching is pronounced Chan': one would expect a 'Chang'; but this is a very minor difference. Another sub-dialect of Tung Kwun, Sheklung, was described in two articles by J. D. Ball and C. J. Saunders, and shares many features with KHW. A comparison of the phonologies of the 'dialect of the walled villages' and the dialect of the boat people of Kau Sai shows that, although they do not stand particularly close to one another, these two Cantonese dialects of the NT have features in common which are not shared by SC: the merger of SC -ui and -vi, the merger of SC -un/t and -an/t, and the raising of /o/ to /u/ in certain environments. This is hardly surprising, since Kau Sai and KHW, two long-established dialects in the New Territories area, have been in contact for centuries. In contrast, nothing in the phonology of KHW suggests a link with Jiangxi or indeed with any other group of dialects. Scholars have taken the view that way t'au wa represents a ‘mixed Hakka-Punti language”. Yet from the point of view of phonology it is difficult to think of positive developments that would link up KHW (but not SC) and Hakka. On the lexical level, there are idioms that KHW shares with Hakka, but not with SC. For instance, the words for 'ear' and 'calf of leg' are cognates in KHW and Sung Him Tong, a Hakka village near Fanling 粉嶺10: KHW Sung Him Tong Hakka 'ear' ji1 kak3 ngi3 kit5 'calf of leg' kök3 nong2 tu3 kiok5 lang2 tu3 Page 180 Page 181 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 159 These words occur in certain Hakka dialects, not in others, and we do not know whether they occur or not in non-standard Cantonese dialects such as Tung Kwun. Are these words, then, Hakka loans into Cantonese? Cantonese loans into Hakka? or loans into both Hakka and Cantonese from a third language? The evidence is difficult to interpret. Furthermore, that most Hakka-Cantonese bilinguals are native speakers of Hakka, not Cantonese, makes Hakka more likely to realign itself with Cantonese than the reverse. Indeed, the Hakka dialects of the New Territories (Sung Him Tong, but also Sathewkok) have undergone in their recent history a series of phonological changes that bring them closer to SC: loss of the /n-/ vs. /l-/ contrast; loss of the /-iu/ vs. /-eu/ contrast; loss of medials [w, y] in combinations that are not permissible in SC; etc. In sum, a certain amount of interloaning may be expected to have taken place between way t'au wa and Hakka since these two languages have come into contact. Yet there is no doubt that way t'au wa existed well before the first Hakka settlers arrived in the area, and that way t'au wa is not the result of dialect mixture. The 'dialect of the walled villages' must then be regarded as the main local variety of the Cantonese group of dialects. It is now threatened in its existence by the expansion of SC, and deserves further studies before it becomes extinct. 1 NOTES Baker, H. D. R. (1966) "The Five Great Clans of the New Territories" J.H.K.B.R.A.S., 6:25-45. 2 All my thanks are due to Mr. So Chung, Mr. So Nam, Mr. Tang Kee-hon for their kind help during the first stage of the project. * "Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao" (Character charts for dialect surveys). Shangwu, 1981, Beijing. * McCoy, J. (1965) "The Dialects of Hongkong Boat People: Kau Sai" J.H.K.B.R.A.S., V: 46-64. 5 Yuan, J. H., et al. (1960) "Hanyu Fangyan Gaiyao" (Elements of Chinese dialectology). Peking. Barnett, K. M. A. (1974) "Do Words from Extinct Pre-Chinese Languages Survive in Hongkong Place-Names?". J.H.K.B.R.A.S., 14:136-159. Ball, J.D. (1890) "The Tung-kwún dialect". China Review 1890, Vol. 18: 284-299. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 250 CARL T. SMITH 1921/22 - no production. 1922/23 1923/24 12, 13, 18, 21 Oct. 1922 - "I'll Leave it to You" (N. Coward, 1920) 26, 27, 28, 30 Dec. 1922, 1, 2 Jan. 1923 - "The Tempest" (Shakespeare) 8, 10, 12, 15 Dec. 1923 "R.U.R." (Rossum's Universal Robots) (Karel Capek, transl. by P. P. Silver, adapted by N. Playfair, 1922) 1924/25 25, 26, 27, 28 Feb. 1925 - "French Leave" (Reginald Berkely) farcial comedy 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 21, 22 Jan. 1925 - "St. Joan" (G. B. Shaw, 1923) 1925/26 2, 3, 4, 5 Dec. 1925 - "A Little Bit of Fluff" farce 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 Mar. 1926 — “If” (Lord Dunsany, 1921) 1926/27 13, 15, 17, 18, 19 Nov. 1926 Dramatic Medley "A Matter of Time" (Ronald Jeans) "The First and the Last" (John Galsworthy, 1921) "The Burglar and the Girl" (Mathew Boulton, 1913) "The Man in the Bowler Hat” (A. A. Milne, 1925) 19, 22 Mar. 1927 "The Last of Mrs. Cheyney" - Frederick Lonsdale, 1925) 1927/28 19, 21, 22, 23 Nov. 1927 - "Bulldog Drummond" (H. C. McNeile and Gerald du Maurier, 1921) 1928/29 16, 20, 24 Nov. 1928 "The Sport of Kings" (Ian Hay, 1924) performed at Star Theatre, Kowloon. 19, 21, 22, 23, 26 Feb. 1929 - "On Approval" (Frederick Lonsdale, 1926) 1929/30 22, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29 Mar. 1930 - "And So to Bed" 1930/31 12 Nov. 1930 — performance at Helena May Institute "Snobs" "Half an Hour" 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22 Nov. 1930 "The Middle Watch" a romance of the Royal Navy (Stephen King-Hall and Ian Hay, 1929) 7, 10, 11, 13, 14 Mar. 1931 - "Art and Mrs. Bottle" (Benn W. Levy, 1929) "Dear Brutus" (James Barrie, 1917) last A.D.C. performance at the Theatre Royal, City Hall. 14, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21 Nov. 1931 1931/32 ― ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 268 NOTES * A general study on traditional education in the New Territories before the arrival of the British is given in another paper, "Village Education in the New Territories under the Ch'ing" shortly to be published by the Centre of Asian Studies, Hong Kong University. This present article is a related study on a single village in the N.T., with the purpose of seeing how and why education changed from its traditional pattern to a modern structure in the late 19th century and the early decades of the 20th century. * Sheung Shui is a large single surname village consisting of eight sub-villages lying at the heart of the Sheung Shui/Fanling plain (originally called Sheung U Tung [上烏塘] in Chinese). The village lies in a fertile low-lying river valley some twenty miles north of Kowloon and four miles south of Sham Chun. The village has been discussed in detail by Hugh Baker in his book, A Chinese Lineage Village, Frank Cass, 1968. * We were told by the village elders that their ancestors made special efforts to convert their dialect and custom into Punti shortly after their settlement in the district, just to be qualified to partake in the imperial examinations, for it was not until 1802 that the Hakkas were given a small quota in the examination, see also Hsin-an-Hsien-chih, 1981 reprint of the 1819 edition, Hong Kong, vol. 9, p. 99. According to the Liao genealogy and records on the ancestral tables (神主牌), the number of first degrees (生員) won by the lineage by generation were as follows: no of Sheng-yuan Generation 9 1 17th 10 century 11 12 10 Enw. 2 13 13 18th century 14 8 15 4 16 12 19th century 17 4 18 3 These data are not completely reliable, especially for those before the 14th generation, when the genealogy had not yet been written. Yet the numbers can be taken as an indication of the academic success of the Liaos. According to official records, there were at least three chu-jen degree holders from Sheung Shui in the 19th century. The six halls included the Ming Te Tang 明德堂, Hsien Ch'eng Tang, Yun Sheng Chia-shou 潤生齋, Tu Nan Tang 圖南堂, Ming Te Chia-shou 明德齋, and Yen Siu Tang 延壽堂. The Liaos stood next only to the T'angs of Kam Tin and Ping Shan within the New Territories in possessing such a number of halls for studying purposes. The Wan Shih Tang, unlike the other ancestral halls, was seldom used as a classroom as it was reserved for ceremonial functions. But in 1932, the building was re-modelled to accommodate the Fung Kai School, the first modern school set up in the village. For the history of the Wan Shih T'ang and founding of the Fung Kai School, see Liao Yin-sen. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 365 CHUA, Miss F.L. CLARKE, Ms. J. LOCAL ORDINARY MEMBERS CLIMAS, Mr. D.J. COCHRANE, Mrs. V. COLLINS, Mr. A.J. COOPER, Mr. R. COURTAULD, Mrs. C. CRABBE, Mr. P.I. CRAIG, Mrs. P. CRISP, Mr. J.A. CRISSWELL, Dr. C.N. CROSS, Mr. N.T. CROSS, Mrs. C.E. CUMINE, Mr. E. CUNNINGHAM, Miss M. DAVIES, Mrs. L.R. DAVIES, Mrs. M. DAVIES, Mr. S.N.G. DAVIS, Mr. D.V. DAWE, Mr. J. DAWSON, Prof. J.L.M. DEACON, Mr. D.A. DEPTFORD, Mr. D. DER, The Rev. E.B. DIAMOND, Mr. A.L. DOLFIN, Mr. J. DOWELL, Mr. S.M. DOWNER, Mrs. R.W.Y. DRAKEFORD, Mr. L.S. DRESEL, Mrs. H. DYER, Mrs. C.E. ELSOM, Mr. G.J.B. EVANS, Mr. C.J. EVANS, Prof. D.M.E. FABRY, Mr. R.G. FABRY, Mrs. R.G. FAN, Mr. J.F.S. FAURE, Dr. D. FERGUSON, Mrs. C.L. FITZPATRICK, Mr. J. FITZWILLIAM-LAY, Mr. D.H. FORBES, Miss J.E. FORSYTH, Mr. A.H. FORSYTH, Mr. J.J. GAILEY, Mr. H.G. GAILEY, Mrs. N. GAMLEN, Mr. R. GARCIA, The Hon. Mr. Justice A. GARRETT, Mrs. V.M. GATELY, Mr. C. GERARD-PEARSE, Mrs. J.R.S. GHOSE, Mrs. R. GIBB, Mr. H. GODOLPHIN, Mr. P.J. GOLDSTEIN, Mr. A.L. GORER, Mr. P. GRANT, Prof. C.J. GRAY, Mr. P.H. GRIFFITH, Mr. R.O. GROVES, Prof. M.C. GUILLAUME, Baron P. de HAFFNER, Mr. C. HAHN, Mr. W. HAIGH, Mr. D.F. HALL, Mr. C.H. HALLIDAY, Mr. P.E. HALPERIN, Mr. D.R. HAMER-HUNT, Mr. H.D. HAMILTON, Mr. A. HAMMOND, Mrs. J. HIGHAM, Mrs. J.E. HIGHAM, Mr. R.D. HO, Dr. H.C. HOCHSTADTER, Dr. W. HODGE, Prof. P. HODGES, Mr. R. HODGES, Mrs. S. HODGKISS, Dr. I.J. HOLLEDGE, Mr. S. HOLMES, Miss J.E. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C. HOTUNG, Mr. E.E. HUGHES, Ms. A. HUNT, Mrs. J.M.C. HYSLOP, Mr. J.S. JACOBSEN, Miss S.M. JEFFERY, Mr. M.J. JOHNSON, Mr. & Mrs. P.K. JONES, Mr. G.W.E. JORDAN, Mr. D.J. KEMP, Dr. D.R. KERSHAW, Mr. C.J. KHAN, Dr. L. KHAN, Miss S. KING, Miss C.A. KIRKBRIDE, Mr. K.M.G. KWAN, Mrs. A.W.S.C. KWAN, Dr. L.H. KWOK, Mr. P.L. LAI, Miss M.S.C. LACK, Mr. A.J. LACK, Mrs. R. LANG, Mr. F.G. LAWRENCE, Mr. A. LEE, Mr. P.E.I. LEE, Mr. P.J. LEE, Mrs. R.M. LEE, Miss S.S.Y. LEEDS, Mrs. M.L. LERNER, Mr. B. LEVIN, Mr. D.A. LEVIN, Mrs. S.S. LI, Mr. E.L. LI, Mr. S.Y. LIARDET, Mr. A.J. LIH, Mr. S.H. LIU, Miss D. LLOYD, Mrs. W.E. LO, Miss A.D.W. LO, Mr. S.W. LOCK, Mr. K.B. LOCKING, Mr. J.R. LOFTS, Prof. B. LOK, Dr. L.S.U. LOK, Miss W.K. LOVELL, Mrs. H.C. LUK, Dr. H.K. LUNNEY, Mr. R. LUTZ, Mr. H.F. MA, Prof. H.K. MA, Mrs. J. MA, Prof. M. MacCABE, Mrs. S.J. MACCALLUM, Mr. I. MACCALLUM, Mrs. W.M. MACFARLANE, Mrs. H.D. MACGREGOR, Mr. K. MANSON, Mr. J.B. MAO, Dr. P.W.C. MARKEY, Mr. J.C. MARTIN, Dr. M.R. MASON, Mr. A.K. MATHEW, Mr. D. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1982 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p 367 ARMERDING, Mr. L.E. OVERSEAS LIFE MEMBERS BAKER, Dr. H.D.R. BAKER, Mr. W.E. BALL, Mr. J.M. BARNETT, Mr. K.M.A. BENNISON, Mr. L.L. BERTUCCIOLI, Dr. G. BLACKMORE, Mr. M. BLACK, Sir Robert BLAKER, Mr. D.J.R. CAPLAN, Mr. M. CARLSON, Miss R.E. CATER, Sir Jack CLARKE, Rev. C.S. COCKELL, Miss J.V. COLLIN, Mr. P.H. COSBY, Mr. L.P.S.G. CRANMER-BYNG, Prof. J.L. CUMMING, Mrs. D.M. DUNCANSON, Mr. J.D. EWING, Miss E. FABER, Mrs. A. FABER, Mrs. G.A.G. FAWCETT, Mr. B.C. FRASER, Mr. A.P. GALVIN, Mr. J.A.T. GEORGE, Mr. T.J.B. GIEDROYC, Mr. M.J.H. GOLDNEY, Miss C.M. HARDEN, Mrs. G.T. HAYDON, Mr. E.S. HECHTEL, Mr. F.O.P. HOGAN, Mr. J. HOWARTH, Mr. R.H. HUGHES, Mrs. M. HURT, Miss E.J. INGLES, Miss J.M. IRETON, Mrs. P.H. JOHNSTON, Mr. J.J. JORDAN, Dr. D.K. KIDD, Mr. S.T. LOTHROP, Mr. F.B. MACLEAN, Mr. R. MANSFIELD, Miss M.B. MICHAELIONES, Miss E.O. MILL, Major C.S. MILLER, Mr. C.F.O. NICHOLS, Mr. E.H. O'BRIEN, Father J.R. PLAG, Mr. A. POLAND, Mr. T.D. RITCHIE, Mr. D.J. ROBINSON, Prof. K.E. ROTHE, Mr. U. KNOWLES, Miss M.G. SINFIELD, Mr. G.H.C. KNOWLES, Mrs. W.C.G. KURATA, Mrs. L. LANCHESTER, Mrs. G.W. LAUFER, Mr. E.M. LAUFER, Mrs. B.M. LI, Dr. C.M. LINDSAY, Mr. T.J. LISOWSKI, Prof. F.P. SPERRY, Mr. H.M. STEVENS, Mr. K.G. SWIRE, Mr. A.C. TURNER, Sir Michael WARD, Miss J.E.A. WATSON, Dr. J.L. WHITELEGGE, Mr. D.S. LISOWSKI, Mrs. W.Y. WOLF, Mr. J. LOES, Dr. S. de ANDERSON, Dr. E.N. ORDINARY OVERSEAS MEMBERS BARR, Mr. J.W. BEVERIDGE, Mr. R.J. BOND, Mr. M.W. CHAR, Mr. T.Y. CHINN, Mrs. C.L. CLARK, Mrs. A.T. CONROY, Dr. R. COOPER, Dr. E. DE FAZIO, Mr. & Mrs. M.F. EASTON, Ms. L. HEMMING, Miss J.M. HODGSON, Mr. A.F. HODGSON, Mrs. K.H. HUYSMAN, Mr. J. FESSLER, Mr. L. FITZGIBBON, Mr. D. GARD, Dr. R.A. GOODRICH, Prof. L.C. HARRISON, Prof. B. KNEEBONE, Mrs. S. KRAMERS, Dr. R.P. LIU, Prof. T.Y. LU, Mrs. S. MATHIAS, Dr. J.R.G. McCOY, Mr. J. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1983 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v 80 words of Chinese origin are almost always anglicized in pronunciation. There may be doubt concerning how the word should be pronounced, but rarely is the Chinese pronunciation retained. For example, take the word cheongsam. The affricate /ts/ is replaced by the English /ch/ and the rounded vowel similar to that in the English "bird", but with lip-rounding, is replaced by a vowel identical to that in the English 'long'. Similarly in fung shui the Cantonese diphthong /oey/ (similar to that in the French 'lui') is substituted by the /u/ + /i/ sequence as in the English 'ruin'. On the graphological level, there is no question of the loans being written in Chinese characters. The letters of English alphabet may however occur in rather unfamiliar combinations, as in the case of e-o-n-g occurring in cheongsam, and u-e-y in chopsuey. Another requirement for full assimilation is related to the grammatical status of the word. Grammatically, it is assigned to a word class, or may have multiple-class membership. It behaves like other members of the class, so that if it is a countable noun it is inflected for number, and if it is a verb, it can take a past tense ending, and so on. Thus typhoon is inflected for number and kowtow for person and tense. It obeys the syntactical rules of the language in combining with other words to form grammatical sentences. For example, the headline 'Running water for lamas' occurs in The South China Morning Post, (7/82) also in the same paper, someone is described as 'mingling with the rich tai tais'. The word is not restricted in occurrence to limited contexts, but may be found to combine freely with other words to form bigger constructions, so that one can speak of Bruce Li as a 'kung fu superstar' The South China Morning Post (26/4/82), while in Noble House the writer mentions ‘a flood of amah Cantonese' (p. 1017). Cheongsam, in its past participle form, functions as an adjective in ‘cheongsamed girl', as used by Richard Hughes (p. 98) and James Clavell (N.H., p. 9). Derivational affixes may be added, as when ‘ism' or ‘ist' is added to the loans tao, lama, Mao, giving taoist, taoism, lamaism, Maoist and so on. It does not matter that Confucius originally derives from a surname plus a title; now that it has been established in the English language, one can derive Confucian and Confucianism from it. Again, it is of no significance that the model for Shanghai ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 42 JULIAN PAS Webster's Dictionary (1979), p. 1733. 10 Webster's Dictionary (1979), p. 170. Lenormant (1875), p. 18. 12 Lenormant (1875), p. 19. 13 Lenormant (1875), p. 30. 14 Needham (1956), p. 349. Banck (1976). 16 CHENG, Chen-tuo, Editor, T'ien-chu ling-ch'ien (Reproduction of the Earliest Preserved Set of Temple Oracles) Folklore & Folk Literature Series of National Peking University. (reprint), Taipei: The Orient Cultural Service, 1958. 17 19 I have used the cheng-t'ong or Ming edition, as reprinted in Taipei. Eberhard (1970), p. 193. Huang-ti shen-kung Ħ☎1⁄2, Banck (1976), #17. 20 Eberhard (1970), p. 191-192. 21 Jordan (1982). 11 W. Eberhard (1970), p. 195. The Chinese text: 1+X8 23 24 The Chinese text: 高達五十得名 St. Augustine's Confessions, translated by William Benham (New York: Collies & Son, 1909), pp. 141-142. BIBLIOGRAPHY A. Sources (i) Taiwan (& Hong Kong) Oracles, published in booklets B-I B-I B-I B-2 B-2 B-2 Sheng-ch'ien chu-chieh E, Kuan Yin Fo-tsu, T'ien-shang Sheng-mu &Ħ, X_L, Taichung, Jui-ch'eng Bookstore AĦĦ , 1972, (1st ed. date, unknown). K'ai-t'ai Ma-tsu chien-chieh, published by the Feng-t'ien Temple in Hsin-kang, Chia-yi *, ****8. (n.d. circa 1978). The oracle texts are on pp. 1-30. + Ling-ch'ien chich-shuo, with commentaries by Yeh Shan #ll, Taichung: Ch'uang-shih Publishing House, & FURN 1979. + Pai-shou ch'ien-chieh, Published by the Hsing-sheng Temple in Taichung 台中市行聖宮,1977. Ling-ch'ien chieh-shuo *, with commentaries by Yeh Shan #. Taichung: Ch'uang-shih Publishing House, ÷ÞOKRE 1975 (1st ed.: 1966) Kuan-sheng Ti-chún ch'ien-shih chich MESE the Shui-hsien Temple in Nan-kang, Chia-yi, 1 Published by *, 1964, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 43 B-2 B-2 Pai-shou ling-ch'ien, Ku-shih chu-chieh ti by Cheng Chin-ling $436. Tsoying, Kaohsiung, 1976. M. Published Kuan-sheng Ti-chun ying-yan t'ao-yian ming-sheng ching E KNMVTÆ. Published by the Fu-ch'uan Fo-t'ang in Kang-shan, Kaohsiung. QUI÷HES, 1971. (The oracles are in the Appendix). B-6 Kuan Yin ling-ch'ien chu-chieh, erh-shih-szu shou Pi. Taichung: Jui-ch'eng Bookstore, 1975. B-34 Ch'ien-shu chu-chieh, Tien-shang Sheng-mu, lished by the Nan-yao Temple in Changhua M, R, LTE. Pub Mä, 1977. B-54 Huang Ta-hsien (Wong Tai Sin) ling-ch'ien, ku-pen chu-chieh A¶ LASER. Published by the Wong Tai Sin Temple in Kowloon, HK, n.d. (purchased in 1980). B-55 Po-chi hsien-fang 1981;. Taiwan (no exact place indicated but stamped by the Tz'u-yu Temple in Taipei, BMK), 1951. B-55 Lu Ti ling-ch'ien hsien-fang, PPARI), Hsinchu: Chu-lin Book-store 新竹市竹林書局,1977. B-55 Fu-yu Ti-chün chüeh-shih ching, Lü-tsu ling-ch'ien chi hsien-fang Fili MEIM.NG MAUZERO/2A07), Hong Kong, N.T., SEDILE. 8-0 1976. + Wu-nien ch'ien-sui ling-ch'ien chu-chieh 1F, Published the Chen-an Temple (2000) of Ma-ming-Shan in the county of Yiin lin, Taiwan, 1963. (ii) Taiwan Oracles: Temple Samples Werner Banck, Das Chinesische Tempelorakel PPE (part 1: Sources), Taipei: Ku-t'ing Bookstore, fillaliliPVM, 1976. (iii) Canton Temple Oracles, collected by the Library of the Center of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong (not included in Banck's source edition) 1. Kuan-shih-yin ling-ch'ien, #, published by Wu-kui t'ang 4, in Canton, n.d. (circa 1940?) block print reproduction; contains 100 oracles). 2. Hung-sheng-wang ch'ien 1, published by I-wen tang in Canton, n.d. (blockprint reproduction; contains 64 oracles). 3. K'ang-kung ling-ch'ien 12, published by T'ien-pao Printing Co.: Ch'an-shan, Canton, dated 1855 (nice wood block print edition) + 4. Fu-shen T-u-ti ch'ien (@J:22, published by Wen-tang Bookstore, **W in Yue-tung ch'an shan 40, dated 1859. (woodblock print; 30 oracles). 5. Shang-ti ling-ch'ien (zar, published by Wen-t'ang Bookstore, Z, n.d. (wood block print; 50 oracles). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 44 JULIAN PAS 6. Hou-wang ling-ch'ien 14, published by Tsui-ching tang f**, Canton, n.d. (block print edition; 64 oracles). 7. Pei-ti ling-chien w, published by Wu-kui t'ang in Canton, n.d. (block print; 50 oracles, identical with above Shang-ti ling-ch'ien). (iv) Oracles reproduced in the Tao-tsang 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. ✯ (−TT), 1977 Taipei reprint. Szu-sheng chen-chin ling-ch'ien 145, vol. 54, pp. 44056-44080, TT. 1298 (1 scroll; 49 oracles). Hsian-chen ling-ying pao-ch'ien KERAK, vol. 54, pp. 44081-44137, TT. 1299 (3 scrolls; 365 oracles, divided over 12 daily hours each of which has 30 slips, i.e. 360 plus one slip for each of the five agents). Ta-tz'u hao sheng chiu-t'ien wei-fang Sheng-mu yilan-chun ling-ying pao-ch'ien KkP;AMP@!#MEW, vol. 54, pp. 44138-44150, TT. 1300 (1 scroll; 99 oracles). Hung-en ling-chi chen-chân ling chien light hi. Vol. 54, pp. 44150-44154, TT. 1301 (1 scroll; 53 oracles). Ling-chi chen-chün chu-sheng ling ch’ien OBZIRAR, vol. 54, pp. 44155-44159, TT. 1302 (1 scroll; 64 oracles). Fu-t'ien kuang-sheng ru-i ling-ch'ien KQE✯, vol. 54, pp. 44160-44190, TT. 1303 (1 scroll; 120 oracles). 7. B-2 Hu-kuo chia-chi chiang-tung-wang ling-ch'ien ARMORIA, vol. 54, pp. 44193-44213, TT. 1305 (1 scroll; 100 oracles). 8. Hsuan-t'ien Shang-ti kan-ying ling-ch'ien K, vol. 60, pp. 48479-48506 (49 oracles). (v) 1. Sham Francis, Trans., Kwun Yum Fortune Slip Predictions. Hong Kong: Tung Wah Group of Hospitals, Board of Directors, 1983. (This set corresponds with the Kuan Yin set found in Lukang; B-11 and -12). 2. Sham Francis, Trans., Predictions of Wong Tai Sin. Hong Kong: Tung Wah Group of Hospitals, Board of Directors, 1984. Chai, Tung-yeh # !f, "Ling-chien malo-chii” NUE. 3. Heaven-Earth-man Journal Ke (published in Taichung, Taiwan), no. 1 (1968), 117-147. B. Studies 1. BAUER, Wolfgang, China and the Search for Happiness. Recurring Themes in Four Thousand Years of Chinese Cultural History. (Translated from the German by Michael Shaw.) New York: The Seabury Press, 1976 (German Ed.: 1971) 2. EBERHARD, Wolfram, "Oracle and Theater in China", pp. 191-199, Studies in Chinese Folklore and Related Essays, The Hague: Mouton, 1970. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 182 THE STRUCTURE AND OPERATION OF KEI WAI (#) Y.H. CHEUNGa, K.Y. TAIb, S.W. TSAOc, AND L.B. THROWERc* The kei wai () is essentially a device for exploiting the nutrient-rich waters of an estuary. As they exist in the region of Mai Po (N.W. New Territories) kei wais consist of ponds about 1 metre deep and some 10 hectares in area. Each kei wai is separated from the adjacent Deep Bay (Hau Hoi Wan) by an embankment or bund, but communicates with it through a sluice gate. Seawater is allowed to enter on the high tide, carrying with it the fry and larvae of potential produce (fish, shrimps, crabs), and the gate is then closed to prevent outflow of water. Individual kei wais are also separated from one another by bunds. There is an obvious similarity in managing the kei wais to that used to control the exchange of water in commercial shrimp ponds in Hong Kong, namely the opening and closing of the gates as the tidal level changes. However, an important characteristic of kei wais is that no artificial fertilizer or food is added to the water. This paper consists of two parts: I which describes the actual mode of operation of the kei wai and may be of interest to the general reader, and II which reports an investigation into factors affecting productivity of the kei wai. PART I OPERATION OF THE KEI WAI Situation and Form The present Mai Po marshes are the latest stage in the deposition of alluvium. Thus, a zonation exists from dry land to the waters of Deep Bay: (i) old alluvium which usually is or has been cultivated, (ii) the general area of marsh, part of which has been excavated into deep fish ponds, (iii) the seaward region of the a Pollution Research Unit, U.M.L.S.T., United Kingdom. b Department of Anatomy, The Chinese University of Hong Kong. c Department of Biology, The Chinese University of Hong Kong. * See Plates 7-14 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1984 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572 246 CHOI CHI CHEUNG Table A. Name of the Objects of Worship 1. A Nan Chun Che * 2. Buddha #N* 3. Chia Ych Chun Che *** 4. Kannon, the Goddess of Mercy 5. Dragon Kings of the 4 Seas 6. Representative of the Heavenly Kitchen 天厨使者 7. Chin Kwong Wang 8. Cho Kiang Wang thi 9. Sung T'i Wang ✯E 10. Wu Kwan Wang HE 11. Yen Lo Wang 12. Bien Chen Wang | 13. Thai Shan Wang E 14. T'u Shi Wang 15. Pin Deng Wang 16. Chuen Lun Wang 17-18. The Courts of extreme happiness 極樂殿 19. Kan Tsai Wang 20. Wai Lo ## 21. ? 22. The Great Kings and Emperors 大王大帝 23. The Lord of Pu-tu 24. Ancestral Hall of all Lineages 各姓宗祠 25. 6 paths and 4 species 0% 26. Wandering spirits of 4 directions 西方忘魂 27. The 3 Pure Ones E 28. Gods of the 3 levels 29. ? 30. Male and female orphan spirits 男女孤魂 31. 3 religions and 9 schools 32. Million souls of the 3 levels 三界萬靈 33. Office of the Yin and Yang H 34. Lord 8th A 35. Lord 7th 36. Temporary resting place ✯✯S Q 1-3 as told by the organizer of the Uji O Festival R ET T H No. 7 to No. 16 were the ten courts of the Underworld. Informants always mention them without any difference from no. 17 and 18, as ‘Chigoku Juunoo' (M&E) or 'Chigoku” (Ten Kings of Hell, or Hell). 7 to 9, 10 to 12, 13 to 15, 16 to 18, were all made in one paper-made house (informants simply class them as Ming-che too) respectively. F Both 19 and 20 were regarded as the guardians of the festival. 19 for avoiding any meat, and 20 for keeping out evil and watching over the spirits. Q No one knew what it was T T GIF T Q No one knew what it was T T Q Told by the organizer of the Uji festival. It was also called T'ien Ti Tan (X). F Both 34 and 35 were the runners of Hell. H ! ! ! ¡ ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x TAN TSE TAO: A CONTEMPORARY CHINESE FAITH-HEALING SECT IN HONG KONG* I. Introduction BARTHOLOMEW P. M. TSUI It should not be surprising, given the laissez-faire attitudes of Hong Kong, to find a frequent occurrence of religious sects which can only be described as out of the ordinary. There are, for example, societies for women who live together and perform Buddhist chants and are bound by rules which make them neither laywomen nor nuns, or Taoist groups which centre their activities around fu-chi (planchette), groups which centre on morning and evening devotions in which the Buddhist prajñā-pāramitā hrđaya sūtra (the hsin ching) and the Confucian canon of filial piety (hsiao ching) are chanted, and groups interested in the primary worship of Lü Tsu, or, again, sects whose beliefs and practices show individualistic combinations of the traditional Three Teachings (san-chiao) and worship of deities of popular religion. Yet, Tan Tse Tao, a contemporary Chinese faith-healing sect which I am about to describe, is extraordinary even among this unusual group. Its origin is attributed entirely to the unusual events surrounding its founder, originally a thoroughly Western-educated Protestant. The foundation of the sect is based entirely on a fresh revelation given to the founder by a god (God, for there is only one God according to Tan Tse Tao) whose personal name has never been used in earlier history. And yet the adherents of Tan Tse Tao claim that its teachings correspond to many traditional concepts in Chinese philosophy, concepts vital to philosophic Taoism. Its faith-healing activity is surprisingly similar to the early Taoist religion of the Heavenly Master's sect of the Han Dynasty, and yet there is little evidence that the founder was aware of the resemblance until well after the establishment of the sect. The sect is noted for its worship of only one god and for the avoidance of crude symbolism in worship. These characteristics lift Tan Tse Tao out of the ordinary. *Plates 1 and 2. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 31 - fort was built at the head of the beach.' Its strategic, administrative and economic position remained relatively insignificant until the British occupied Hong Kong Island in 1841. In 1843, after the ratification of the Treaty of Nanking, the hsün-chien (Assistant Magistrate) of the Hsin-an county, with administrative responsibilities for 491 villages, was transferred there.2 Also transferred there was the Commodore of Ta-p'eng, the chief military officer of the county, and the garrison was increased to 150.3 It soon became apparent that these measures were not enough. In 1846, Ch'i-ying, the Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, further memorialized the imperial court pointing out the exposed position of the site, and suggested constructing a “walled-city” (tsai-ch'eng) mounted with cannon. He also proposed building offices and barracks, not only to provide accommodations for the civil and military personnel who had hitherto been billeted in private homes, but also facilities for drilling. Such measures, he felt, would have a “constraining effect” on the barbarian base in Hong Kong, and would greatly strengthen the coastal defence of the area. The wall was completed in 1847, and the “Kowloon Walled City" came into being. Reports on the dimensions of the wall varied. As described by James Stewart Lockhart, who reconnoitred the newly leased territory in 1898, it formed a rough parallelogram measuring 700 ft. by 400 ft., enclosing an area of 6.5 acres. It was built of granite ashlar facing, 15 ft. in width at the top, and averaged 13 ft. in height. There were six watch towers and four gateways, with doors of wood lined with iron sheeting. Officially the main gate was the South Gate over which the four characters “Chiu-lung tsai-ch'eng” (Kowloon Walled City) were engraved, but it seems that the East Gate, which opened onto the market place, saw the most traffic. The parapet had 119 embrasures and an unknown number of cannon were mounted. At a later date, the wall was extended from the northern corners up the hill behind, forming the apex of a triangle at the top. The knoll, known both as White Crane Hill and Twin Phoenix Hill, had a number of romantic legends associated with it.4 With large boulders perched precariously on its slopes, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 45 dencies (Hong Kong: Kelly & Walsh, 1920) p. 130; S.H. Peplow and M. Barker, Around and About Hong Kong (2nd revised and enlarged edition, 1931), p. 10. 59 For example, Chao Chun-hao, Yueh-Kang-Ao tao-yu #5 (A guide to Canton, Hong Kong and Macao) (Shanghai: China Travel Agency, 1938) p. 58; Wen Te-chang. ii) Kuang-Chiu t'ieh-lu lu-hsing chih-nan Rířili (A guide to travel on the Canton-Kowloon Railway) (1922) p. 139; T'u yun-fuzli Hsiang-kang tao-yu fi (A guide to Hong Kong) (Shanghai: China Travel Agency, 1940) p. 15. 60 Chiang-shan ku-jen, “Feng-kuang”, part 163. This was a Mr. Liu T'ao §‡ who had descended from one of the original inhabitants of the City. In 1931, he was living in the K'uei-hsing ke. He had copied every inscription there was in the City for sale to visitors. 61 Jarrett, vol. 3, p. 611; "Report on the New Territories, 1899-1912”, Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1912, pp. 43-63, p. 47. 62 Hsing-che 1, "Lung-chin shih-ch'iao” ¡¡¡ (The Lung-chin bridge [jetty]) in Li Chin-wei $ (ed) Hsiang-kang pai-nien shih dred years of Hong Kong history) (Hong Kong, 1948) p. 93. #2(One hun- 63 John Stuart Thomson, The Chinese (London: T. Werner Laurie, Clifford's Inn, n.d.) p. 62; Jarrett, vol. 3, p. 611. Siu, Chiu-lung ch'eng, p. 38. Quoted by Wesley-Smith, Unequal Treaty, p. 127; an interesting account of the City in the 1930s-50s is provided in Chapter 7. The Colonial Office file dealing with the removal problem in 1933-4 is CO129/546; for the Chinese side of the story, see Wu Pa-ning "Chiu-lung ch'eng chu-min san-t'u pei pi-ch’ien ching-kuo" JuffDWIDE-LOK MESA (An account of the three occasions on which residents of the Kowloon City were forcibly evicted) in Li Chin-wei, p. 89 and Chih-che IL “Chiu-lung ch'eng shih-chien ti chiao-she" ** (Negotiation over the Kowloon City incident) in ibid., pp. 98–101. ז' 1 Other secondary works on the subject include N.J. Miners, "A Tale of Two Walled Cities", Hong Kong Law Journal vol, 12; no. 2 (1982); Peter Wesley-Smith, "Forlorn, Forbidden and Forgotten: Kowloon's Walled City" Kaleidoscope vol. I: no. 3 (February, 1973) 26-33; Mike Davis, “Inside the Walled City” ibid., vol. IV; no. 6 (August, 1976) 5-11; Michael Chiang, "The Development of the Kowloon Walled City" (Student's thesis, School of Architecture, University of Hong Kong. 1979-80). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1987 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522 89 Northern Vietnam) he asked to be relieved of office and left the capital for Guangzhou. In 327 he settled in the Zhuming cave of Mt. Luofu where he busied himself collecting medicinal herbs and refining cinnabar. His extensive writings include several important treatises on Taoism and Chinese medicine. (Source: Zongjiao Cidian [Dictionary of religion], Shanghai, Cishu Chubanshe (Lexiographical publishing company), 1981, pp. 997-998; see also Jin Shu [The Book of Jin], volume 72, Zhonghua Shuju). Needham calls him "the greatest alchemist in Chinese history" (Science and Civilization in China, vol. II, Cambridge University Press, 1956, p. 437). 14 The story that Huang Yeren was late for the levitation because he was drunk, we heard from a young official of a local Taoist organization whom we interviewed in Guangzhou on August 27, 1987. Cultural affairs cadres whom we interviewed at the main temple on Mt. Luofu on August 28, 1987 indignantly denied this story. The young official also related the story that Huang Yeren (Huang the wild man) had originally been called Huang "also [in Cantonese “yah”] man” (in many Luofu folk-tales the Yeren is said to appear in the shape of an animal). Later the character for "also" (in Mandarin “ye”) had been substituted by that for "wild" (in Mandarin also "ye"). We have not found any documentary sources which confirm this information. 19 Michel, Soymié, "Le Lo-feou chan", 1954. Bulletin de l'école française d'Extrême-orient, Tome XLVIII (ler semestre), 1954, pp. 1-137, raises another possibility (see pp. 109-110): that the Yeren tradition is based on contacts in ancient times, possibly including periodic trading exchanges, between people of the plains of Guangdong and aborigines living on or near the mountain. In the eyes of the plainsmen, the aborigines would appear strange in many respects, especially in speech and appearance. Stories derived from these contacts might have become the basis for the Yeren legend. Supporting this interpretation, Soymié notes, is the fact that Yeren was thought to be able to appear as a man or a woman, a young person or an old person, and that Yeren is in fact a category of "strange person apparitions” rather than a single figure. Clearly, once such a flexible figure had become established in the popular imagination, sightings of almost anything on the mountain could feed into the growing folklore about Yeren. 16 Some stories of healings by Yeren are contained in Luofushan Fengwuzhi (Records of Mt. Luofu scenery), Guangdong Lüyou Chubanshe (Tourist affairs publishing co., 1984). This source also records the tradition that the cave of Yeren was guarded by a mute tiger. The chapter in which the healings are recorded is titled, "The earth-bound fairy riding on a mute tiger." 17 Source: Nanhan Shu (The book of Southern Han), Guangdong Renmin Chubanshe, 1981 (reprint), volume 17. This story was also related to Ragvald by scholars of the provincial Wenshi Guan (Research institute of culture and history) whom the first author interviewed in Guangzhou, September, 1987. 18 These details are in notes provided to the first author by the Wenshi Guan scholars (see previous footnote), and were evidently taken by them from an addition to the Nanhan Shu, titled Nanhan Shu Kao Yi (Collating the variants), volume 17. 19 We have not yet been able to verify the exact location of the temple, which apparently is called Huangxianweng miao (The temple of old saint Huang). There may be several other Huang Li temples in this region. 20 According to Nanhan Shu Kao Yi (volume 17) his original name may have been Wang rather than Huang. Evidently he changed his surname to Huang (in Canton... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 106 is expensive and because of its "burnt" smell. Sandalwood is obtained from Santalum album, the best of which is found in Sydney, Australia. This species is often referred to as Hsin-shan sandalwood (新山檀香木, US). The core part of the tree trunk, being older, has the stronger scent and thus is most valued and gains the name of Ta hsin-shan (大新山, II). The next rank is called T'ou-tsai (頭材, Bff) and is obtained from the shoot of the tree trunk. The branches and the bark of the tree, being either too young or too rough, are less valued and are termed as Chih-tsai (枝材, literally meaning "little branches") and Shêng-p'i (生皮, literally meaning "tree bark", ) respectively. An inferior species is called Ju-lai-fên (如來粉, 403) which is a little pungent in smell. Some of the sandalwood, however, comes from Indonesia and is called Di-men (低門, HP) which is not as odoriferous as that from Australia. Sandalwood is also imported from Papua New Guinea and the islands of the South Pacific. It is this type of scent which is most favoured by the public and is used in the production of both joss sticks and incense coils. In 1987, more than 50 factories reported the use of various grades of sandalwood. Benzoin, in contrast, is obtained from Styrax benzoin from Sumatra, S. hypoglaucus, S. macrothuyrrus from China and S. tonkinensis from Siam. This fragrance has a very strong smell and was widely used in the 1960s and 1970s. In the 1960s, 60% of the incense wood ground in a single incense wood mill in Shek Kong was benzoin wood (around 200-300 tan per month). Today, less than 30 tan of benzoin wood is ground in a year. Lign-aloe-scented joss sticks, however, are produced with a mixture of wide varieties of Chinese medicinal herbs; examples include Illicium verum, Foeniculum vulgare, Rheum spp., Cinnamomum cassia, Syzygium aromaticum, Nardostachys chinensis, Zanthoxylum simulans, Lysimachia foenumgraecum, Angelica anomala, Kaempferia galanga, Angelica sinensis, Glycyrrhiza uralensis, Xanthoxylum and Eleutherococcus gracilistylus. Ch'ien-nan (沉南, £), the common name for this kind of joss stick, was particularly used in Malaysia and Thailand in early days to fumigate the tin mines. The last common type of incense powder used is from ordinary sawdust. Though increasingly fewer incense stick factories produce joss sticks with sawdust, at least 20 factories in 1987 had small sections devoted to the production of this kind of low-grade commodity. The end product so manufactured is called Ts'u-hsiang (**粗香**, “crude joss sticks”, H) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 119 NOTES 1 Ch'ü, Ta-chün, Kuang-tang hsin-yü [New Tales from Kuang-tung], Hong Kong: Chung-hua ch'u-pan-shê, 1974, reprinted from 1700 edition, p. 677. 2 ibid, pp. 674-676. 3 Yung-yen, “Hong Kong ti ming k'ao” [The Origin of Place Names in Hong Kong], in: Li Chun-wei (ed.) Hong Kong pai nien [Centenary History of Hong Kong], (Hong Kong: Nan chung pien yi ch'u-pan-shê, 1948), p. 68. 4 Hong Kong Daily Press, February 5, 1873. 5 Siu, A.K.K., “The Hong Kong Region Before and After the Coastal Evacuation in the Early Ch'ing Dynasty”, in: Faure, David, James Hayes and Birch (eds.), From Village to City, (Hong Kong: Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, 1984), p. 2; Fêng K'ê-pin (ed.), Hsiang chien [Notes on Incense], in: Kuang pai ch'uan hsüeh hai (1), 1998. (Taipei: Hsin-hsing shu-chü, reprinted in 1970). 6 Balfour, S.F., “Hong Kong Before the British”, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 10, 1979, p. 176. 7 Ch'ü, p. 677. 8 Chang, Y.N., "Hong Kong Ts'un (Hong Kong Village) and the Cultivation and Exportation of Incense from Kowloon and the New Territories”, in: Lo, Hsiang Lin (ed.), Hong Kong and Its External Communications Before 1842, (Hong Kong: Institute of Chinese Culture, 1963), p. 114. 9 Tung-kuan Hsien-chih [Tung-kuan Gazetteer], compiled by Ch'ên Pai-tao, (Tung-kuan yang-hêng yin-wu-chü, 1910), Section 14, p. 13; Dunn, Stephen Troyte and William James Tutcher, Flora of Kwangtung and Hong Kong, (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1912), p. 9. 10 Iu, K.C., "The Cultivation of the Incense Tree (Aquilaria sinensis)”, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 23, 1983, pp. 247-249. 11 “Imports for the Year 1846”, Hong Kong Blue Book 1846, p. 200, 204, 207. 12 “Imports for the Year 1847”, Hong Kong Blue Book 1847, pp. 200-212. 13 “Imports for the Year 1848”, Hong Kong Blue Book 1848, pp. 251-254. 14 Hsü, Kuang-ch'i (ed.), Nung chêng ch'üan shu [Encyclopedia on Agricultural Techniques], (1847), Section 18, pp. 13-15. 15 Yung-yen, p. 68. 16 Lockhart, S. "Extracts from A Report by Mr Stewart Lockhart on the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong on October 8, 1898”, Sessional Papers concerning the Acquisition of the New Territories 1899, p. 190. 17 Nathan, cited by J.W. Hayes. "Notes and Queries: Sandalwood Mills at Tsun Wan". Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 16, 1976, pp. 282-283. 18 'Report on the New Territories for the year 1925; B. Southern District", Hong Kong Administrative Reports 1925, p. J13. 19 'Report on the New Territories for the Year 1931; B. Southern District" Hong Kong Administrative Reports 1931, p. J18. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 125 hillslope at the back and sides. stone As far as can be ascertained, the walls of the nunnery are throughout either of blue brick or of heavily plastered stone rubble, on footings of the standard building technique in the region. The roofs are of tile laid single thickness on beams supported directly by the walls. The only windows are very small (about one foot square) openings with bars and wooden shutters in the front face in the second and fourth sections, and the side wall of the fourth section, and two tiny single-brick openings, in the front wall of the second section, and the side wall of the fourth section. The main temple hall is the third section. The main entrance to the nunnery is here, at the top of a shallow flight of steps. The double-leaved door opens into an Entrance Hall bare of all furniture except for the brick spirit-screen wall, with the altar to Wai To (卫道), the Defender of the Way, against its inner face. The Entrance Hall opens out into the Tin Tseng, which is mostly filled with the large brick paper-burner, and the steps up to the upper level. Above the steps is the Main Hall, with the altar against the back wall, and with a large offering table in front. The altar is to Kwun Yam, and has statues of the Lord Buddha (Sakyamuni), and the King of Hell (Ti Ts'ang Wang, 地藏王), as well as of Kwun Yam on it. To either side of the main altar are very small subordinate altars, where the tablets commemorating certain deceased monks are kept. In front of the main cult statues are five small images: two are unidentified, the others are of Milofu, Shan Ts'ai (善财), and Yũ Nũ (玉女). Below the altar is the usual shrine to the spirits of the Five Directions (五方).* To the left of the Main Hall as you look at it from the entrance, i.e., at the back of the second section of the building, is the Side Hall, containing an altar to the Earth God (To Tei, 土地). This Side Hall has no Tin Tseng or windows, and is in consequence rather dark, being lit only by the light coming in from the arch which links this Hall with the Main Hall. The nunnery is now in a very run-down state, and it is not clear what furnishings were originally in this Hall: presumably there was an offering table of some sort in front of the altar. This Side Hall contains the inscription commemorating the rebuilding of the nunnery in 1868. * I am indebted to Mr. Keith G. Stevens for identification of the deities worshipped in the nunnery. Page 150 Page 151 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h N + Sham Tsun LUK VEUK CHEUNG SHAN KWU TSZ Ping Yeung Keng Shan [Ping Che CHEUNG CHEUNG SHAN KWU TSZ Leng Tsai Kan Fou Hung Leng SZE YEUK ROADS TEMPLE Tai Po MOUNTAINS RIVER VILLAGES Ton Chuk Hang Shan Tong Ê tại Trung Hu Leng Pe J LOCATION SHAP 'Man UK Lại Tưng ES ¿Son Uk Tsai Son Wal Hawai Tau Legg YEUK BOUNDARY Tung Shih Hạ LAND SUPPORTING CHEUNG SHAN KWUTSZ /Hek You METHE O Spe Theo meng L Tai Po KAT TSAI AU 131 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 13 153 PP. 12 The inscription recording the rebuilding is at Faure, Luk and Ng, op. cit. Vol. I, 128-129, but it is unreadable through weathering, except for the heading and date. (4). Loe An-lim (羅安廉) (42), Qianren Wenxian (千人文献), ÑÍAL. [Collected Writings of Men of Past Ages], unpublished manuscript collection, Vol. 2, ff. 75a. (Copy in library of Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, Kowloon Central Library, Hong Kong). Lee An-lim was a villager of Sheung Wo Hang. (3) Lee An-lim, Qianren Wenxian, op. cit. ff 73-78. + As honour board recording the donors to the 1920 repair has recently been found. It lists the donors by village. Every village in Ta Kwu Ling donated (except Ping Che, Chuk Yuen, Nga Yiu Ha, very probably included with their lineage brethren in Tong Fong, Law Fong, Ping Yeung), as did the villages close to the road both in the Sha Tau Kok area (Shan Tsui, Yim Tso Ha, Yim Tin, Wo Hang, Nam Chung, Luk Keng, Wu Shek Kok and Sha Tau Kok Market) and in the Sham Tsun area (Sham Tsun Market, Lo Wu, and Wong Pui Ling). Shek Wu Hui from further away also donated. See Win Wen Wei Pao (SCHEW) of 17 September, 1991. U¿÷ 16 Detail from the tablets commemorating the departed leaders of the monastery, and from information given by the recently deceased resident nun. The tablet of Kuk Shan Kit reads: 羅浮山寶積古寺監裤正宗第上三代主持上谷下山潔老和尚莲座. The tablet Kuk Shan Kit placed to commemorate his deceased predecessors names the "ordained monks" HIBA · MAZA + J # and Ki£*, all of whom were dead by the date of erection + 1 of the tablet, and ✯, at that date still alive, as well as predecessors as rulers of this monastery" ALLKILMINER and "those monks who founded this monastery", A WILDFORIKA BAIMM- L 17 See P.H. Hase, “Notes on Rice Farming in Shatin', in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 21, 1981, pp. 196-206; D. Faure, The Rural Economy of Pre-Liberation China: Trade Increase and Peasant Livelihood in Jiangsu and Guangdong, Oxford University Press, Hong Kong, 1989, pp. 46-57 and 212; and Hong Kong Annual Report: Report by District Commissioner, New Territories for Year Ending 31st March, 1950, Noronha and Co., Hong Kong, 1950, p. 5. TH The Ho clan of Tsung Yuen Ha descends from Ho Chan, the Earl of Tung Kuan in the early Ming, and the Ho family history (CBMGKR — a manuscript volume in the University of Cambridge Library) suggests this area was in Ho Chan's hands before the end of the Ming. It was certainly in Ho family control before 1393 when Ho Chan's family were proscribed. The Tang family has occupied the Lung Yeuk Tau villages, Loi Tung and Tai Tong Wu since the fourteenth century at the latest. A Tang clan also occupies Au Ha (PUF Aoxia) and Wang Kong Ha (Huanggangxia). I have not been able to discover if these two villagers are genealogically connected with the Loi Tung and Lung Yeuk Tau clan, although this is unlikely. The Man family has occupied Ping Che for **18 generations", according to village elders, i.e. probably from the fourteenth century. The same family occupies Tong Fong, Heung Yuen Wai, and Lin Tong, Liantang), and a branch of it was resident at Man Uk Pin (**Man Family Houses") before the present residents, the Chung (鍾) clan moved there in the early eighteenth century. The To clan has been resident at Chau Tin village for **500 years". Local villagers consider that the Lei family has been resident at Lei Uk for as long as the To and Man clans have been at Chau Tin and Ping Che. All these clans are Punti, although sections of the Man clan at Tong Fong, and those at Heung Yuen Wai and Lin Tong, now speak Hakka. Shan Kai Wat (Lam surname, 林), Fung Wong Wu (Yip surname, 葉), and Law Fong (Law surname, 羅), are all included in the list of villages in existence in 1661 included in the 1688 Hsin An County Gazetteer, along with Au Ha, Tsung Yuen Ha, Ping Che (Ping Yuen 平遠), and perhaps Ping Yeung (坪洋) (Gazetteer, Ch. 3, f 12-13). Other Punti clans in the Ta Kwu Ling area (Wong, 黃, Chan, 陳, and Law, 羅, at Kan Tau Wai, and Hau, 侯) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 195 his alarm allayed amidst the warmest applause from the audience for his clever and successful "sell". In addition the editor wrote that this Prologue afforded H. E. more valuable hints how to treat the Rebellion than all the suggestions that have been submitted to him since his arrival. Apparently Bonham was "so much delighted that we are not without hopes a report on the performances may form the subject of his first despatch from Shanghae”. So much for modesty. As regards the performances themselves, the writer had it in confidence from a tall whiskered male who occupied a front seat disguised in a dress coat, that although Hong Kong theatre is now more conveniently lit up in the Victoria Theatre in acting Shanghae would not suffer by comparison". "That treaty port chauvinism was not lacking even at that early stage was made clear when the visitor insisted that our Head Actor has been brought from Hong Kong”. Despite his earlier lukewarm praise he must have made some sour remarks too, for the editor wrote that "except as to the heroine, his critical skill was evidently at fault in discriminating the excellences of the other performers in Betsey Baker; and all he could be got to say regarding Apartments was something about Mr. and Mrs. Keeley having many worse imitators” (Robert Keeley, 1793-1869; and Mrs. Keeley (Mary Ann Coward), 1806-1899: famous British actors). (NCH 26.3.1853). 5.5.1853 (Thur) G.A.A. BECKETT: "Siamese Twins" (1834) T: Farce (1 act) R. BUTLER: "The Irish Tutor" (1822) T: Farce (1 act) C: Amateurs F: Music by the band of the Susquehanna Th: Imperial Theatre (B) N: Final performance of the season R: The close of the season by the amateurs who called themselves the "Lily Troupe" for a "bumper house"; with some “admirable music by the Band of Susquehanna" — a steamer belonging to the U.S. Japan Squadron. (NCH 7.5.1853). 8.3.1854 (Wedn) J.M. MADDOX: “A Fast Train! High Pressure!! Express!!!" (1853) T: Farce W.B. BERNARD: “A Practical Man" (1849) T: Farce C: Amateurs P: Music Th: Tac Ming Theatre (C) R: At the start of the evening a, for part of the audience at least, unexpected treat was in store: “On the rising of the curtain a ludicrous incident quite upset our friend BUSKIN. He was set down to enact "Colonel Jack Delaware" (in A Fast Train — JH) but a storm met him as soon as he appeared on the stage and he was fairly hissed off when a stranger leapt over the footlights and announced his intention of supporting the character. The curtain dropped and after a short delay the volunteer Yankee came forward, dressed in the most extravagant fashion and took up the part with great spirit". Was the leading actor-manager really taken by surprise? This could hardly be, and it must be assumed that it was, like the "rebellion" before, a set up. At any rate the "interloping Yankee was enrolled in Buskin's company. The musical department was sustained by "Messrs Thalberg and Koenig with their usual talent and success". Both these noms de théâtre were after well known musicians: Sigismund Thalberg (1812-1871), a Swiss pianist and composer; and Friedrich Koenig, a German violinist. (NCH 11.3.1854). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 196 22.3.1854 (Wedn) J.V. BRIDGEMAN: "I've Eaten My Friend!" (1851) T: Farce (1 act) J.M. MORTON: "A Most Unwarrantable Intrusion" (1849) T: Farce (1 act) J.M. MORTON: "The Two Bonny Castles" (1851) T: Farce (1 act) C: Amateurs F: Music Th: Tac Ming Theatre (C) R: Was the new member perhaps "Mr Mercury WARREN" who scored such a great success in I've Eaten My Friend! as Hezekiah Jellytop? "The refined sensibility of the character was portrayed with a power and intensity which mark Mr. Warren as one of the true sons of Thespis. How shall we describe the horror when the internal evidence of a pie revealed a clue to the whereabouts of his departed friend". In the second piece, An Unwarrantable Intrusion "the part of Ashplant was performed by a gentleman whose via comica and power of communication were unmistakable. He completely embodied the character and infused life and vigour into his conception of it**. Until now, even the stage names of the actors had scarcely been mentioned in the reviews, but tonight we learn that in The Two Bonny Castles Messrs Bravo ROUSE, Mercury WARREN, and Horatio BUSKIN excelled as well as the ladies who acted with great spirit and sustained the dignity and elegance of the sex with most admirable effect" (Bravo ROUSE was a borrowed alias). + Among the musicians was again "Herr KOENIG" who "brilliantly executed" on, presumably, the violin. (NCH 25.3.1854). 15.5.1854 (Mon) C.W.S. BROOKS: "Anything for a Change" (1848) T: Comedietta (1 act) J.M. MORTON: "Box and Cox" (1847) T: Farce (1 act) C: Amateurs F: "A Grand Ethiopian Entertainment" with the "Virginian Minstrels" Th: Tac Ming Theatre (C) N: These performances, the last of the season, had originally been announced for April 5; on that date would also have been played J.T.G. Rodwell's farce A Race for Dinner. The evening was postponed, however, because of the Battle of Muddy Flat on April 4, 1854. R: Some of the local celebrities definitely could not go wrong, witness the following remark in the Herald: "As we dropped in for half an hour we cannot speak of the concluding (Box and Cox) but, as our favourite Mr. VERDENT and the clever Mr. WARREN enacted parts in it, we have no doubt it must have told on the audience". Earlier that night Mr. Bravo ROUSE and Mr. WARREN had starred in Anything for a Change (probably as Swoppington and Honeyball). 19.5.1855 (Sat) A "Soirée Musicale Dansante" by officers of the U.S.S. "Powhatan" with an "Ethiopian Concert by the Minstrels of the Powhatan" and a burlesque on Bulwer-Lytton's The Lady of Lyons. H.J. Byron wrote a burlesque with the same title, but according to HED, the first performance took place on February 1, 1858. R: In the Survey, it was pointed out that the officers of naval vessels sometimes entertained the local foreign residents. The first of these occasions occurred on board the Powhatan, an American warship that took part in the Japan expedition, on the eve of her departure. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 202 Byeplay showed that, although his first appearance here, it is by no means his first attempt at acting". But another anti-French jibe was added when he wrote: "Mrs. NESBIT and Miss DEXTER play indifferently and we are rather proud of it — for as they only profess to play English female characters it was no wonder that they did not feel at home". These acid comments drew forth a letter from "Another Man on the Bund" in the Herald of May 2 in which a counterweight was offered: "Are we to take the opinion of this would-be orator in preference to the unanimous opinion of the rest of the community? What meant those thunders of applause repeated again and again in a manner that has never been heard in Shanghai and the repeated calls at the fall of the curtain; are we to believe that a piece that has had an almost unprecedented run in both England and America and in the former country was played by the express command of Her Majesty at her own palace is worthless or so bad because condemned by 'The Man on the Bund?' (...) My own and the general opinion outside is that The Man on the Bund at the time of writing the above was either labouring under a severe attack of bile or intensely disgusted that the acknowledged best performance ever given here should have been given without the assistance of himself or his darling Peter Proteus". After, at any rate his disappointment about Still Waters, in A Capital Match Mr. BRUSHWOOD restored "The Man on the Bund" to his comfort and equanimity, nay more, utterly overturned our critical gravity and made us laugh like the veriest schoolboy at a favourite pantomime". Mr. Beverly NEWCOME made his debut and he appeared to be quite at home in the naval character and we admired his style almost as much as the widow did. And the widow; none other than Mrs. NESBIT. It was also the occasion on which the critic showed his disapproval of the new interior of the theatre: "'On entering the Thespian temple, I observed that there had been a change in the decoration of it - I cannot add improvements. The same taste which had furnished me with a posting bill streaked all over with lightning threatened to overwhelm me with a fall of flowers and garlands from the roof and treat me as if I were a prima donna or the boeuf gras of a Parisian festival". Yet, thinking about Mrs. Nesbit, he continued ironically: "What will a man not undergo when a woman is on the tapis! So, in imminent danger of being garlanded, like the Ass of Silenus [attendant of Bacchus usually represented as riding on an ass, drunken and crowned with flowers — JH] in a classic fresco, I took my seat and, unfolding my portentous play bill, began to scan it over at my leisure". (NCH 25.4.1857). 8.10.1857 (Thur) M. BARNETT: "The Serious Family" (1849) T: Comedy (3 acts) B.N. WEBSTER: "The Golden Farmer" (1832) T: Domestic drama (2 acts) J.S. COYNE: "Binks the Bagman" (1843) T: Farce (1 act) C: The "Union Theatrical Company of the U.S.S. San Jacinto" Th: On board ship N: More entertainment had been given by the crew of this ship, but this is the only one which has been recorded. R: Specially noticed was the prison scene in The Golden Farmer wherein the robber "takes a tender farewell of his beloved wife and infant daughter Louisa. It brought moisture to the eyes of many". Could it be of laughter, bearing in mind the ruling travesties? (NCH 10.10.1857). The San Jacinto was a U.S. warsteamer with a crew of 218. 29.12.1857 (Tue) Entertainment by Mr. George Henri, a conjurer and ventriloquist. Th: Theatre Royal (C) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 212 26.12.1861 (Thur) Concert by Signor Robbio, violin, and some local amateurs, Programme: 4 L. VAN BEETHOVEN; Trio for strings in E-flat opus 3, V. BELLINI: “Norma”, the aria 'Casta Diva' arranged for violin, C.A. DE BERIOT: Tremolo", C. GOUNOD: **Meditation upon J.S. Bach's first prelude", i.e., the famous Ave Maria, C.M. von WEBER: "Der Freischütz”, cavatine (presumably "Und ob die Wolke sie verhülle”, act III), arranged for cello and piano. Sir Henry BISHOP: "Home sweet home" (from the opera "Clari, the maid of Milan'), Sr ROBBIO: "Grande Valse Diabolique“, In addition: some quartet and solo singing by amateurs. Th: N.N. R: Today the second concert by the violinist Signor ROBBIO came off "for a very large audience". In November he had made his debut in Shanghai but because of a gap of three November issues in the file of the Herald I have been using no details can be given. Once more, however, the paper seems to have been discontented with the selection of the pieces. Not so tonight, with the exception of one composition by Sr Robbio himself, **a work of the Paganini school” of which the critic was evidently not a lover. About the interpretations by the violinist, though, there was but praise; e.g. "he greatly charmed his audience by the power and feeling with which he executed the beautiful air from Norma, 'Casta Diva'". So all was enjoyable, the more so as "for the moribund piano used at the last concert a fine 'Broadwood' was substituted, which displayed to great advantage the admirable playing of the gentleman to whom St Robbio was so much indebted for his accompaniment". One letter writer went even so far as to exclaim that such delights in Shanghai are indeed 'like angels' visits few and far between' "' (NCH 28.12.1861). February and March 1861 Performances by "Lewis' Australian Hippodrome” Loc: Commercial House in Hongkew - ― וי N: During the months of February and March "Lewis' Equestrian Australian Troupe" gave a large number of performances, of which the first one was announced for February 15 and the last for March 17. The public was entertained with horses and artists, among whom Mr. and Mrs. COUSINS, Mr. BARLOW, Senior RAPHAEL, Jessi GARDONI, **Austin Shanghai**, and “Little Ella". For all, benefits were held in March. It was not the first time that the troupe had operated on the China Coast. In December 1859 they had visited Hong Kong (CM 15.12.1859, 22.12.1859). 13.2.1863 (Fri) J.M. MORTON: "Our Wife, or the Rose of Amiens" (1856) T: Comic drama (1 act) H A. MAYHEW & H. SUTHERLAND EDWARDS: The Goose with the Golden Eggs T: Farce (1 act) C: Amateurs (Local and British officers) 13.2.1863 (Fri) J.M. MORTON: "Our Wife, or the Rose of Amiens" (1856) T: Comic drama (1 act) A. MAYHEW & H. SUTHERLAND EDWARDS: "The Goose with the Golden Eggs' T: Farce (1 act) C: Amateurs (Local and British officers) F: Music by the band of the 67th regiment Th: Theatre Royal (G) N: First performance of the season R: Casts: ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 215 Programme: C.M. Von WEBER: "Der Freischütz", overture; by Messrs Essex and Ewing, piano. Sir Henry BISHOP: "Foresters sound the cheerful horn“ (glee). Heinrich PROCH (1809-1878): "Within the grove's deep shadow", a song by Mr. J.P. Tate, W.A. MOZART: String quartet No 7 by Messrs Tate and Howell (violin). Ewing (viola) and Essex (cello). William HORSLEY (1774-1858); "By Celia's Arbour" (glee), F. MENDELSSOHN-BARTHOLDY: "Andante, presto and allegro vivace" (from?) by Messrs Essex and Howell. Ibidem: “Andante and finale" (from?), by Messrs Essex and Howell, Sir Henry BISHOP: "Sleep gentle lady" (glee), William Vincent WALLACE (1813-1865); **The Bellringer", a song by Mr. Essex, F. von FLOTOW: “Allessandro Stradella", fantasia, by Messrs Essex and Howell, William HORSLEY: "See the chariot at hand", song, L. van BEETHOVEN: "Egmont", overture, played on two pianos by Messrs Essex and Ewing. Th: Theatre Royal (G) R: This was the first occasion on which the names of the amateur musicians who entertained the public were mentioned. Some can be traced in the **Shanghai Almanac for 1862”. others belonged to the military forces. Thus the names have come to us of the following gentlemen: H. Cope and E.C. Essex (both of Geo. Barnett & Co). D.A.C.G. Ewing. F.R. Gantwell (Silk broker), A.A. Hayes Jr (of Olyphant & Co), Howell, Inglis, J.M. Nixon (of Blain, Tate & Co). J. Priestley Tate (of Blain, Tate & Co; Municipal Council member 1861-1862) and J. Wheatly (of Reiss & Co). In general the Herald was very satisfied: "It was pleasing to see the gentlemen who volunteered to throw aside for the nonce the cares of business and entertain con amore their less gifted fellow residents with a charming chamber concert. Everything was conducted in a quiet gentlemanly manner so that we imagined ourselves in a drawing room more than a theatre. There was no attempt at grandeur of display or extraordinary performance on special instruments which characterize too much the quasi-musical taste of the day where the composition of the author is sacrificed frequently to the execution of the performer and the audience is led to think more of the latter than the former". These were rather stringent remarks for someone living in an area where very few opportunities arose to compare musical qualities of instrumentalists. Yet the argument of faithfulness to the author's or composer's intentions crops up from time to time and that was obviously regarded as important by the Herald. Unfortunately the acoustics of the theatre were not of the very best so that "Mr. TATE's delicate tenor voice (in the song by Proch) could not fill the house sufficiently for all to hear the diminuendo passages of his beautiful voice". (NCH 18.4.1863). The Lancashire Relief Fund had been established in order to help those in Britain who had become a victim of the stoppage of cotton imports from the Southern states of America (due to the Civil War), with the result that numerous labourers in the mills were laid off. 29.4.1863 (Wedn) Performances by the amateurs of the Royal Artillery. No titles of plays were recorded. Th: Theatre Royal (G) R: In consequence of the "great success" a "Second Fashionable Night” would be given on May 4th (NCH 2.5.1863). 4.5.1863 (Thur) As on 29.4.1863. 1.8.1863 (Sat) The last of a series of performances by Mr. Smythe's company. Soloists: Miss Amelia Bailey (singing) and Martin Simonsen (violin) Th. N.N. (H) Page 240 Page 241 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 222 the stage properties were unexceptionable". (NCH 22.10.1864) 15,10-21. 10. 1864 H.J. BYRON: "Fra Diavolo" (1858) T: Burlesque burletta (1 act) H.J. BYRON: "The Maid and the Magpie T: Burlesque burletta (1 act), and other pieces. C: Lewis A.D.C. Th: N.N. (I R: NCH 22,10,1864 17.10.1864 (Mon) Concert by Mr. Desvachez (violin) and some local amateurs Th: Shanghai Club R: Another musical evening was given by Mr. DESVACHEZ in the recently completed Shanghai Club building. On this occasion "the audience was numerous and seemed to fully appreciate M. DESVACHEZ's musical talents”. (NCH 22.10.1864) 22.10.-28. 10. 1864 H.J. BYRON: "The Bride of Abydos" (1858) T: Burlesque extravaganza (1 act) N.N.: "The Lady of Lyons”, (No author mentioned, so it may have been original play by Lytton or the burlesque by H.J. Byron (1868)), and other pieces. C: Lewis A.D.C. Th: N.N. (l R: For some actors of the Lewis troupe the strains of appearing every evening on the stage had become too much, for in the Herald it was "regretted that in thus making strenuous efforts to afford satisfaction to their audiences, two of the most promising members of the Company have become so severely indisposed as to be unable for some time to appear in public" (NCH 29.10.1864). 5.11.1864 (Sat) (See: Theatrical Advertisement, No. 10) Amateur concert in aid of the repair fund of the "Hongque Free Episcopal Church”, the "Shanghai Vocal Quartette Club" and Mr. Marquis Chisholm, piano, Programme: 1. V. BELLINI: "La Sonnambula", duet (presumably 'Prendi l'anel ti dono' from act I) arranged for piano and harmonium by David Hermann ENGEL (1816-1877) 2. Sir Henry BISHOP: "Foresters sound the cheerful horn" (glee) 3. Marquis CHISHOLM: "Japanese Fantasia” 4. MULLER: "Maying" (sic; quartet) 5. Ballad "Arleen Aroom” 6. Philipp Friedrich SILCHER (1799-1860): "The Miller's Daughter” (quartet) 7. G. VERDI: "Rigoletto", duet ('E il sol dell' anima', act I; 'Piangi, fanciulla', act I), arranged for piano by John George CALLCOT (1821-1895) 8. Friedrich Wilhelm KÜCKEN (1810-1882): **Soldier's Love" (glee) 9. Valentin Eduard BECKER (1814-1890); "Cheer Up Companions” (choral march) 10. RADETSKA: "There's music in the air" (quartet) 11. G. DONIZETTI: "Lucrezia Borgia", arrangement for flute and piano by JAMES 12. Heinrich WERNER (1800-1833): "War Song" (glee) 13. CAXTON: "Breathe soft, ye winds" 14. William HORSLEY (and not F. Mendelssohn as stated in the advertisement): **By Celia's Arbour" (song) 15. Sir Henry BISHOP: "Sleep gentle lady" (glee) 16. William Vincent WALLACE (1813-1865): "Lurine", duet arranged for piano and ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 223 harmonium by D.H. ENGEL 17. "Eupeidee" (German student song and chorus) Th: Olympic Theatre (H) R: An advertisement only was published in the Herald of 29.10.1864. From it we learn that tickets could be obtained at the premises of Hiram Fogg & Co (ship chandlers, general store and auctioneers; one of the oldest foreign firms in Shanghai, located at the southern end of the Bund); Hall & Holtz (see 29.6.1864); A.A. Hayes Jr (Olyphant & Co, Nanking Road, ex Park Lane); and Herbert Cope (Geo Barnet & Co, Kiangsi Road (ex Church Street) and Hankow Road (ex Custom House Road)). It also becomes clear that there were at that moment at least two theatres in the Settlement: the Lyceum and the Olympic. The programme is interesting for the number of composers which have now been forgotten (Silcher, Kücken, Becker, Werner, etc.) and the piano arrangements of well-known opera arias. 12.11-18.11.1864 W. BROUGH: “Conrad and Medora” (1856) T: Burlesque pantomime (1 act) J.B. BUCKSTONE: “Married Life" (1834) T: Comedy (3 acts) J.W. MARSTON: "A Hard Struggle" (1858) T: Domestic drama (1 act) W. SHAKESPEARE: “King John”, prison scene (Act IV, scene III) Furthermore: “Cinderella”, possibly by H.J. BYRON (1860) or T. TAYLOR (1845). "Wonder"; no contemporary pieces are listed in HED; only: Mrs. S. CENTLIVRE: “The Wonder. A woman keeps a secret” (1714) and H. CAREY: "A Wonder or an honest Yorkshireman" (1735). C: Lewis A.D.C. Th: N.N. (E) R: The Lewis company continued to draw large houses and ventured even to put a Shakespeare scene on the programme, from King John. It proved to be "the hit of the week". In it starred Miss Julia EDouin and Mr. Henry BIRCH: "The acting was perfect. Miss Julia EDouin doing the fullest justice to the character of Prince Arthur and indeed taking the house by storm!" (NCH 19.11.1864). 19.11.1864 Sat H.J. BYRON: “Aladdin or the Wonderful Scamp” (1861) T: Burlesque extravaganza (1 act) C: Lewis A.D.C. TH: N.N. (U) N: Benefit of Miss Tilly Earl who played the role of Aladdin R: NCH 26.11.1864 23.11.1864 (Wedn) R.B. SHERIDAN: "The Rivals" (1775) T: Comedy (5 acts) C: Lewis A.D.C. TH: N.N. (P) N: Benefit of Mrs. Gill who played the role of Mrs. Malaprop. R: NCH 26.11.1864 26.11.1864 (Sat) H.J. BYRON: "Aladdin or the Wonderful Scamp” (1861) T: Burlesque extravaganza (1 act) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 248 39 NCH 14.3.1863. 40 NCH 2.5.1863. 41 NCH 17.6.1865, 24.6.1865. 42 NCH 28.3.1863. 43 For minstrel shows see: Engle; Toll. 44 NCH 13.2.1864. 43 46 NCH 7.5.1864. cf Dictionary of National Biography, Suppl. 2, Vol. I, p. 545. Here it is mentioned that the touring group was disbanded in 1863, but this is obviously incorrect. 47 NCH 15.2.1862. Could it be that the originator of this Company was the same as "G.B.W. Lewis", who built the Astley Amphitheatre in Melbourne in 1854? Cf MacGuire, p. 97, n. 1. 43 NCH 19.11.1864. 49 Smith, p. 243. 50 SCR 5.5.1865. 51 NCH 14.1.1865. 52 SCR 25.1.1865. Probably they first tried their luck in Macao, but there the public interest was very small on February 11 and the next day the performance had even to be cancelled (BGM 13.2.1865). 53 of Appleton, p. 54; about the decline of the benefit system see Troubridge, p. 87ff. 34 Performance 24.3.1852. NCH 27.3.1852. 53 36 NCH 26.1.1856. NCH 28.2.1861. Letter to the "Daily Shipping & Commercial News" 27.12.1861; see also NCH 9.10.1858. 47 Carse, p. 70; this was in the 1851-1852 season. Biographical data are given in Fétis, Vol. VII, p. 229; Born in Bordeaux, 11.5.1815; he was admitted to the Conservatoire de Paris, 25.10.1830, where he became a pupil of the famous flautist Jean Louis Tulou. In 1832 he won the first prize in a competition for his qualités précieuses: beau son, reticulation brilliante dans les traits et belle manière de phraser. He spent part of his life in Britain, where he was engaged as the first flautist of the "Théâtre de la Reine". This should not read Queen's Theatre (as it is translated by Riemann and others), but Her Majesty's Theatre at the Haymarket. In Fétis it is stated that the theatre closed in 1853; in fact it closed for the season 1852-1853 (Howard, P. 111). Rémusat subsequently returned to France to become a member of the Théâtre Lyrique orchestra (Théâtre de la Gaîté-Lyrique?). Pougin, in the Supplement (Vol. II, p. 403) however doubts this: "Je ne sais si le fait est exact; en tout cas Rémusat n'aurait pas tardé à retourner en Angleterre, car en 1856 j'ai connu cet excellent artiste à Londres où il occupait une brilliante situation". He died in Shanghai 1.9.1880. Besides being a soloist he composed a number of concertinos, fantasias, etc for his own instrument. 58 Supplement to Fétis by Pougin, Vol. II, p. 403. of note 57. 59 BGM 4.6.1866, 18.6.1866. 60 Lang, p. 51. 61 A concert of the Philharmonic Society on 26.2.1867 is mentioned in NCH 23.3.1867. 42 NCH 26.2.1859. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 40 Dean. Kenneth “Revival of Religious Practices in Fujian: a Case Study in Pas. Julian F. (ed.) The Turning of the Tide: Religion in China Today (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society & Oxford Univ. Press, 1989), 72. 4 Mr. Pang Cheng-chuen (Peng Zheng-chuen), interviewed by author, Fanling, Dec. 30. 1990. P Dean. 54. A student of the University of Hong Kong told me on Feb. 3, 1991 that he saw, by chance, a Jiao festival in 1990. He could not recall the exact date and location. However, he was very sure, from the celebrating flower boards, that it was a Jiao festival. K Ibid., 776. Liu Zhi-wan, Taibeishi Songshan qi an jian jiao jidian, Institute of Ethnology Academia Sinica Monograph, no. 14, (Taipei: The Institute, 1967). Besides Liu, the research team from the Academia Sinica included Song Lung-fei and Xu Jia-ming. Song's paper concentrated on aspects of folk architecture and decoration while Xu focused on the economic and social aspects. See Song Lung-fei "Song-shan jian jiao jiao tan jianzhu di zhuan shi Yi shu" Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica 25 (1968): 157-217; Xu Jia-ming: "Songshan jian jiao yu shequ" Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica 25 (1968): 109-153. 4 Li Zian-zhang. "Daojiao jiaoyi di kaizhan yu xiandai di jiao” Sinological Researches 5 (1968): 261. Ibid., p. 201. Saso, Michael R., Taoism and the Rite of Cosmic Renewal (Washington: Washington State Univ. Press, 1972), 34. Law, Joan & B.E. Ward, Chinese Festivals (Hong Kong: South China Morning Post, 1982), 83. Okada, Yuzuru, Kiso Shakai (Tokyo: Kobundo, 1949). See Brim, John A. “Village Alliance Temples in Hong Kong" in Wolf. A.P. (ed.) Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1974), 93–103; and Suenari, Michio "Sonbyo to sonkyo: Taiwan Hakka shuraku no jirei kara” [Village temple and village boundary: a case study of the Hakka communities in Taiwan] Bunka Jinna Gaku [Cultural Anthropology] (1985) 2:255-260. 15 Ueno, Hiroko, "Taiwan nanbo no osho to sonraku: Tainanken hito saishiken no sonraku aida kankei" (Wang Jiao and villages in southern Taiwan: worshipping area and village relationship] Bunka Jinriú Gaku 5 (1988): 64-82. + Taylor, W.A. "The Spirit Festival" Bulletin of the Cheung Chau Bun Festival 1980 (Cheung Chau: n.p., 1980), 39-41. (reprinted from Wide World Magazine, Dec. 1953). The annual Cheung Chau Jiao festival is better known to westerners as the Bun festival because of the three tall "bun mountains" erected at the ritual area. The festival is the most studied Jiao festival in Hong Kong probably due to the fact that (1) the island is comparatively easy to get to, (2) it is celebrated every year and (3) it is widely publicized by the Hong Kong Tourist Information Bureau. Besides Tanaka's accounts (see note 36), see also Jonathan Chamberlain and Ian Lambot's photographic account. The Bun Festival of Cheung Chau (Hong Kong Studio Publications, 1990). דן I owe my interest in the Jiao festival to Prof. Ward who first introduced me to Jiao festivals in 1980. She then suggested that I participate in the Jiao festival in Kau Lau Wan. K Law & Ward, 83-84. Hayes, James W., The Rural Communities of Hong Kong: Studies and Themes (Hong ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 42 disasters. the second is for those who died because of plague. The final reason is to thank the benevolent governors Wang Lai-ren and Zhou You-de of the beginning of the Qing dynasty. In my opinion, all these reasons can be integrated into the first one. (d) Chan Wing-hoi "The Tangs of Kam Tin and their Jiu festival", Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 29 (1989) 302-375, a rich and detailed account of the lineage, its temples and villages, and the festival which draws them together. Dr. Faure gradually switched his interest to the Pearl River Delta while Prof. Tanaka, as I was told, is now looking at Sichuan province. Talk on publishing a book on Hong Kong Jiao festivals has been going on for years by members of the "Research Circle of the Regional Society of Southern China''. In 1990, the editorial board of the society set up a schedule to compile a book focusing on the Jiao festival. It is expected that papers on various aspects will be completed by the end of April 1991. (Correspondence from the society dated 28.12.1990) Schipper, Kristofer M., "The Written Memorial in Taoist Ceremonies" in Wolf, Arthur P. (ed.) Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1974), 324, For example, according to Chan Wing-hoi, villagers of Shek O celebrated their 16th Jiao in 1986 (Chan, 78). The Dengs in Kam Tin claimed to have celebrated their Jiao since 1684 (Tanaka, 918). See for instance Basel Mission Archives, doct. Al-6, No. 51 (1869), and doct. Al-7, No. 51 (1870) and Der Evangelische Heidenbote, July 1867, in which a missionary describes how he was forced to go to the Magistrate to get his support before he could avoid having to pay his share of the Jiao expenses. All these cases are from Hsin An County. The Sha Tin poem will, it is hoped, shortly be published by Dr. P.H. Hase. These two series are part of the 15 series of historical documents collected by Dr. D. Faure and others in the New Territories. Copies of the collections are kept in the libraries of CUHK, Hong Kong University, Sha Tin Regional Council Library, and Institute of Oriental Culture, Tokyo University. 31 Tanaka Chugoku no Sozoku to Engeki [Lineage and Theatre in China] (Tokyo Univ. Press 1985), 608. Jiao festivals celebrated by the powerful communities in Hong Kong like Kam Tin, Ha Tsuen, Lung Yeuk Tau etc., were all performed by the Zhengyi Taoist group, led first by the late Master Lin Pei and now by Master Chan Kau. Another Zhengyi Taoist group is led by Master Chan Wah. However, many Taoist priests work for both groups. There are also other Taoist groups who performed for the Jiao festivals, like a Cantonese group which performed for Ho Chung and a Heklo group for Cheung Chau. In 1983, four out of five Jiao festivals were performed by monastery Taoists. It is not clear whether it was because of tradition or out of economic reasons. A comparison of the two Taoist groups has yet to be made. 14 Choi Chi-cheung **Sho matsuri no jinmei risuto ni mirareru shinzoku ban'i” [Kinship as seen in the name lists of Jiao festival] Bunka Jinnú Gaku 5 (1988): 131, table L. 35 **Shinshi men" [Section of Believers] in Fanling Wenxian (Historical Literature of Fanling) vol. 8. This brief account records details of the arrangement of the Jiao area, including the contents of couplets, names of deities invited, location and direction of matshed stages, and the sacrifices prepared etc.. See n. 32 for the depositories of Fanling Wenxian. 36 See (1972) Lin Chuan [Lam Tsuen] Xiang Taiping Qingjiao huiyi jilubu in Dapu [Tai Po] Wenzian [Historical Literature of Tai Po] vol. 1. (see n. 32 for depositories) 37 Tanaka Issei's three books, all published by the Tokyo Univ. Press are: Chugoku Saishi Engeki Kenkyu [Ritual Theatres in China] (1981), Chugoku no Sozoku to Engeki [Lineage and Theatre in China) (1985), and Chugoku Kyoson Saishi Kenkyu: Chihogeki ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 48 by the conversion to Christianity of a number of important Turkish steppe tribes, including the Kerait, the Naiman, and the Ongut. These successes were achieved despite competition from Buddhist, Moslem, and Manichean missionaries. But although the Nestorian church made considerable headway among the tribes whose territory lay between Persian Khurasan and the northern borders of China, little evidence has yet been produced to suggest that many converts were made within China itself. There is abundant evidence for Christians in China during the Yüan period. It is quite clear that, while many churches and monasteries were built in China, there were few Chinese Christians. Nestorian and Latin priests competed for the allegiance of the Ongut' tribe, Turkish Christians who lived within the Great Bend of the Yellow River, and John of Montecorvino, the Franciscan archbishop of Khanbalik from 1308 to 1328, struggled to keep Alan Christian mercenaries in the Mongol imperial guard firm in the orthodox faith and safe from the errors of Nestorius: but we do not hear of either church preaching the Gospel to the Chinese. John of Montecorvino had the Bible translated into Latin, Turkish, and Persian, the languages of Khanbalik's foreign residents, but not into Chinese. Christian priests in Yüan China probably guessed that the Chinese would be unreceptive to a foreign religion associated with the unpopular rule of the Mongols, but their own behaviour was not always a good advertisement for their religion. We know of a Nestorian Christian administrator, Mar Sargis, who abused his position as governor (darugha) of Chinkiang to build Christian monasteries on land which he had confiscated from a Buddhist temple. Christians were resented, and it is therefore scarcely surprising that in 1368 both Latin and Nestorian Christians were driven from China along with their Mongol protectors. Although the earlier wave of Nestorians was not disadvantaged by such an association with a foreign occupying power, the few Nestorian churches known to have existed in T'ang China also seem to have been mainly there to serve the religious needs of foreigners resident in China. Syrian and Persian traders could be found in both capitals, Ch'ang-an and Lo-yang, and the number of Nestorians in China was probably at its largest during the reign of Kao-tsung (649-683), when this merchant community was augmented by an influx of refugees from Sassanian Persia. The Sassanian empire was overthrown by the invading armies of Islam at the battles of Qadisiya in 636 and ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 209 7 The texts translated by Legge were given the special subtitle, The Sacred Books of China: The Texts of Confucianism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1879-1891). They included six volumes (numbers 3, 16, 27-28, 39-40) in The Sacred Books Of The East Series under the general editing of F. Max Müller: Part I. The Shu King (the Book of Documents), The Religious Portion of the Shih King (The Book of Odes), and the Hsiao King (the Classic of Filial Piety) (XW) (1879); Part II. The Yi King (the Book of Changes) (58) (1882); Part III. The Li Ki (the Book of Rites), (禮記) I-X (1885); Part IV. The Li Ki, XI-XLVI (1885); Part V. The Tao Teh King (道德經) and the Writings of Kwang-Tze (莊子) (the Taoist Classics by Laozi and Zhuangzi), I-XVII (1891); Part VI. The Writings of Kwang-Tze, XVIII-XXXII, and the Thai-Shang Tractate of Actions and Their Retributions, (太上感應篇) with Appendices, I-VIII (1891). One of Legge's more important addresses in this field was to the Oriental Congress which met in Lyons and Florence during September, 1878. It was entitled, "On the Present State of Chinese Studies and What is Wanted to Complete the Analysis of the Chinese Written Characters" (September 16, 1878). Legge was Chairman of the Congress. After his Inaugural Address at Oxford, Legge quickly sought to attract students and any interested public by presenting very practical discussions of Chinese language. On November 7, 1876, he presented "The Nature and History of the Chinese Written Character". In 1878 another public lecture dealt with "Principles of Composition in Chinese, or Grammar without Inflections". By January, 1877, he was able to attract enough students to begin a course entitled "Elements of Chinese and the Confucian Analects". By the school year of 1881-1882, Legge was presenting classes on The Four Books, Laozi's (Zhuangzi) Daode Jing (道德經), and Chinese Poetry. See Oxford University Gazette, 1876-1877, pp. 64, 191; 1878-1879, p. 93; 1881-1883, pp. 200-201. The text he used for the grammar course in his early years at Oxford was Stanislas Julien's Syntaxe Nouvelle de la Langue Chinoise (ibid, 1877-1878, p. 193). * Besides the major Taoist volumes in The Sacred Books of the East, Legge also presented independent public addresses on Laozi and Zhuangzi (莊子) at Oxford's Taylorian Institute. The high regard Legge had for Zhuangzi can be seen in the typescript of the address, still available in the Bodleian. See Oxford University Gazette, 1889-1890, p. 92. Legge's response to Buddhism was very much influenced by the polemical attitudes of the Tang dynasty scholar, Han Yu, and other criticisms of Buddhism he read in Chinese tractates written by notable missionary scholars. He employed Han Yu's memorial against Buddhism as part of class readings beginning in 1883, added other texts to this in the late eighties and early nineties, and spoke publicly on "The Purgatories of Buddhism and Taoism!" in 1893. See Oxford University Gazette, 1882-1883, p. 558; 1884-1885, p. 339; 1892-1893, pp. 226, 491. His most important text and article relating to Buddhism are A Record of Buddhist Kingdoms, Being an Account by the Chinese Monk Fa-Hien of His Travels in India and Ceylon (AD 389-414) In Search of the Buddhist Books of Discipline (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1886), and “A Fair and Dispassionate Discussion of the Three Doctrines Accepted in China', by Liu Mi, A Buddhist Scholar”, (London; n.d., presented to the Orientalist Congress 188?, pp. 563-580). The original source of publication for the article is not clear. † Besides the Buddhist texts mentioned above in §9, Legge also published Christianity In China: Nestorianism, Roman Catholicism, Protestantism. On the flyleaf is the following title: Christianity in China; A Rendering of the Nestorian Tablet at Si-an-fu to Commemorate Christianity. London: Trübner & Co, 1888. Cf Lindsay Ride's "Biographical Note", in The Chinese Classics with a Translation, Critical and Exegetical Notes, Prolegomena, and Copious Indexes (Taipei: Southern Materials Center, Inc, 1985), p. 22. At the age of 26 he had been awarded a Doctorate of Divinity by New York University (1842). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 210 12 Helen Edith Legge, James Legge: Missionary and Scholar (London: Religious Tract Society, 1905), pp. 37-38, and Lindsey Ride, op. cit., p. 10. 13 Cf. Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China held at Shanghai, May 10-24, 1877 (Shanghai: Presbyterian Mission Press, 1878). 14 James Legge, Confucianism in Relation to Christianity (London: no publisher's details, 1877), 12 pages. 13 In fact, Legge had no knowledge that the Term Question had been proscribed by the Conference's executive committee when he wrote his paper. Cf. Anonymous, "The Shanghai Missionary Conference". The Chinese Recorder (May-June, 1877), esp. pp. 242, 248. Legge had begun advocating his position on the Term Question in major debates begun in 1850. Cf. James Legge. An Argument for Shang-te as the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim And Theos, in the Chinese Language; with Strictures on the Essay of Bishop Boone in favour of the Term Shin, etc. etc. (Hong Kong, 1850), 43 pages, and William Boone, The Notions of the Chinese Concerning Gods and Spirits: with an Examination of the Defense of an Essay, on the Proper Rendering of the words Elohim and Theos, into the Chinese Language. (Includes another of Legge's essays.) (Hong Kong, 1852), 166 pages. The best summaries of the Term Question I have found are in S. Wells Williams, "The Controvery among the Protestant Missionaries on the Proper Translation of the words God and Spirit into Chinese”, Bibliotheca Sacra 35 (October 1878), pp. 732-778, and George O. Lillegard, A History of the Term Question Controversy in our China Mission and the Chief Documents in the Case (Jamaica Plains, Massachusetts: (printed as manuscript), 1930). James Legge himself summarized the issues from his perspective in A Letter to Prof Max Müller chiefly on the Translation into English of the Chinese Terms Ti And Shang Ti (London: Trübner & Co. Pub, 1880). Robert N. Nelson, The Chinese Recorder 8:3 (May-June, 1877), pp. 351-359. See my Some New Dimensions in the Study of the Works of James Legge (1815-1897); part [". Sino-Western Cultural Relations Journal XII (1990), pp. 29-50, esp. pp. 46-49. Barthelemy St. Hilaire, Journal des Savants (Fevrier 1894) pp. 66–78; (Juin 1894) pp. 321-331; (Juillet 1894) pp. 381-392; (Septembre 1894) pp. 509-520. He had given an earlier review of the whole series edited by Müller in Ibid (Juin 1888) esp. pp. 311-314. St. Hilaire's position is summarised in the February 1894 (pp. 66-67) and September 1894 (pp. 513-519) Journals. On Fairbairn's actions, see W. B. Selbie. The Life Of Andrew Martin Fairbairn (London: 1914), p. 308. 18 Franz Kühnert, "Die Philosophie des Kong-dsy (Confucius) auf Grund des Urtextes. Ein Beitrag zur Revision der bisherigen Auffassungen”. Sitzungsberichte der Philosophisch-Historischen Classe der Kaiserlichen Academie der Wissenschaften, Band 132, (Wien, F Tempsky, 1895). One of the scholars with whom Legge was particularly impressed when he produced the first edition of his Chinese Classics was the Ming Confucian, Mao Xihe (El). Still, Legge admired Zhu Xi's scholarship. In preparing his second edition (1893-1895) of the Four Books. Legge mentioned that he had become more and more impressed with the wisdom of many of Zhu Xi's renderings. This does not mean, however, that Legge was unwilling to disagree with Zhu Xi. See my "Serving or Suffocating the Sage? Reviewing the Efforts of Three Nineteenth Century Translators of The Four Books with Special Emphasis on James Legge (AD 1815-1897)", The Hong Kong Linguist, Vol. 7 (Spring/Summer 1990) pp. 25-56, esp. pp. 44-45. 20 Arthur von Rosthorn. "Confucius, Legge. Kühnert": Sitzungsberichte der Philosophisch-Historischen Classe der Kaiserlichen Academie der Wissenschaften, Band 135. (Kaiser. Adademie der Wissenschaften, Wien, 1897), 21 pages. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 212 Kong CT. London Missionary Society Archives, South China, April 24, 1845: Legge writes to the headquarters, sending copies of Collie's work to them. C Andrew J Nathan, "The Place of Values in Cross-Cultural Studies: The Example of Democracy and China", in Paul A. Cohen and Merle Goldman, eds., Ideas Across Cultures: Essays on Chinese Thought in Honor of Benjamin I. Schwartz (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1990), pp. 293-314. I quote here the three relevant sections. **After World War II] relativism especially recommended itself as a corrective to our society's nineteenth and early twentieth-century missionary impulses... that their way of life was not going to sweep the world.... (Ibid. p 296). **The relativist position |-| adopted in order to prevent missionary zeal from clouding our understanding of the non-Western world |. led in some cases to an equal but opposite kind of self-deception”. (Ibid. p 304). "Evaluative universalism by no means requires a return to the missionary mode of promoting Western values. It is not a call for proselytism but an expression of the belief, first, that value differences when they exist can, and can only, be honestly expressed, and second, that beliefs originating in different societies can fruitfully be confronted with one another, compared, and judged, even though disagreement is expected to persist”. (Ibid. pp 312-313). Recorded in Legge's autobiographical account entitled "Notes of My Life" (pp. 25-27), kept now in the Bodleian Library in Oxford. 12 These books are Paraphrasis Psalmorum Davidis Poetica (n.p., 1566) and Rerum Scoticorum Historia (ed. apud A. Arbuthnetum, 1582). English translations of both were available in Legge's time. Li This version was apparently intended as a replacement of the earlier rendition of The Book Of Poetry published by Legge in 1871. It was a completely revised text of both the verse and the commentarial notes. Because it only included the English text and not the Chinese text which appeared in the first edition, however, the later Oxford edition of 1893-1895 republished the earlier text. A comparison of this earlier rendition with the second edition (which others called Legge's "metrical“ Shijing "jén) would display the kind of discipline Legge had as a translator of classical texts. See James Legge, The Chinese Classics: translated into English, with Preliminary Essays And Explanatory Notes – Vol III: The She King; or, The Book Of Odes (London: Trübner & Co., 1876). See also Alfred Lister, "Dr. Legge's Metrical Shi-King", The China Review 5:1 (July 1876), pp. 1-8. 11 This Hebrew Psalter was prepared with a twenty-seven page introductory essay which included some critical commentary, and over three hundred pages of metrical paraphrases of the Psalms. Legge's position in presenting the Psalter was primarily meditative and not textual-critical; neither did this tome contain the kind of extensive commentarial apparatus which The Chinese Classics always included. Perhaps it is for some of these reasons that the manuscript was never published. It is now kept in the library of New College at the University of Edinburgh. 14 The printed text of this poetic summary of Chinese history I found in the Oriental Studies Library in Oxford. It was clearly planned and printed as part of some larger work. For the value of "cherishing the old", see the Analects 2:11, The Chinese Classics: Vol 1, op. cit., p. 49. Han Yu's opposition to Buddhist and Taoist superstitions, his courageous attack on their spiritual deceptions, and his consequent punishment must have stood as a courageous example to Legge. Han's specific interest in the old style, and his influence in stimulating interest in the renewed study of ancient texts and writing styles, parallels some of Legge's own interests. 17 After graduating from King's College, the young James spent time with his father ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1991 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j Liang Zhe fang hu (ling qin ci mu) lu (REHE)* Zhejiang kao Ku jing jing she wen ji 詁經精社文集 (Wang fu zhai) zhung ding kuan shi (E) H** Xue shi zhong ding kuan shi 薛氏鐘鼎款識 Jiao shan ding-kao 焦山定陶鼎考 Huang Qing bei ban lu Hai tang zhi 海塘志 Ji gu zhai zhung ding yi qi kuan shi **** 海連考 Hai yun kao I Liang Zhe jin shi zhi 兩浙金石志 Shi san jing zhu shu fu jiao kan ji +¶EAH Yang zhou Ruan shi jia miao bei 揚州阮氏家廟碑 Yen jing shi wen ji 擘經室文集 Sui Wen xuan lou ming Ying zhou shu ji 瀛舟書記 Qu jiang ting ji 曲江亭記 ** Si ku wei shou shu mu ti yao 四庫未收書目提要 Tian yi ge shu mu 大一閣書目 Ling yin shi shu zang mu Chou ren zhuan AM Shi san jing jing fu +* ****! Yi li shang fu da gong zhang zhuan zhu chuan wu Kao x 功章傳注舛考 Han Yen xi xi yue Hua shan bei kao ✶✶U** Ru lin zhuan kao ####N Guo shi wen yuan zhuan 國史文苑傳 Jiao shan shu cang shu mu 焦山書藏書目 (Song ben) shi san jing zhu shu (**)+*** Jiang su shi zheng # Jiang xi gai jian gong yuan hao she bei ji 江西改建貢院號舍碑記 Guangdong tong zhi 廣東通志 Gai jian Guangdong xiang shi wei she zhuo bei ji ***** 碑記 Shi shu gu shun 詩書古訓 Yen jing shi ji 擘經室集 Chong xiu Ruan shi zu-pu CEE** Huang Qing jing jie 皇清經解 Xue hai tang zhi 學海堂集 Yen jing shi shi lu 擘經室詩錄 Shi hua ji 石畫記 61 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1991 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j 87 been almost monopolized by the government because of its suspicion of Western culture. Though Sino-American arts exchanges were exclusively handled by the non-governmental sector" in the period 1972-8, due to the absence of diplomatic relation between the two countries, the Chinese government closely supervised these activities and the non-governmental sector in China in fact existed only in name. Throughout the period between 1979 and 1981, the non-governmental sector in China was more genuinely active in Sino-American arts exchanges. This is because, while the government adopted a policy to encourage contacts with the United States, its capacity to handle the dramatically increased exchanges was not raised. Furthermore, its incapacity to finance a substantial number of exchanges with the U.S. and to finance the modernization of the arts was also an invitation for the non-governmental sector to take over some exchange programmes, as the non-governmental sector was able both to raise funds at home, and to gain financial support from individual Americans or American organizations. From the handling of the exchange events one can clearly see its increasing independence from government supervision. However, although Sino-American cultural relations were nurtured by top political leaders of both countries and were one aspect of a rapidly increasing general relationship in the first three years of diplomatic normalization, the decline in arts exchanges in 1982 did not come unexpectedly. The campaign against "bourgeois liberalization", which according to Hu Qiaomu, a party theorist and a mastermind of the campaign, was partially attributed to the inflow of Western culture13 obviously affected the policy regarding cultural relations with the United States. Furthermore, the management of some specific issues between China and the U.S. created distrust on the part of the Chinese leadership concerning the motives of the Americans and their goals regarding cultural exchanges with China. To illustrate this suspicion, let us return to the incident of the Boston Museum paintings exhibition in 1981. As we have mentioned, the thirteen abstract paintings which the Chinese officials proposed to delete did get exhibited as a concession from the Chinese side. The Chinese interpretation of the abstract paintings incident is that, as the government of a sovereign country, the Chinese leaders are entitled to decide what is best for their people. So, the refusal by the Americans to accept the decision by Chinese leaders could only be interpreted as a challenge to China's dignity and authority, and therefore could nurture distrust towards ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1991 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j 103 Shaw, Yu-ming, ed. Power and Policy in the PRC, Boulder: Westview Press, 1985. Staan, Richard F. ed. Public Diplomacy: USA versus USSR. Stanford, California: Hoover Institute Press, Stanford University, 1986. Su, Wenming, ed. China after Mao. Beijing: Beijing Review, 1984. Tang Tsou. The Cultural Revolution and Post-Mao Reforms. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1986. Thomas, John N. The Institute of Pacific Relations: American Scholars and American Politics. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1974. Uphold the Fundamental Principles, Oppose Bourgeois Liberalization. Beijing: Renmin Press, 1987. U.S.-China Arts Exchange Newsletter. (Irregular, Spring 1980) edited by the Center for U.S.-China Arts Exchange, New York). USIA, USIA: Its Work and Structure. Wang, Gungwu. China and the World since 1949: The Impact of Independence, Modernity and Revolution. New York: St. Martin's, 1977, Ying, Hua. "Youhao, reqing, guangcai.” (“Friendly, Enthusiastic and Glorious.”) Guangming Daily, 19 September 1973, p. 4. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1992 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x 32 them during his journey across the province in 1879 and accepted their offer of sworn brotherhood. He later explained that he had done so to prove to them that Englishmen believed in cultivating and cementing friendship with all civilised beings of whatever creed or nationality. He also mentioned several times his 'never-to-be forgotten friend and brother, Yü Te-k'ai, an officer in Kueichou of the fifth degree of civil rank, the confidential correspondent to the C-in-C beside being commandant of the battalion of guards.' It would have been interesting to have learned the views of these sworn brothers about Mesny. Although Mesny described quite a substantial number of contacts with Chinese officialdom and his views on the very senior officials, he frequently simply referred to the names and titles of senior Chinese officials with or for whom he had worked or by whom he had been interviewed in such a manner as to imply a personal relationship which, in the majority of instances, raises suspicions that he was trying more to bolster his own ego in his passing years and convince himself as well as his readership. However, he also had many an axe to grind and debts of personal slights to repay and these he undertook with great relish in his Miscellany. He sat, in his fifties, in Shanghai, after a life of action, musing over Chinese officialdom's ingratitude, lack of foresight, ineptitude etc. taking pleasure from the opportunity afforded him to write about those who had earned his displeasure. Mesny had particular respect for one very senior Chinese official, Tso Tsung-t'ang, whom he first met when Mesny called to pay his respects during the winter of 1867 in Hankow. After discovering Mesny had been a captive of the Taipings at the age of 25 and spoke French and English, he offered Mesny an appointment as French and English Secretary on his staff, with a recommendation to the Emperor for the civil rank of Fourth Degree. He also offered to take Mesny on his impending campaign to the North-west of China where Tso had just been appointed Governor-General of Shensi and Kansu provinces and C-in-C of the Imperial Forces. The offer was scuppered by the refusal by the local British Consul, Medhurst, to provide a British passport as Mesny's parents had written objecting to his involvement in recent escapades, and capture by both the Taipings and Imperial forces whilst running the blockade. Mesny was next involved or very nearly involved with Tso in 1879 when Mesny trekked from Canton to Tso's headquarters in Hami in the extreme North-west to offer him a French loan. However, Tso had been recalled to Peking just ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1992 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x 43 especially in water, He wrote that the Chinese generally assert that snakes and tortoises cohabit; he continued with a story with details at variance with his original version, “and I have seen paintings of turtles and tortoises,1 and metal castings also, with a snake wound about, the emblem of strength and longevity; and on inquiry, I have always been told the same story that it was the only way of multiplying both species. In the Miscellany he also wrote that he had seen a bronze image of a turtle and snake connected together in one of the taoist temples at Chi-nan Fu in Shantung. Very occasionally his stories verged on the salubrious but were never risqué. Describing his voyage up the Yangtze and passing Wu Shan he described an incident from Chinese mythology which led to a Chinese euphemism. The legend was about the 'pious and eccentric lady Yao-chi who lived before the Christian era immortalised by the ancient poet Sung Yü in an ode. She had entertained a princely guest in the Yang Tai Tower of Voluptuousness, and gratified him with the delights of Yün-yü, 'the Clouds and Rain,' hence the saying Yün-meng T'ai, 'Cloudy Dream of the Voluptuous Tower' which had become a synonym for excessive love and passionate desire for sexual intercourse. The name Yao-chi has in the same manner become the common appellation of renowned courtesans. Summing Up Mesny's life in China falls neatly in two parts, the first thirteen years of excitement and adventure, followed by forty-five years living to a great extent on his 'bubble reputations', a spent force, living from day to day always in the hope of something turning up. It rarely does and on his own admission he fluctuated from comparative wealth to living hand to mouth. There is however little doubt that at one period in his life at least, Mesny was trusted by his immediate Chinese superiors, as far that is as any Chinese official would have faith and confidence in a non-Chinese. These were the Chinese generals in the Imperial Army of Szechuan under whom Mesny served in Kueichou. Mesny seems to have spent the rest of his life trying, not all that successfully, to ensure that his ambitions were beneficial and to the best advantage of all, including himself. He made a great point about his ideas for the modernisation of China, each of them in turn rejected but then later put into practice without ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1992 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x 68 rendered as brevet rank, which Mesny did. 'Ts'an-chiang is an assistant regional commander [tsung-ping kuan], rank 3a in the Chinese forces called the Green Banner. However, according to Brunnert and Hagelstrom, [Present Day Political Organisation of China [1911], translated from the Russian], it equated to Lieutenant Colonel. Mesny lists it as 'Colonel, the lowest grade of general. By the latter days of the second Kueichou campaign he appears to have been promoted to the rank of Major-General, and some twelve years later was awarded the rank of Brevet Lieutenant-General, bearing the title for the remainder of his life. As he is portrayed in foreign-style uniform in a photograph in the Miscellany and yet occasionally refers to himself wearing Chinese attire with his Chinese buttons of rank, it is far from clear whether these were genuine ranks or honorary ones awarded to an attached civilian. It is noteworthy that he never refers to himself wearing a mandarin square [the chest badge], though he does mention his cap button. His uniform as an instructor in the army of Tso Tsung-tang consisted of a cap of the French kepi pattern, ornamented with the Chinese coat of arms [two dragons struggling for a burning globe], with a coat and trousers of dark blue navy cloth, ‘nicely braided front, back and sleeves. Mesny explained that between 1868-1871 for two or more years he was in one corps of fifteen2 battalions styled the Ko-i Ch'üan-chün [brigade], part of the Shu-chün, the Szechuan Army Corps; and another for four years with a corps styled Wu-tzu Ch'üan-chün741, also in Kueichou, i.e. from 1871-1874. The latter corps was also in the original Hsiang-chün, [the Hunan Army]. Regrettably this confuses his story rather than clarifying it, as we do not know when he served with the Hsiang-chün unless he means the Wu-tzu corps which in another part of his Miscellany he noted to have been part of the Hunan Force. As far as can be ascertained from the jigsaw pieces he has supplied us with, Mesny, when he was with the Szechuan Army Corps in the first campaign in Kueichou province from 1868-1871, and again during the second campaign from 1871-1876 with the Wu-tzu Hunan Army Corps, almost certainly served with one of the new provincial armies which he refers to in his Miscellany as Disciplined Army Battalions.3 At no point does he actually say so in so many words, but bearing in mind the grades he gave for the ranks and styles of the senior officers in his Force and as he was particularly scathing about the proficiency of the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1992 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x 69 Green Standard forces and not so about the Lien-chün, we can assume that he was a member of, or attached to one of the Lien-chün. Mesny wrote relatively short explanatory notes in the first volume of his Miscellanies on the three armies, the Army of the Huai River, the Army of the Hsiang River and the Army of Ch'u, about which he felt he had unique knowledge having served with the Chinese military. 'The Huai Army, an important Field Force raised in the area drained by the River Huai, did such good service to the Imperial cause under the C-in-C Li Hung-chang, who had been wise enough to advocate and introduce the use of foreign weapons. The Ever-victorious Army, styled Chang-sheng Chün, first organised and disciplined in a foreign manner by General Ward and subsequently rendered so famous under the command of General Gordon, was the principal corps of this army, and consisted of 5,000 men all told. The Ming-tzu Ying, another corps of the same army, raised by General and later Governor Liu Ming-ch'uan, and disciplined by General Pinel and Colonel Lucas, though senior to the Ever-victorious was, however, secondary in importance at the time' [but still existed when Mesny was writing this in 1895]. At no time did Mesny allude to a general staff in the sense we understand it today. This raises the question what did the Force have by way of what we now call an operations staff or department? Nor did Mesny refer to staff officers responsible for the organisation of manpower or materials; and although he mentioned procurement officers and a staff of officers surrounding the General commanding to carry out his bidding, 'operations' as such, the most crucial aspect of an army's functioning was kept strictly in the hands of the Szechuan force C-in-C. It would appear that military operations in their wider sense were directed by civil mandarins who were more interested in cost cutting than in the direction of the campaign, whereas the military officers, who grade for grade were very much the juniors to the civil mandarins, were responsible for the day to day running of the various forces. Forward planning was always limited by financial constraints. Arms and ammunition, rations and reinforcements had to be reviewed and planned well in advance, but with the attitude of the Viceroy in Ch'eng-tu [according to Mesny] and the restraints imposed by him little could ever be expected to be achieved. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1992 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x 72 basic elements of the social network and were such obvious facts of life that Chinese took them for granted and did not think of them as in any way unusual. The Army of the Hsiang was an important Field Force raised in Hunan, especially in the area of the Hsiang River, a sort of counter-balance to the Huai River Army, raised about the same time for the suppression of the Taiping rebellion in the valley of the Yangtze and elsewhere. The Marquis Tseng Kuo-fan was the C-in-C of the Hsiang-chün consisting of Hunan troops which had at first been designated as the Ch'u-chün or Army of Ch'u, a name derived from the ancient state of Ch'u, which comprised the provinces of Hunan and Hupei, as well as other provinces including the whole or part of Anhui and Honan. The Ch'u-chün was commanded by Tso Tsung-t'ang. The Hsiang Army was divided into several army corps or divisions, each numbering from ten to twenty, or even thirty battalions each of five hundred men. Each corps had a distinct designation or appellation, derived from the locality where it was actually organised or from the name or part of the name of the commander of the particular corps. One corps however, the principal one, was styled the Hsiang-ying from its having been organised in the prefecture of Changsha Fu on the banks of the Hsiang River. When more corps were required, however, the name Hsiang-chün was brought into use as with the Huai-chün, to represent all the corps of each army.” Although Mesny obliquely mentioned a higher command, the Ministry of War in Peking, regrettably he did not offer any information which would explain the subordination and chain of command other than telling us that the commander of the Szechuan Force, General T'ang, took his orders from the Viceroy of Szechuan and obtained supplies and funding, when they were forthcoming, from the Szechuanese provincial authorities in Ch'eng-tu. The plan now was for the main body of the Ko-i Brigade to advance and occupy the city of Chung-an [Szu] on the Chung-an River by way of Ta-ngai and Chung-pai (later renamed Chung-sheng), whilst another element of the brigade would advance and occupy Huang-p'ing Hsin-chou [New Town]. The advance began on 18 March 1869. Several days later Chung-an had been occupied and fortified, as had Huang-p'ing New Town. Chung-an was overlooked by hills and mountains occupied by ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1992 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x 73 many Miao, a number of whom wished to live in peace and had offered allegiance to the Imperial Force. Meanwhile the Miao rebels who were constructing stockades on the mountain sides above Chung-an prior to attempting to destroy the Imperial Force, were able to observe the C-in-C's headquarters together with Imperial reinforcements and supplies arrive from Ma-ping-bah. The Szechuan Force's next objective was the city of Ch'ing-p'ing Hsien some 20 miles away, on the far side of the river. Despite having been in rebel hands for the previous eighteen years it was captured without too much difficulty though the Imperial Force had had a tough time for a day or so repelling Miao counter-attacks. The C-in-C of the Szechuan Force sent a proposal to the C-in-C of the Hunan Force suggesting that the Szechuanese should advance on one side of the river Chung-an with the Hunan Force advancing up the other and, as the Hunanese had gunboats, they could also advance up the river itself. Meanwhile, and here Mesny's chronology is questionable, in early May 1869 the Ko-i Brigade advanced on Ch'ing-p'ing Hsien and prepared to storm the thirteen Miao stockades on the Tieh-chang Po heights above the town. Eventually after a fierce struggle and capture of the stockades, the Ko-i Brigade awaited the approach of the Hunan Force which should have been taking the next mountain range at the same time. Mid-afternoon on the day of the assault on the stockades, as the Hunanese had not appeared, the Ko-i Brigade withdrew to their camp in Chung-an, only to learn that the Hunan Force after initial successes had been badly defeated at Wu-ku Lung. The Szechuan Force then remained comparatively inactive in Chung-an for the next seventeen months, until November 1870. Meanwhile, during the summer of 1869, Miao rebel forces had defeated the Kueichou provincial Force at Tu-yün Fu which left the Szechuan Force undefeated but out on a limb with both flanks exposed by the defeat of the Hunan Force on one side and the defeat of the Kueichou Force on the other. The emergence of a new Miao rebel chieftain threatened the Szechuan Force whilst at the same time the lines of communication between the Szechuan Force and the provincial capital at Kuei-yang and the rear base at Tsun-i were in danger of being cut. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1992 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x 74 Repeated references by Mesny to the refusal by the Szechuan provincial Viceroy to send funds, supplies, reinforcements and rations to his provincial Force in Kueichou were followed by harrowing descriptions of the great hardships caused to the Szechuanese troops, with rations virtually non-existent and rampant disease carrying off many men. By mid-winter of 1869/70 the C-in-C of the Szechuan Force decided that he could no longer wait for the Hunan Force to complete its reorganisation, and made up his mind to capture Ka-ba Niu-ch’ang, near to where the Hunan Force had been defeated the previous year. In the event the main body of the Ko-i Brigade were defeated with heavy losses though the rest of the Szechuan Force managed to hold on. The Ko-i Brigade, after a feint attack by a flanking element of the Szechuan Force which drew off the Miao rebels, eventually reached Wu-ku Lung and Ka-ba Niu-ch'ang. Again the C-in-C of the Szechuan Force proposed joint action with the Hunan Force, supporting an advance this time towards Tu-yün Fu and Ma-ho Chou with the express aim of relieving pressure on the provincial capital. The Hunan Commander appears not to have agreed and, without co-operation and united action, nothing could be attempted and nothing therefore was done. However, T'ang, the C-in-C of the Szechuan Force again decided to act alone. He seemed to be unaware at the time that a new Kueichou provincial C-in-C, Chou Ta-wu, had been appointed to command all troops within the province operating against the rebels; this included the Szechuan and Hunan Forces. T'ang went ahead, ordering the withdrawal of the main body of the Szechuan Force from its forward positions in Miao territory in mid August, leaving behind at Ch'ang-p'ing Hsien some fourteen battalions of his now increased Force to hold the line until new plans could be made and carried out. In less than three days the main body of the Force had retreated unmolested through Ta-ngai and Niu-ch'ang to Weng-an Hsien where the main body remained whilst the C-in-C and his headquarters withdrew a further 20 miles to Kou-ch'ang (later renamed Lung-ch'ang: about half way between Kuei-yang and Tsun-i). The commander of one half of the force of the fourteen battalions left behind at Ch'ing-p'ing Hsien decided off his own bat to evacuate the city, abandoning all camp kit and equipment, and fleeing with his seven battalions to Kuei-yang where he spread a report that the main body ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1992 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x 76 The Chinese Government, Mayers does not refer to the Lien-chûn Ying. Mesny's ambiguous descriptions are confusing though it would seem that there were four separate bodies, the Banner Forces, the ill-trained Green Standard armies under provincial control, the Disciplined Battalions formed from the Green Standards forces, and the local defence train bands. The standing army was divided into two great classes, the Banner Forces, [Ch'i-ping], and the Militia Forces (Chih-ping]. The real Chinese National Army also called Ying-ping generally styled by foreigners as the Green Banner Force [Lu-ch'i Ying'] derived its title from the colour of their triangular standard, green satin with a red satin scalloped border and a golden dragon embroidered in the centre. Each province had a separate army corps under a C-in-C styled Ti-tu Chün-men [one such force was the Kueichou Provincial Force operating alongside the Szechuan Force in which Mesny served]. The forces consisted entirely of Chinese and were, in fact, a part of the local militia. Three centuries ago, wrote Mesny, it was the finest military force in the world: as it was in 1895, he added. The force was beneath criticism. The Disciplined Army battalions, the Lien-Chün Ying [troops trained by and after foreign advisers], was a new organisation instituted by Ts'en Yü-ying, formerly Governor of Yunnan, Kueichou, Fukien and subsequently Governor-General of the Yun-kuei provinces. It consisted of detachments from the various Territorial Green Regiments formed into battalions and bearing the same territorial name as the regiment from which they had been detached and of which these detachments actually formed or constituted a fighting or field battalion. The Disciplined Battalions were armed with obsolete rifles but far superior to anything opposed to them in Yunnan or Kueichou. These Disciplined Armies, often referred to as the Anhui and Hunan Armies, were originally privately raised and financed by Tseng Kuo-fan and Li Hung-chang to combat the Taiping rebel armies and were under the personal command of Han Chinese generals. Later, they employed westerners such as Mesny to assist China's programme of 'self-strengthening', primarily in the sphere of armaments. Although Mesny explained that there was a lack of uniformity in organisation throughout the whole of China he went into some detail, and added that each provincial army corps was considered a regular ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1992 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x 77 army in itself, especially organised to meet the requirements of its own territorial demands or necessities. The various provincial army corps [chün] consisted of two or more territorial divisions called chen besides several [from 3-10] territorial brigades called hsieh. The divisions consisted of several regiments and battalions, both of which were called ying; the regiments were commanded by ts'an-chiang [colonels] or yu-chi [lieutenant-colonels], and battalions by tu-ssu [majors]. Most regiments and battalions were divided into two or more companies, shao; however, a few regiments and battalions were not divided at all, with the officers in each regiment or battalion holding common authority over all portions of the regiment or brigade. Mesny frequently referred to individuals as holding the rank of lieutenant-colonel in one context whilst elsewhere describing them as generals. This was finally clarified in a throwaway line buried in other text when he wrote, 'In China Brigadier-Generals, Colonels and Lieutenant-Colonels in command were all considered to be General officers, that is Chiang-Chün.' General officers, chiang-kuan, in the territorial army were those brigadiers, colonels and lieutenant colonels in command. In field forces the commanders of battalions were also so styled by courtesy irrespective of rank. The same courtesy was extended to the chief of battalion, ying-kuan, in field forces where many of them had only permission to wear a button sometimes of the lowest civil rank and degree. Mesny summarised the order of battle including the Chinese naval forces, with two provinces, Kuangtung and Fukien each having a naval force, and another stationed on the Yangtze. Finally, with the northern steam fleet of iron-clads there was a total of twenty-one army corps, i.e. provincial forces, and four naval corps for the whole Chinese empire. To these had to be added the Tartar Banner forces forming the garrisons of several important towns, Canton, Foochou, Hangchou, Cha-pu, Chinkiang, Nanking, Peking and elsewhere. Also the numerous regular field troops denominated Yung or Lien-chün which had been kept under arms in various parts of the empire since the Taiping Rebellion (which, he added, were a great deal more formidable in numbers as well as effectiveness than the whole of the sedentary garrisons or ordinary chün or army). It was not until, literally, the latter days of the first campaign that an overall commander was appointed, with the Szechuan Force commander ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1992 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x 78 T'ang, dismissed and the Kueichou Force commander, Chou Ta-wang assuming supreme command of all Forces operating within the province of Kueichou. Imperial Army Organisation as Described by Mesny A division was usually divided into three or more brigades, though some had five, designated as follows: Ch'ien-lu or ch'ien-chün vanguard or the advance Chung-lu 中路 the central brigade Hou-lu 後路 rearguard or the rear brigade: Tso-lu 左路 the left brigade or the left wing of the division, sometimes known as Tso-i Yu-lu 右路 the right brigade or the right wing of the division, sometimes known as Yu-i The lone three brigades in a division, when such a formation existed, were usually designated rear, centre and advance, with the divisional general usually with the centre brigade. The order of their arrangement in battalions of field troops [yung-ying 勇營] was Centre, Left, Right, Van and Rear thus forming a cross [sic] when in order of battle or encampment. On the march however if the above order could not be maintained the order of movement was as follows: Van, Left Wing, Centre including staff and impedimenta, Right Wing and Rear Guard This order held good for divisions, brigades, battalions and companies. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1992 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x 79 If however moving on a broad front the order was: Van Left Centre Right Rear [on different roads] The bodyguard in a field force and elsewhere, usually the central company of a battalion, or the central battalion of a brigade of five or more battalions, was styled chin-ping, whilst the escort or individual guardsman was a hu-ping#. Each battalion, ying, of three companies, had five hundred fighting men and one hundred and fifty supporting coolies. The battalions were commanded by a major, tu-ssu#, with two 2nd major adjutants. Each company, shao", of three sections, consisted of approximately one hundred fighting men, supported by a further number of unpaid men awaiting appointment as soldiers, and supporting coolies. Companies were commanded by a captain, ch'ien-tsung†§, with two lieutenants, orderlies and personal coolies. Later, Mesny notes that strengths and personnel of Chinese military companies can be very elastic. Each section, tui, of three 'tents', was commanded by an ensign or warrant officer, with two further junior warrant officers or sergeants. Each tent, p'eng, contained sixteen men: these consisted of a corporal, shih-changH, in charge, two lance corporals, ten men, yung or ping, and three coolies, fu#. 10 The Ko-i Rifle Brigade in Kueichou had a Guards Battalion"[Ch'in-ping Ying#4] of six companies, each company having at least 150 men, which with staff officers brought the total strength of the battalion up to 1000 men. At the time Mesny joined the Force there were also two rifled twelve-pounder field guns and an extra battalion of light infantry, styled Fu Hu-chünH. The 700 men of this extra battalion were all former rebels [surrendered or captured"] of various ages, from 20 to 40; many of them decorated with scars and wounds. Three months after Mesny joined in 1868 this particular battalion was formed into an independent corps, as it were, with the glorious style of the Ever Victorious Force, Chang-sheng Chün. When the Force was ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1992 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x 81 in an office which bore the same name and in which there was a staff of clerks etc. It corresponded to all intents and purposes with the western orderly room in which was transacted nearly all the business concerning the force of which it formed a part. Before the Taiping rebellion military secretaries and clerks were all military officers but after it civil service men got the appointments owing to the fact that so few military men could read or write sufficiently well to carry on the correspondence of the force. All offenders against military laws, whether soldiers or civilians, were first of all examined by the military secretariat or a delegate appointed by him. Some viceroys had several such secretaries, each attached to some department with the chief of them styled Tsung-lu Ying-wu-ch'u, i.e., Chief Director of the Army Secretariat. Soldiers in attendance wore the name of the office on their uniforms. In provincial Governors' staff brigades, Fu-piao Ying, warrant officers and NCOs were employed as couriers and runners. Standards and standard bearers were frequently referred to in Mesny's accounts: each standard being displayed to make known the location of the unit or official represented. A number of the petty unit and formation supporting officials had the character for 'flag' [ch'i] within their title. Examples of these were the Quartermaster in charge of ammunition depots and reserves in a Field Force who displayed a red flag and was known as The Red Flag [Hung-ch'i] and the QM in charge of provisions was the Blue Flag [Lan-ch'i]. These officers were subordinate to the Quartermaster [Chün-chuang] who was responsible for all stores and clothing, and who in turn was subordinate to the Headquarters' Commissary Officer [Liang-t'ai]. Coolies were paid three taels of pure silver per month of thirty days [or forty days for An-hui troops], private soldiers four taels two mace, decurions four taels five mace, orderly officers eight taels, vice commanders of companies twelve taels and one servant, commanders of companies eighteen taels and two servants, vice-commander of a battalion received thirty-two taels and three servants, the commander of a battalion received one hundred and eight taels and forty coolies, besides extras, brigadiers got two hundred taels for each battalion in their brigade besides their battalion pay and perquisites. Mesny continued: the company commanders in the Force in which he served in Kueichou made about double their pay every month in perquisites of all kinds. The battalion commanders made about seven hundred taels a month, but added Mesny, he had heard that the company and battalion commanders ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1992 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x 82 of the Anhui troops made much more. In the Wu-tzu Hunan Army Corps in which Mesny served during the second campaign in Kueichou, twenty battalions were farmed out to their respective chiefs who were each paid monthly two thousand eight hundred and forty taels to find pay and rations for their men. Those chiefs of battalions cleared about one thousand taels a month. The men usually got one tael a month mess money and about thirty catties of rice, for which sixty tael cents was deducted from the men's pay, even when they ate rice that had been obtained by capture from the enemy. A soldier's uniform consisted of a long shirt worn over his undershirt; a long robe or coat, split before and behind, for riding; a short over coat with a round patch on the breast and shoulders on which was inscribed the name of his division or brigade as well as the name of his regiment and company, also his own name. The riding coat was dark blue with green or red facings, the long coat was grey; he also wore a sash, hat and boots. The price for this outfit was deducted by small instalments from the soldier's regular pay, so that it took one a year or two to get out of debt on the Adjutant's books. The Miao Rebels According to Mesny the enemy, during the mid-nineteenth century, consisted of four separate and individual groups. 1. Remnants of the Taiping reformers detached from Shih Ta-kai's Second Army (Hung-ping chün) 2. Two local factions of local rebels A. Huang-hao The Yellow 'Signals' B. Pai-hao The White 'Signals' 3. Mohammedan rebels: Hui-fei, called Pai-ch'i- White Flags 4. The Miao-tzu aboriginals Miao-fei (83 different tribes) The Szechuan Force had suppressed the first three groups before beginning the campaign to suppress the fourth, the Miao. 83 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1992 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x 83 From Mesny's various descriptions of the Szechuan Force with which he served the following, extracted from numerous items within his Miscellanies, is a considered view of the Order of Battle of the Force: Szechuan Army Corps Kueichou (1868-1872) Commander-in-chief [tsung-t'ung]: T'ang Chiung The Szechuan Army Corps consisted of two self-contained rifle brigades of Chinese forces i.e. Field Force Units (Lien-chün Ying) the An-ting Ch'ũan-chün and the Ko (or Kuo)-i Ch'ũan-chün 安定全軍 果義全軍 under the direct command of the C-in-C consisting of ten battalions under command of General Liu Ho-ling consisting of fifteen battalions ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1992 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x 86 NOTES In one of the notes written by Mesny in his Miscellany, [Volume 4 page 34], he listed the various classes and degrees of military rank in what he terms the Chinese Militia Service. A marshal or general was a T'i-tu Chün-men, a lieutenant-general was a Tsung-ping Kuan, a major-general a Fu-chiang; and a colonel a Ts'an-chiang. 2 Mesny gives various totals for the number of battalions serving with the Szechuan Force and in particular with the Ko-i Brigade, with a grand total of thirty-three battalions in the whole Force. These vary from eight to fifteen and a half operating with the Ko-i Brigade. Presumably the explanation lies in the arrival of new battalions to support the Force from time to time, though we are unable to be certain how many battalions were serving at any one particular moment. Mesny states at the beginning of Volume 1 of his Miscellanies that in 1861 General Ward had organised a disciplined force for the Chinese Government, at first locally styled "Ward's Force" and later as the 'Ever-victorious Legion'. 4 Mesny later keeps referring to thirty-five battalions. The I-ho-t'uan, the "Patriotic Train Band", was the official title of the Boxers, of ill-repute. 6 Mesny too had been a member of a train band, the volunteer force in Hankow between 1863-67, under arms several times during the approach of the Nien-fei rebels, when he wore the uniform of the Queen's Western Rifles [sic]. 7 Mesny goes into some detail providing recruitment policy, promotion schemes, ranks and titles, training and duties. Use of the term Disciplined Force was a contemporary fashion. It later became popular to refer to the Lien-chun Ying as Field Forces. 9 Most of the ranks of unit commanders given by Mesny do not tally with those given by Hucker in his Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China. 10 All commanders of divisions and corps had one or more battalions, regiments or brigades, serving a sort of staff brigade and forming the headquarters of that particular army corps. It was popularly designated the Body Guard Battalion or Regiment. Presumably Han Chinese rebels such as the Huang-hao or the Pai-hao, the remnants of the Taipings or even the Moslem rebels. 12 This is the same title as the Force previously operating under the command of General Gordon during the Taiping Rebellion. Either Mesny has incorrectly recalled the title of the new Force or the new Force continued to bear the former title. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1992 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x Terminology 95 Button : The knobs used by the Manchu dynasty to indicate rank, worn on top of caps. They were either transparent or opaque and, depending on rank, red, blue, white or plain gold. Cash: the only coin cast in Imperial China prior to modernisation in the early twentieth century; a crude copper disk each with a square hole in the centre for convenience in carrying a large quantity, hence the expression ‘strings of cash'. Cash, like taels [see below] lacked uniformity in value, and strings, normally a thousand cash, often were composed of 700 pieces or even 1100 according to the regulations prevailing in the locality at the time. Giles claimed that the name was derived from Caixa, the Moorish name for the coin found at Malacca by the Portuguese in AD 1511. Ch'al-kuan : Orderly Officers. These were men of all ranks, risen from the lowest grades, and were the operative staff of any commander. Chai-tzu #7: a common term for a stockade or more commonly in southern Chinese rural areas, the village outer stockade. Chen-t'ai #✩ : General of Division and an Area Commander Chiang-chün #: General, a rank in the Chinese Imperial army used for commanders of reasonably substantial bodies of men be they regular forces or forces recruited for a specific campaign. Mesny explained that any commander lieutenant-colonel and above was referred to as general, and provided a good example with General Hsieh, the adopted son of General Liu, a major commander in the Szechuan force in which Mesny served. Hsieh was only 22 at the time of the campaign, some four years younger than Mesny. He had been the orderly to General Liu and had been adopted by him as his son after Hsieh had carried Liu off the battlefield, saving his life. General Hsieh's command in the Kueichou campaign consisted of the Left-wing Regiment and its second battalion; he could therefore be a regimental commander equating to a full colonel or brigadier at the most in western parlance. Another example is the "solitary battalion' under command of General Ho Te-wu, the Chung-tzu Ying, with Ying being a 'force of a number of battalions' or ‘a lone battalion'. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1992 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x 316 MESNY'S CHINESE MISCELLANY 1420. HSIANG SHAN HSIEH ш:- The Hsiang Shan Brigade, composed of two regiments. Each regiment is commanded by a Tu-stu, Major, who has a Shou-pei, or Second Major, for his Adjutant. At the same time the Major commanding the Left Wing Regiment performs the duties of Brigade-Major and Adjutant to the Brigadier-General. Each regiment is divided into two Shao or companies, called in both cases the Tso Yu Shao, or Left and Right (Wing) companies. Each company is commanded by a Ch'ien-tsung, Captain, who is assisted by a Tou Ssu Pa-tsung, First-Lieutenant, and a Er-ssu Pa-tsung, Second-Lieutenant, thus giving a total of seventeen officers for the whole brigade, besides the usual complement of non-commissioned officers and men. 1421. TA PENG HSIEH :-The Ta Peng Hsich Brigade stationed at Chinese Kowloong, opposite the British Colony of Hong-kong. The brigade as usual is commanded by a Brigadier-General, Fu Chiang, or Isich Tai, called Hip Toi in Cantonese. The brigade has a Tu-ssu, Major, as Adjutant to the General, but it is composed of two battalions, only each commanded by a Shou-pei or Second-Major. Each battalion is divided into the usual Left and Right (Wing) Companies or Shao, having a Ch'ien-tsung for Captain to each Company, with Tou and a Er-ssu Pa-tsung, First and Second-Lieutenant, besides the usual number of non-commissioned officers and men, thus giving a total of sixteen officers. 1422. CHIEH SHIH CHEN # #- The Chieh Shih Chen division, composed of a staff corps or Chên Piao of three regiments and a territorial regiment called the Ping Hai Ying. Jan. 9th, 1896. manded by a Ts'an Chiang, or Colonel. Each regiment has a Shou-pei, or Second-Major as adjutant. The Lieutenant-Colonel commanding the central regiment acts as the General's Adjutant. Each regiment is divided into the usual left and right wing companies, and is commanded by a Chien tsung, Captain, assisted by a Tou-ssá Pa-tsung, First-Lieutenant, and a Er-ssu Pa-tsung, Second-Lieutenant, in each case, thus giving a total of twenty-four officers for the staff corps, besides the usual complement of non-commissioned officers and men to each regiment, besides the General. 1423. PING HAI YING The division is commanded by a Tsung Ping, or Chen Tai, Lieutenant-General. The central and left wing regiments of the staff corps are each commanded by a Yu-chi, Lieutenant-Colonel; the Right Wing Regiment is commanded by a Tu-ssu, or Major, the Territorial Regiment is commanded by a Ts'an Chiang, Colonel. -The Ping Hai Regiment. This territorial regiment, as I have said, forms part of the Chieh Shih division, and is commanded by a Ts'an Chiang, Colonel, who has a Shou-pei, or Second-Major, for his Adjutant. The regiment is also divided into two companies, each having a Chien-tsung, Captain, a Tou-ssŭ Pa-tsung, First-Lieutenant, and a Er-ssŭ Pa-tsung, Second-Lieutenant, that gives eight officers, besides non-commissioned officers and men. 1424. NAN AO CHÊN YU YING ★ UЯ6 -The Nan Ao (or Namao as it is pronounced locally) division has but two staff regiments, Tso Yu Liang Ying, and one of them, the left wing regiment, is paid and equipped by the government of Fu-kien province, as the station is partly in Fu-kien territory and partly only in Kuang-tung territory. The Right Wing Regiment, belonging to this province, is commanded by a Yu-chi, Lieutenant-Colonel, who has a Shou-pei, Second-Major, for his Adjutant. The regiment is divided into two Shao or companies, each commanded by a Chien-tsung, Captain, assisted by a First and Second-Lieutenant, thus giving nine officers, including the General, besides the usual complement of non-commissioned officers and men. Beside its staff regiments the Nan Ao division has two territorial regiments and one territorial battalion in the Kuang-tung province. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1992 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x Jan. 9th, 1896. MESNY'S Chinese MISCELLANY. land and sea forces, and its head-quarters are on the coast of Hai-nan Island. It furnishes a marine battalion to the sea-coast naval force. The marine battalion is called Ai Chou Hsieh Shui Shih Yu Ying, or the Right Wing Marine Battalion of the Ai Chou Brigade. It is commanded by a Shou-pei, Second-Major, who is assisted by a Shui Shih Chien-tsung, Naval Captain, two Shui Shih Pa-tsung, First and Second Naval Lieutenants, besides the usual number of non-commissioned officers and men. The remainder of the brigade forms part of the land forces of the Hai-nan division Ch'ing Chou. 1437. KUANG-TUNG SHUI SHIH KE CHUN LUN CH'UAN 廣東水師各軍輪船 :-The Steam Naval Forces of Kuang-tung province, or the Canton Provincial Steam Fleet. In the year 1884 there were altogether fifty-six steam vessels of various sorts and sizes belonging to the provincial authorities of Kuang-tung. The best of the steamers, the Fei Chao Hai, Chên-jui and An Lan, are neither new, powerful nor fast, though serviceable craft for sea-going gun-boats. Some of the others are of the alphabetical class, but they have been so badly kept that they are far from reliable as to steam power. Some of the vessels are hardly fit to go to sea; though not old in point of age they are not sound, and never were very swift or powerful, even for their class. The rest are nothing better than pleasure boats or steam launches for riverine purposes. CANTON GUN-BOAT SQUADRON, Name Flug and Rig. Guns. Tons. H.P. Chee-hing cruiser 7 450 265 An-lan gun-boat 2 80 20 Chên-jui cruiser - - - Chên-to gun-boat 7 450 265 Chop-chung gun-boat 5 500 300 Chop-sai gun-boat 3 80 17 Hai-chong-ching gun-boat - 320 200 Hai-king-ching gun-boat 4 320 200 Hoi-tung-hung - 3 350 - Lien-chi gun-boat 3 200 - Peng-chao-hai cruiser 3 450 310 Quang-on gun-boat 3 155 100 San-hing gun-boat 3 150 100 Tching-on gun-boat 3 150 100 Tching-po gun-boat 3 150 100 Tchun-tung gun-boat 3 170 100 N.B. Some of these vessels have now been condemned. By order of the Viceroy of the Two Kuang Provinces (Chang Chih-tung) seventeen of the most serviceable war steamers have been formed into a fleet, called Shui Shih Chin Kor Naval Corps. Each of these ships is called a Shao or company. Four ships, Shao or companies, form a Ying, battalion, or squadron, and four Ying, or squadrons form the Chun, or Corps (may be fleet.) The odd ship is the Peng Chao Hai, and serves as flag ship for the commandant of the fleet, who is styled Tung-ling, and is also commander of his own flag-ship. His titular rank is Tu-ssü, or Major (just now), was, when appointed, Shou-pei, Second Major only. 1438. CHAO CH'ING SHUI SHIH YING -The Chao-ch'ing Naval or Marine Regiment. This regiment, although forming part of the Riverine Naval Force, is actually a part of the Governor-General's Staff Corps, and is usually styled the Tu Piao Shui Shih Ying on that account. The Governor-General of the Two Kuang Provinces was formerly stationed at Chao-ch'ing Fu, a prefectural city some hundred miles or so from Canton on the north bank of the West River, hence the reason why five of the six regiments forming his Staff Corps are stationed there to this day. The Chao-ch'ing Naval Regiment is commanded by a Tu Chiang, Colonel, whose Adjutant is a Shou-pei, Second-Major. The regiment is divided into two Shao or companies, each of which is commanded by a Chien-tsung, Captain, assisted by two Pa-tsung, Lieutenants, and the usual complement of Wai Wei, Sub-Lieutenants and non-commissioned officers. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1993 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302 195 Tau Kok District Committee Propaganda Section), TERRITORY ZINALA £** 愛國主義教 AAMAAT, Sharongaode Lish he vanzhuang aiguo zhiệm paoya panghua catho,(The History and Present Situation of Sha Tau Kok Material for Oral Teaching of Patriotism), Sha Tau Kok, 1986, p 4 22 Jali esberichte der Basler Mission, 1849, pp. 141-143, and PH Hase, “Sha Tau Kok in 1853, op cit. Some of the shops in 1853 occupied two shop units. 2 See W Schlatter, Geschichte der Basler Mission, 1815-1915, mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der ungedruckten Quellen, Basel, 1916, Vol 2. p 297 The (Taiping) rebellion spread its waves throughout the whole Empire, disheartening and weakening the Mandarins, and making thieves and robbers impudent. The small school at Sha Tau Kok went under, as the children fled the prevailing insecurity, and the teachers left. Despite the disturbances, however, the services and worship of God were seldom interrupted, in fact, only when the cannons thundered. The Mission, however, closed down during this period, in part because of the “prevailing insecurity”, and in part because of illness among the missionaries. The Mission was re-established at Lilong (WJ), 20 miles to the north-west of Sha Tau Kok, near Po Kat (Bup, fb'). 24 The Punti clans around Sham Chun had a similar district school, the Sham Chun Community School, in the market there, which brought them a great deal of prestige (D Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society, op cit). 25 See Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society, op cit, p. 200, n. 4. These dead were very possibly the victims of the Taiping fighting in 1854. 26 See Enclosure 22 to Item 204 (pp. 272-273) in File No. 66. Correspondence (June 20 1898 to August 20 1900) Respecting the Extension of the Boundaries of the Colony, printed for the Colonial Office, London, November, 1900. It is worth noting that the Council of the Punti clans in Sham Chun, the Tung Ping Kuk, also met in a Meeting Hall attached to the Community School there. 27 No firm evidence survives as to the date of either gun-tower, but the eastern tower was in existence in the present elders' fathers' time, and thus before 1898. The eastern gun tower "looked less old" than the western one in the 1920s. 28 Sugar was probably the item most heavily smuggled into China in the early 1930s, because of its prohibitively high import duty. See Jutan BL, 1887-1986, (Xianggang Haiguan Bainian Dashiji, 1887-1986, (Chugao), [A record of major Events of the Hundred Years of the Kowloon customs, 1887-1986, (Draft)], Canton, 1987, 1931, and 1932 (estimates of smuggled sugar in 1932 were 640 tons in April, 20,984 piculs in May, and 14,400 piculs in July). 29 Administrative Reports, App J. “Report on the New Territories”, for the year 1932, p J3, refers to problems caused by "the heavy customs duty payable on the export of dried fish into China", for the Year 1934, refers to "continuing problems" due to the high import duty on dried fish, which, at $3 per picul, exceeded the value of the fish. For the year 1935, p. J3, refers to the high import duties on "New Territories fish", which were causing difficulties. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1994 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g 22 In addition to these names additional names appear on a list of firms in liquidation and the respective liquidators. These additions were: Wendt and Co. O. Struckmeyer, Siemssen and Co. Hugo G. Fromm Witzke and Co. Hill, Bergdahl and Co. and personal affairs of Mr. F. Lonia A. Bune, personal affairs Hamburg Amerika Line Norddeutsche Lloyd Austrian Lloyd H. Wicking and Co. Pustau and Company William Charles Engelbrecht von Pustau announced in a Hong Kong newspaper that on 1 January 1846 the business of William Pustau would in the future be carried on under the name of William Pustau and Co, at Hong Kong and Canton. (FC 12 Jan. 1846). In 1848 the company was appointed agent for the Austrian Lloyd Steam Navigation Co. They advertised the "Overland Route" from Trieste to Alexandria. The passengers would then cross by land to the Red Sea where they would connect with the P. and O. route to Ceylon (FC 20 Nov. 1858). William Pustau was named Consul for Bremen in 1852 (FC 31 Jan. 1852). He later returned to Germany and opened an office of the firm at Hamburg. The firm failed in 1878 (DP 30 Dec. 1878). This failure pushed him into a breakdown and he entered a mental asylum where he died in 1880 aged fifty-nine (CM 18 Feb. 1880). His business failure may have been caused by over-extension into real estate. In 1867 news from London stated that William Pustau of Altona had lately bought 19 Pall Mall and was in the course of erecting "a magnificent mansion of five storeys on the site" (CM 4 Jan. 1867). Three years later news from Hamburg stated that he had purchased "the extensive and beautifully wooded grounds at Münstedten, on the banks of the Elbe, known as Parish's Villa from the family of Mr. Parish, formerly the head of the firm of Parish and Company, China Merchants, Hamburg, for the sum of 2,000,000 marks. "Mr. Pustau intends to pull down the building and substitute a handsome modern country villa on a better locality in the centre of the park" (CM 30 July 1870). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1995 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g 123 His writing was prodigious and varied: he wrote translations of the poems of Heinrich Heine, dictionaries of slang, jargon and cant, he wrote on the English, Welsh and Irish Gypsies and their languages, the art of conversation, the development of memory and willpower, Etruscan Roman remains, the discovery of America by Chinese Buddhist monks in the fifth century; and he wrote textbooks on perfumes and cosmetics, pyrography and wood-roasting, bent iron and strip work, art drawing, and leather work. This digression into the life of Charles G. Leland is to show that, as an acknowledged philologist and literary wit, the Pidgin-English Sing-Song was well within his powers and sphere of interest. With these doubts about the authenticity of the language of the Sing-song, we propose to leave the work aside. Next, I must mention Robert A. Hall Jr's article, "Chinese Pidgin English Grammar and Texts" (Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 64, 1944). In this article, Hall analyses, after the manner of Jesperson, a body of China Coast Pidgin elicited from English speakers, reflecting late-19th to early 20th Century Pidgin. Much effort was made by Hall to undertake a phonetic and syntactic analysis of his material. But given the well-known degree of variation among Pidgin speakers, we feel that most of the effort was misguided. It is well worth noting, however, the degree of consistency between what is reported by Hall and what is found in other sources. Do we have any sources for the way Pidgin appeared to the Chinese? Yes. First, there is the "Devils' Talk” pamphlet described by a number of authors. Unfortunately, we have not yet found a surviving copy of this, although we suspect that there must be a number of them in the U.S., if only we could imagine how the National Library of Congress would catalogue them... But the major source was published in Canton in 1862 by an individual from Kowloon, Tong Ting Kü. The "Ying u tasp ts'ún" or "The Chinese and English Instructor" consists of six volumes, organized in the Chinese style according to topics. It contains prefaces by the author as well as by the general in command of the Kowloon Walled City, Cheung Yue Tong (famous for his calligraphy). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1995 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g 190 her son would produce two images of the Patriarch if the son was cured. The son then produced the now famous Liu Tsu image, copying the mummified body, one small and one large, which have now been copied by most temples. The Taoist Seven True Ones The Taoist Patriarch Chung-yang founded the Taoist Ch'üan-chen sect during the Southern Sung dynasty. His seven disciples, enlightened ones, were known as the Seven True Ones (of the Northern school), though in some places, notably in Taiwan, it is believed that he and Ch'iu Ch'ang-ch'un were both only members of the group of Seven, and not the founder and senior member respectively. He and his seven disciples lived during the eras of the Southern Sung and Yüan dynasties, the 12th and 13th centuries AD. The Seven taught that meditation and exercises were the path to perfection through internal transformation of mind and body. Most of the Seven have not been noted in image form on altars, though tales of their lives, struggles and attainments to achieve the Tao are written up and available in a number of southern Chinese Taoist temples, though none have been encountered in Taiwan. The monastic headquarters of the Sect was first established in Shantung province, later moving to the Pai-yün Kuan in Peking. The tenets of the sect advocate the path to Tao through meditation and the transformation of mind and body rather than through physical exercises and the use of medicinal herbs. The secondary title of the Sect is the Golden Lotus Orthodox Belief, Chin-lien Tseng-tsang, reflecting the influence of Buddhism on the Sect. Images of Wang Chung-yang and of all Seven were noted in a major monastery in Shansi early this century, and are still to be seen in the temple at the base of Hua Shan in Shensi province. These Seven Disciples or Taoist Masters, known as Chen-jen, were: The first of the disciples is Ch'iu Ch'ang-ch'un, Ch'iu, the Perfect One of Eternal Youth. A master of alchemy and now a Taoist saint and Immortal, he lived towards the end of the twelfth century, the period of Tatar rule over China, and is renowned as the ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1996 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641 181 per-muing hia-pren, diffighi Vol 2 (Hong Kong Urban Council. 1986), pp. 395-402 * Interview of Lo Ch`uan, op cat Jun 22 1991 46 Interviews La P'o † # (surname Ho, age 70+), Ma Wan Chung, Jun 30, 1991, Ch'en Kuang-sheng P4144 (age 63) Fishermen's Village. Jul 8,1991 & by telephone, Aug 1,1991, 20 Mall, op cit 1 Anthony KK Sau “Distribution of Temples on Lantan Island as Recorded in 1979.** JHKBRAS, Vol 20(1980), p 138 ** Ch^en Po-Cao BR1MB "Touwang ku-mao sheng-shih per-chu,” (Kowloon: n.p., 1917) the Flouwang Temple Kowloon City For different opinions on the Houwang's identity, see Hsiao Kuo-chuen "Hstang-kang Hou-lung so ssu-feng chih 'Yang-hou-ta-wang' k'ao,” in Hstang-kang ch'inh-tai-shih huu-chu (Taipei: Taiwan Shang-wu yin-shu-kuan, 1985), pp 307, 313, Jao Tsung-yı "Yang-1'ai-hou chia-chih yu Chit-lung Yang-Houwang miao,' in Chu-hung vu Sung-chi shuh-hao (Hong Kong: Wan-yu t'u-shu kungssa, 1959), pp 84--92 * Ronald Ng. "Culture and Society of a Hakka Community on Lantau Island,” in I_C Jarvie, ed, A Society in Fransition. Contributions to the Study of Hong Kong Society (London: Butler & Tanmer Lid. 1969), pp. 55, 62 40 According to an interview at the Tung Chung Public School, Jun 24,1991, see also interviews. La P'o †% (age 63), upper Ling Per, Jun 15, 1991, Cheng Man-hung, op cit 1 5? Interview of 11 Chii-sheng PL/ (age_73), Lam Che. Jun 18,1991 * Interview of M. Huang (age 76), Wong Ka Wai, Jun 25, 1991 Brim, op eit, p. 100, N 10 ** Interview of Cheng Man-hung, op uit, upper Ling Per Aug. 11. 1991 Ho, op ett. p 13 Flayes, 1967, op eit, p 91 * Ho, op. cit, p9 5 lbid. p 13 * Brum op eit,p/103 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1997 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579 46 appeared to the Sixth Son who was resting, weary and sick with over-work and revealed to him that Meng Liang had recovered the bones of another and gave the Sixth Son details of where his, the father's, body really lay. Meng Liang set out once more, disguised as a Tatar soldier and after a series of episodes the bones were recovered, but not before several of the Sixth Son's comrades had been killed or committed suicide. These deaths led the Sixth Son's condition to deteriorate and for his spirit to wander whilst he lay in a coma. The emperor's nephew on his way to visit him saw a tiger barring his path and shot and grazed it with the arrow. On reaching the bedside of the Sixth Son, who rallied at that point, the Prince was told that the tiger was the spirit of the Sixth Son roaming the hills and was duly appalled at the idea that he had nearly killed the Sixth Son. Despite all efforts, the Sixth Son's condition grew worse and soon he died, vomiting blood. In another episode of the tea-house tales the ruler of the Liao Khitan planned to assassinate the Sung Emperor at a meeting to which the Sung Emperor had been invited at Chin-sha Nan. As the plan had been detected by the Eldest Son of the Yang family he disguised himself as the Sung emperor whilst the Second Son went as the Crown Prince, with the other brothers in attendance. In the event they in turn were recognised and in the ensuing fight the Second and Third Sons were killed and, apart from the Sixth and Seventh Sons, the others were captured. One of several cult centres dedicated to the Yangs in northern China developed in a temple on the Buddhist holy mountain of Wu T'ai Shan, in northern Shansi province. There are at least three temples in Taiwan in which Yang Yeh is the main deity. And only in Taiwan are the Fourth, Fifth and Sixth sons collectively portrayed together on several altars with the collective title of the San Wang-tsu. In an old temple near Taichung the seven main images on the main altar represent the Seven Sons although, according to the temple keeper, the group did not include the father. However, the smaller portable images of the Seven on the front of the same altar had alongside them several other images which did include the Father, Yang Yeh, and the Mother, Yü Lao T'ai-chün, and a complete outsider, the mythological deity, Yang Chien [Erh Lang] who bears the same surname. The temple keeper explained that in about 1986 all nine main images, carved on the mainland many years ago and brought over to Taiwan, which at that ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1997 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579 50 in pairs on Min [Fukienese] community altars as offerings to the Jade Emperor, whose birthday is celebrated the following day and who had persuaded Yang to call off the pursuit. An image categorically identified as the Seventh Son, Yang Yen-ssu has only been observed in one temple, in Medan in Sumatra, where it stands alone on a separate side altar simply marked, Yang Ch'i Yeh. He is portrayed as a black-bearded general, standing dressed in long yellow robes and holding a long staff but without any unique features. In a temple near Taichung where he is depicted together with the rest of his brothers he is inexplicably portrayed with a ferocious, decorated face and a bird's beak mouth. His black skin is decorated with a white [opera-style] face pattern, whilst the beak with a red edging is under a human nose. His eyes are staring, round and bulging, and he is holding an unsheathed sword at the ready. All in all, an extraordinary image which, whilst accepted and labelled as the Seventh Son by the temple staff, is completely out of character. Finally, in Seremban in central Malaysia, the temple keeper of a small rural temple pointed out a small standing figure of a soldier in armour at the rear of a crowded secondary altar. The image has no unique characteristic and could be any soldier/deity. The temple keeper identified him as Yang Sung-pao, a T'ang general who had been the protector of a Sung emperor. In Seremban he was also known as the Venerable Golden Lion, Chin-shih Ta-jen, as well as the Great General, Ta Chiang-chün. The Eighth Son, Yang Pa Yeh, has only been noted on two altars in northern China despite the two Yang Family Daughters being numbered Eight and Nine, Yang Pa Chie and Yang Chiu Mei. These two daughters were involved in several battles fighting alongside the Sixth Son. Post Script Chinese characters carved into a roadside rock beside the modern main road from the Fen River plain in northern Shansi to Inner Mongolia proclaimed that the nearby old temple had been dedicated to Wu Lang, the Fifth Son of the Yang. This was confirmed by a local peasant. The temple was in a col between two mountains, itself several thousand ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1998 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794 53 derstood that all twenty-eight of the deities in the hall were followers or disciples of the Kuan Yin with the Thousand Arms and Thousand Eyes. The twenty-eight images in the Bodhisattva Hall of second temple, the Pi-yun Ssu, (apart from the main deity Kuan Yin), fall into three categories: four bodhisattvas [P'u Hsien, Wen Shu, Ta Shih Chih and Ti-tsang Wang - but not including the main deity, the Bodhisattva Kuan Yin]; seventeen deities with Sanskrit titles [including four T’ien-wang Guardians] and three Chinese native folk religion deities. The monks also explained that a stream which ran through the area had attracted imperial favour and several temples had been sited and built by palace eunuchs to enable the emperors to relax during the summer heat or visit the nearby shrines of deities of longevity and prosperity. Amongst these were the Ta Pei Ssu and the Pi-yün Ssu. They also understood that when the decision was taken to set up the images in the Hall each image was specially constructed and given a name or title all in accordance with Buddhist sacred writings. However, these two temples in the Western Hills are not quite unique in that a further 28 deities can be seen in a cave-tunnel in a comparatively modern temple near Taipei in Taiwan, each labelled with a Sinicised Sanskrit or pseudo-Sanskrit name, similar to the deities in the two temples in the Western Hills. Such alien names mean nothing to most Chinese. In the Ta Hui Ssu X, a third temple, within the city of Peking, statues referred to in the temple as the Twenty-eight Protectors of the Buddhist Law line the flanking walls of the main hall. These too are very similar in style and appearance to the Twenty-eight Deva in the Ta Pei Ssu in the Eight Great Places and though not individually identified as such in the Ta Hui Ssu they are probably similar Deva. According to Soothill's Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms Deva is a general designation of the gods of Brahmanism, celestial beings whom he lists as the Twenty Deva [+]. The Sinicised Sanskrit titles of the deities seen in the two temples in the Western Hills, compared with the list of twenty in Soothill's dictionary, con- Page 90 Page 91 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1998 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794 63 the golden bowl being his unique characteristic. Mahesvara, Mahadevi or Siva, known in Chinese as Mo-hsi-shou-lo T'ien 摩醯首羅天 Mahesvara is one of the numerous titles borne by one of the best known of the Indian deities, Siva. He has come to be regarded as the Supreme Being though he more generally represents the more malignant forces and destruction, all part of the cycle of creation and destruction. He is married to either Uma Mahesvara [also known as Parvati], by whom he had a son named Skanda [see 21 below], or to Kali, who is also Durga. The latter is known as Hariti [and in Chinese Kuei-tzu Mu: see 6 below] whose image is also one of the twenty-eight Devi. Hariti has one face, six arms and a necklace of skulls". Images of Siva stand in both the Ta Pei Ssu and the Pi-yun Ssu. In the Ta Pei Ssu he is portrayed as a typical northern Chinese deity dressed in multi-coloured robes and a tall Buddhist crown, but with six arms and an ageless Chinese face of indeterminate sex. He looks like and could easily be confused with other multi-arm Buddhist deities as he has no unique characteristic. In the Pi-yun Ssu he is naked apart from a skirt in colourfully decorated cloth down to his knees. He has four arms and a smaller head on top of his normal head. He has red spiky hair on both heads and fangs rising out of the lower jaw of his normal head. Soothill described Siva as having eight arms, three eyes and riding a large white bull, holding a handful of snakes and a small drum, and can be represented as the phallic symbol. 4] Maritci [Maritchi or Marici] known in Chinese as Chun-t'i P'u-sa The Tantric [Lamaist] bodhisattva, Chun-t'i, is the Buddhist form of the Hindu personification of light and an offspring of Brahma, Cundi or Candi. She is often confused with the Tantric many-armed Kuan Yin and the Taoist stellar deity, Tou-mu Hsing-chün. Two separate deities also are referred to by Chinese devotees as Chun-t'i; these are as ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1998 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794 65 hand holding a precious object including a rosary, cudgel, jar, spear, pagoda, golden arrow, halberd, or bell, etc. and it is therefore not surprising that the images of Chun-t'i on the altars of both Buddhist and folk religion temples portray her with eight or eighteen arms and hands, the main two hands being held palms pressed together before the chest in prayer. The uppermost hands hold discs of the Sun and Moon respectively and the remainder, individually, hold various attributes including a seal of office, a sword, shield and fly switch. She is variously represented with three heads though predominantly she is depicted with one head with three faces one of which is that of a sow. Chun-t'i again often has a third eye in the centre of her forehead, usually a Taoist form but attributed to her Indian origin as a metamorphosed caste mark. She is generally portrayed sitting on a lotus throne in the same posture adopted by the Buddha and, in one of her poses, also by Kuan Yin P’u-sa. According to Werner the legend explaining the third face being that of a sow and the creatures supporting the lotus also being pigs relates how one of the abbesses of the Semding monastery in Tibet in whom the goddess Chun-t'i was believed to be successively incarnated, had an excrescence resembling a sow's ear at the back of her head. In northern and central China in Tantric Buddhist temples, the Lamaist goddess Maritci, portrayed in a chariot drawn by seven pigs is identified as Chun-t'i; in the south however, where Tantric Buddhism hardly penetrated, images identified as Chun-t'i are said by priests, should devotees enquire, to be the Brahmanic cult of Maritci. However, in Tibetan and Mongol [Tantric] Buddhism Tou-mu is a common deity with her three eyes and many arms; she is considered to be an incarnation of Avalokitesvara, the bodhisattva known throughout China as Kuan Yin and this doubtless explains the confusion with Kuan Yin in central and southern China. She has been identified as Tou-mu Yuan-chün, the main deity in the T'ai Sui Hall in the Jade Emperor temple in Tainan, where she is flanked by two Tantric aides, Ch'ieh-ch'ih and Yao Ya. In her Taoist form she is portrayed seated on a lotus, again of Indian origin, which in a number of temples rests on the back of a tortoise which in turn rests on three or seven pigs. Most likely this is no more than a reflection of the tale in the Feng-shen Yen-i in which one of the disciples of Tou-mu, Shui-huo Tung-tzu, who changed into a tortoise, bore off Tou-mu to the Western Heavens. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1998 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794 68 Sarasvati is the sister of Yama and wife of Brahma and Manjusri [depending on the legend], and sometimes assumes the form of a swan or peacock. Chinese texts however, describe her as male. She is portrayed in India as having two arms and a lute or with four or eight arms. 9] Laksmi known in Chinese as Chi-hsiang T'ien-nü or 落吃澀弭. She is the Hindu goddess of beauty, pleasure and wealth, that is, fortune, and of good auspices. She was the wife of Vishnu in several of his incarnations, including that of Vishnu's incarnation as Rama when she was known as Sita. In some cults she is also one of the personifications of Sri Devi, as is Prthivi [see 10 below]. She is usually depicted with two arms though in some places she has four. The active power of creative energy portrayed by female deities has been personified as the goddess Sri Devi. She has manifested herself in many different forms including male and non-human. She has a number of names one of which is Laksmi. An image of Laksmi is present in both the Pi-yun Ssu and the Ta Pei Ssu. In both temples she is standing dressed in highly colourful, decorated robes and crown, with no unique characteristics. 10] Prthivi known in Chinese as Chien-lao-ti-shen or 提毗. He is the Earth-devi, the god of the soil, ground, etc. and also one of the four with thunderbolts in the Vajradhati group. In some cults in India Prthivi is known as Bhu Devi, one of the personifications of Sri Devi. Images of Prthivi are present in both the Ta Pei Ssu and the Pi-yun Ssu. In the Ta Pei Ssu his image portrays him as a typical northern Chinese image of a youthful minister. He is remarkably feminine in his facial features, and is dressed in a colourful highly decorated robe and crown without any unique characteristics. He is much the same in the Pi-yun Ssu though here he is carrying a small symbolic club between Page 105 Page 106 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1998 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794 82 skinned male with a semi-demonic face, dressed in gilded armour and a tall decorated gilded crown. He stands with an unsheathed sword in his left hand, held point up at waist height, and with a gilded halo behind his head and shoulders. 31] Purna Man Hsien-jen A Purna is the 'Fully-complete Immortal' whose image can be seen in the cave/tunnel in Taiwan but not in either of the two temples in the Western Hills. He is portrayed as a dark-skinned warrior dressed in gilded armour, standing holding a long-handled javelin in his left hand. He has a gilded crown and a gilded halo behind his head and shoulders. His face is semi-demonic. 32] Ma-ho-lo Nü 摩和羅女 Ma-ho-lo Nü, from the title, is a goddess. Her image has only been seen in the cave/tunnel in Taiwan where she is depicted as a young woman dressed in a long gilded gown, covering her feet. She has her hands, palms together before her chest and her black hair drawn back. She is Chinese and has a gilded halo behind her head and shoulders. 神母天王 33] Shen-mu T'ien Wang XI The Heavenly Ruler of the Divine Mother is only to be seen in the cave/tunnel in Taiwan where he is portrayed as a middle-aged Chinese dressed in gilded robes and crown, holding a pair of small cymbals together, one in each hand. He has a gilded halo behind his head and shoulders. 34] P’u-chi T’ien Wang Y The only image noted of P'u-chi T'ien Wang stands in one of the niches within the cave/tunnel in the Taiwanese temple. He is portrayed as a fierce Chinese warrior dressed in gilded armour and helmet, with a gilded halo behind his head and shoulders. He is holding a short dagger in his right hand and a long handled spear in his left. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1998 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794 83 35] Man-shan Ch'e Wang 慢善車王 Man-shan Ch'e Wang has only been seen in Taiwan, in the cave/tunnel where he is portrayed as a semi-demonic figure with a large slightly open mouth, and bushy eyebrows. He is wearing gilded armour and helmet and is carrying a short dagger in his left hand with his right hand extended vertically. He has a gilded halo behind his head and shoulders. 36] P'o-x-Hsien-jen 婆x仙人 P'o-x-Hsien-jen, the Immortal P'o-x, has only been seen in the cave/tunnel under the Taiwanese temple where he is depicted as an emaciated elderly Chinese, wearing no more than a wrap-around gilded skirt. He is holding a small gilded scroll in his left hand at face height and leaning on a staff with his right. He has white eyebrows and goatee beard and has a gilded halo behind his head and shoulders. 37] Tung-yüeh Ta-ti The Great Emperor of the Eastern Peak 東嶽大帝 Images of Tung-yüeh Ta-ti are included in the groups of Deva in both the Pi-yun Ssu and the Ta Pei Ssu but not in the cave/tunnel in the temple in Taiwan. In the Ta Pei Ssu he is standing, dressed in colourfully decorated robes, but with an open-winged bird on the crown which usually is only worn by a female deity. Perhaps the present generation of monks have misidentified the deity and this is the image of the major deity, Pi-hsia T'ien-chun, the daughter of Tung-yüeh Ta-ti. He or she is holding a long-stemmed flower in the left hand resting up against the outstretched right hand. The hair style too suggests a female as do the facial features. The image in the Pi-yun Ssu, however, is an elderly standing male, with grey beard and multi-coloured robes and cap. He holds a tablet clasped in both hands before his chest. Tung-yüeh Ta-ti is the Lord of T'ai Mountain [T'ai-shan Yeh 泰山爺], a Chinese deity and the Supreme ruler of the Underworld12. Many Chinese do not seem to appreciate that these two titles are one and the same deity, a fact borne out by Mrs Goodrich when she noted in 1931 that “no one thought of this minor god T'ai-shan Fu-chün of the Underworld and the Great Ruler of the Eastern Peak as one". T'ai- Page 120 Page 121 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1998 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794 89 Appendix B THE DEVA WITHIN THE BODHISATTVA HALL IN THE PI-YUN SSU PEKING'S WESTERN HILLS The Chinese titles of these the Deva within the Bodhisattva Hall in the Pi-yun Ssu are as follows together with their standard Sanskrit name: Fan T'ien Brahma [Mahabrahman] Ti-shih Indra [Sakra Devaran] T'o-wen Tien-wang Vaisravana (Guardian of the North) Ch'ih-kuo T'ien-wang Dhrtarastra (Guardian of the East) Tseng-ch'ang T'ien-wang Virudhaka (Guardian of the South) Kuang-mu T'ien-wang Virupaksa (Guardian of the West) ) the Four ) Guardians ) of the ) Entrance ) to ) Buddhist ) Temples** Mi-chi Chin-kang Guhyapati Another Diamond King Guardian Mo-hsi-shou-lo Siva [Mahesvara] Pan-chih Ta-ching Pancika Pien-ts'ai T'ien Sarasvati Chi-hsiang T'ien-nü Laksmi Wei-t'o Skanda or Viharapala Chien-lao-ti-shen Prthivi P'u-t'i Shu-shen Bodhidruma or Pippala Kuei-tzu Mu Hariti ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1998 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794 94 Ah-hsü-lo Wang 阿修羅王 [Asura] Na-lo-yen T'ien 那羅延天 [Narayana - son of Nara -the Original Man] Mi-ta Chin-kang 密達金剛 [Guhyapati raja] T'i-t'ou Le-cha 提頭勒吒 [Mo-li Hai - Dhrtarastra - Guardian of the East - one of the Four Diamond Kings] P'i-lo Le-cha 毘羅勒吒 [Mo-li Hung- Virudhaka, Guardian of the South - one of the Four Diamond Kings] P'i-lo-po-cha 毗羅博叉 [Mo-li Ch'ing - Virupaksa - Guardian of the West - one of the Four Diamond Kings] [T'o-wen T'ien Wang - Mo-li Hung] P'i-sha-men T'ien 毗沙門天 [Vaisravana, One of the Four Diamond Kings - the Guardian of the North - Bishamen] [Protector of Travellers in the train of the 1000 arm Kuan Yin] Chin Ta Wang 金大王 Chin-se Kung-ch'iao [Five-colour Peacock] 金色孔雀 Man Hsien-jen 滿仙人 [Purna - The Fully-complete Immortal] Ma-hu-lo Wang 摩虎羅王 [Mahoraga] Ma-ho-lo Nü 摩和羅女 [?] ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1998 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794 176 image with one of the other titles is the same god. The Fengshen Yanyi records numerous departments of the Celestial World including, for example, the Department of Thunder. It has a chief, General Wen, and twenty-four subordinates, amongst whom are the spirits of wind, rain and lightning; these are often referred to as the Five Spirits of Thunder, Lei Shen. Another is the Department of Fire Spirits. Its departmental head, Luo Xuan of Fire Dragon Island, called himself Yan Zhong Xian, the Immortal of the Flames, and was a fierce-looking iron-toothed, red individual. His immediate subordinate was Liu Huan, a yellow-faced demonic being who, during the Shang-Zhou struggle, brought along the materials with which they nearly destroyed the capital of Xi Ji, before being themselves routed. Luo Xuan was awarded the title The Chief Spirit Ruler of the Southern Region Three Atmospheres Fire Virtue Star: Nan Fang San Qi Huode Xingjun Zhengshen. Among his subordinates are a pig, monkey, tiger and snake spirits, all representing the different kinds of fires. The tiger is the 'tail fire' which is very hot; the pig is a 'house fire' which bursts out unexpectedly; the monkey is the 'nose fire' which comes suddenly through openings; whilst the snake is the 'winged fire' which leaps from one place to another. Liu Huan causes fires to spread. The story begins with the last ruler of the Shang making an offering at the temple of the goddess Nü Wa. Having written a poem on the wall of the temple, a graffiti that offends her, she sends three monsters to bewitch him. The following résumé of the last two chapters of the book brings into focus the tenor and style of the story. Jiang Ziya, about whom tales are told of his ineffectual efforts to become a trader and thus satisfy his wife's demands that he should do something useful, was eventually introduced to the Court and King Zhou Xin, who gave him a high position. Jiang antagonised Dan Ji, Zhou Xin's concubine, by getting rid of one of her vampire friends who had disguised herself as a human to share with the evil queen the flesh and blood of the victims she had slaughtered. Jiang was being taken away to be executed outside the palace but managed to slip through a hole in a bridge and disappeared. The guards sought him everywhere and finally assumed that he had been drowned. He had however been able to conceal himself. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1998 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794 286 arms Force, and at about this time Ward was strongly praised by Hope,1 the British Admiral who appealed for a large expansion to Ward's force. The eventual force of about 8,000, under a number of foreign officers and several Chinese was, after several very successful battles, named by imperial decree the "Ever Victorious Army [Ch'ang-sheng Chün].” It was under the overall command of the Governor of Kiangsu province. He was awarded the fourth rank button with peacock feather, though he has also been said to have received the higher imperial award of the Yellow Riding Jacket. At about this time Ward married the daughter of his Shanghai Chinese merchant-patron, Yang Fang. Referred to as Major Ward or General Ward, his rank was immaterial. He was the commander and, in Chinese terminology, commanders in action of forces larger than company level, that is over about one hundred men, were referred to as Chiang-chün, a term translated into English as General. He died in Ningpo in September 1862 having been mortally wounded in action at nearby Tz'u-ch'i while reconnoitring by himself and having asked to be buried in the court of the Confucian Temple at Sungkiang, his unthinkable request was granted. He was succeeded for a short time first by another American, Burgevine [of whom more later], and then temporarily by Captain Holland before being finally replaced by Charles Gordon, a British officer in the Royal Engineers. The latter was generally credited by foreigners with the eventual defeat of the Taiping forces. In reality, by the time of Ward's death the corner had already been turned by the much larger Imperial forces under Li Hung-chang, supported by the Ever Victorious Army and other similar small units of foreign led Chinese, and within a short time they, together with British [a brigade of some two and a half thousand men under Brigadier-General Charles Staveley] and French forces, had the Taiping in retreat. Harry Franck, the American traveller of the 1920s, explained probably quite accurately that "Gordon did the least of the work and won most of the credit for the 'Ever Victorious Army'." Franck retold a legend that "Ward had planned, in case the Trent affair [during the US civil war] resulted in war with England, to seize British warships and merchantmen in Chinese waters. He had converted his large possessions into cash and negotiable securities, which disappeared when he was killed. An English officer last seen with him was accused of the theft, and there were long proceedings in the U.S. Consular Court in Shanghai.” ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1998 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794 290 forces, and while a great argument raged between two governments as to which had jurisdiction over him, he having once claimed Chinese citizenship in order to remain in Chinese service, Burgevine was opportunely drowned by the capsizing of what the Celestials called a ferry-boat". Franck's inclusion of the word 'opportunely' is intriguing. NOTES The French, fearing a British plot to expand their influence in China, established its own foreign-trained Chinese forces in treaty ports, with the best known, the Ever-Triumphant Army [Ch'ang-chieh Chün] founded by Prosper Giquel in 1862. Franck, Harry A.: Roving through Southern China: Appleton-Century Company, New York: 1923 Although the Memorial Temple dedicated to Ward I was interested in was in Sungkiang, another similar Memorial Temple had also been built in his honour in Ningpo near where he died. Carr, Caleb: The Devil Soldier; The American Soldier of Fortune who became a God in China: Random House: New York: 1991 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1999 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x 129 not be ignored by those who follow the steps of experts in military studies; people such as J.A. English and Gudmundsson (1994), Ponting (1995) or van Creveld (1982). Acknowledgements The author wishes to thank Rev. Fr. Anthony Farren SJ for his comments on the draft of this manuscript. The author is also indebted to Rev. Fr. John Coghlan SJ for providing him access to the publications of Ricci Hall, University of Hong Kong. All faults are the author's. REFERENCES *Aldrich, Richard J. The Key to the South: Britain, the United States and Thailand during the Approach of the Pacific War, 1929-1942, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1993. *Arbeitskreis für Wehrforschung. Decisive Battles of World War II-The German View, Chinese translation by Star Light Publishing, Taipei 1994. (Chinese publication) Cameron, N. Hong Kong: the Cultural Pearl, Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1978. Bell, C.M., “‘Our Most Exposed Outpost': Hong Kong and British Far Eastern Strategy, 1921-1941,” The Journal of Military History, Vol. 60, Issue I (January, 1996): 61-88. Blackburn, A.D., "Hong Kong: December 1941 - July 1942,” Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 29, 1989, pp.77-93. Birch, A. and Cole, M. Captive Christmas: the Battle of Hong Kong, December 1941, Hong Kong: Heinemann Asia, 1979. Bruce, P. Second to None: the Story of the Hong Kong Volunteers, Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1991. Bruce, P. "Hong Kong Military History Notes," Nos. 1 (May 1985) to 7 (October 1987), unpublished mimeographs. Page 165 Page 166 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2000 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n 14 4) Had Commissioner Lin adopted less drastic measures in suppressing the opium trade? A difficult course to predict. However, knowing Elliot's repugnance of the opium trade, it is possible the two might have joined forces in fighting the infamous trade. It was Lin's methods, in particular laying siege to the foreign factories, that alienated Elliot's respect, not the end he sought to gain by adopting them. 5) If China had suddenly developed a strong interest in British goods? Tin, wool, and cotton were imported from Britain, but not in sufficient quantities to balance the export of tea. A strong public opinion against opium had been building up in Britain. A greater demand for British goods might have shifted the British official position from laissez faire to oppose opium, dealing a serious blow to the opium trade. No doubt, many other alternative courses of history can be suggested, but the few above show how the two addictions—to opium and tea—had determined the course of history of that period and region, and how easily that course might have been altered, preventing the conflict, and possibly subsequent imperialist policy of western nations in China. Conclusion Of all the foods, solid or liquid, tea has had great influence over the centuries around the world. It has played a part in history, medicine, politics, manners and customs. British interests in the 19th century kept the opium supply line open and the manufacture of opium in India solvent in order to pay for China's tea. Britain went to war with China to protect those interests. In this sense the war was also the Tea War. When Sir George Staunton, an authority on Chinese-British relations and a member of Macartney's mission to China in 1793 (aged 15, he went as a page-boy), declared in Parliament: 'If there had been no opium, there had been no war,' he might well have added: "And if there had been no tea, there had been no war." SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY ALLEN, N.: The Opium Trade, Lowell (2nd Edition), U.S.A., 1983. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2000 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n 164 The next of our euhemerized heroes is the loyal victor, Guo Ziyi, whose armies were to a great extent the power behind the throne during the rebellion. He is best known to many by his title, Fenyang Wang, the King of Fenyang, an erstwhile name for Anhui province. He is one of the most renowned of Chinese generals, greatly distinguished following service under four successive Tang emperors. He lived to the then great age of 84, dying in AD 781 having been blessed with innumerable progeny, the offspring of his eight sons and seven sons-in-law, all of whom occupied high official posts. Legend claims that he had one hundred sons and one thousand grandsons, hence another of his titles, the Ancestor of Five Generations [Wu Dai Tongtang]. He is also known as Father of the Realm [Shang Fu] and having such a wealth of sons and grandsons, is popularly regarded and worshipped China-wide as the God of Happiness, Lushen. The image of the God of Posterity and Happiness, stage left in the trio of elderly men, the San Xing, the Three stellar Gods of Wealth, Fortune and Posterity, is frequently identified as Guo Ziyi. Such groups of three are to be seen in many Chinese homes and in the UK in most Chinese take-away shops [Photographs 4 and 5]. The standard image portrays him as an elderly scholar-official, standing, dressed in blue robes leading or holding his eight year old son in his arms. The blessings he enjoyed, namely honours, riches, longevity and posterity, were attributed in popular legend to the stellar maiden Zhi Nü, who was said to have appeared to him once on the day consecrated as her annual festival, the double seventh, when she promised him these rewards. In temple legend he was born of a peasant family whereas in fact he was the son of a wealthy official, born in the far north in Shaanxi province. In southern China, however, he is claimed by Hakkas to have been a Hakka. His youngest son married the daughter of the Gao Zong emperor, and among the many stories related about Guo and his relationship with the Tang Court, possibly the best known tells of the princess refusing to offer her greetings to Guo, her father-in-law, on his eightieth birthday, as he was a mere commoner. Her furious husband beat her causing her to return to the Palace to complain to her father, the emperor. Meanwhile, Guo had his son bound and sent to Court for punishment. The emperor, recognising Guo's years of service and that domestic affairs were nothing to do with the Court, set his son-in-law free whilst the empress advised her daughter reach an accord with her husband. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2000 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n 173 characteristics. Plopper in his Chinese Religion seen Through the Proverb : Shanghai : 1935 claimed that Lao Lang was also the patron of prostitutes. Meng Fu Langjun f. otherwise known as Langjun Ye, NB whose {1 24 0 image has been noted in Lukang in western Taiwan, is the patron of the southern school of woodwinds. He is known by this title which describes his position once he fled to the West from Chang'an ahead of the pursuing rebel forces. This lengthy legend basically tells of the emperor's challenge to Zhang Tianshi to use his magic to stop the noise of heavenly music which, unbeknownst to Zhang was being performed by 360 musicians concealed in a cellar. Zhang stopped the music by killing the lot in one swoop with his magic. The emperor, horrified at what he had done, had them all deified as Plague Gods. Zhi Nú is the Weaving Girl in the legend of the Weaving Girl and the Cowherd. Mesny Wm. Mesny's Chinese Miscellany: Shanghai : 1899 Richard T : The Secret Sects of China : The Chinese Inland Mission Handbook : 1896 Chaozhou is a city in eastern Guangdong province where their minority language is spoken. Chuanzhou is a city in southern Fujian province and emigrants from both Chuanzhou and Chaozhou have settled in both Taiwan and South-east Asia. "The discrepancies in dates is due to the varying versions provided by temple 12 attendants. A similar claim was made in Central China where the rain and crop deity, Doutian Yuanshuai BÆ, was believed to be an incarnation of Zhang Xun who, it was said, had intervened to assist the imperial forces during the Taiping wars ca. 1855 and had been awarded the title of Zhangwei 13 Goodrich, A. S. : The Peking Temple of the Eastern Peak : Monumenta Serica : Nagoya : 1964 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2001 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g Göran Aijmer, is Professor Emeritus of Social Anthropology at the University of Gothenburg, Sweden, and is currently associated with the Gothenburg Research Institute of the University. His research focuses on symbolic expression and articulation in fields such as politics, economy and religion. His regional projects have concerned southern China, Southeast Asia and Melanesia. He has worked in many universities, more recently in the Research School of Asian and Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, École des hautes études en sciences sociales, Paris, and the Sainsbury Research Unit, University of East Anglia, Norwich. His recent monographs are Ritual Dramas in the Duke of York Islands: Cantonese Society in a Time of Change (with Virgil K.Y. Ho) and New Year Celebrations in Central China in Late Imperial Times. Together with Jon Abbink, he has also edited Meanings of Violence (goran.aijmer@newyork.com). Sir David Akers-Jones, K.B.E., C.M.G., J.P., was a founding member of the reconstituted HKBRAS in 1960 and a former Chief Secretary of the Hong Kong Government. He is a noted sinophile (akersjon@pacific.net.hk). A.C. Bromfield, is an active member of HKBRAS. Chiu Hang Shi, is an active member of HKBRAS. Richard Garrett, M.A.(Cantab), C.Eng., F.I.C.E., F.I.Struct.E., F.H.K.I.E., is a director of an international firm of consulting engineers and has lived in Hong Kong since 1973. He has been a collector of antique arms and a member of the Arms and Armour Society of the U.K. for over 30 years. He has published a number of articles on the subject of early firearms. Valery Garrett, B.A., Post Grad. Dip. Des., is a Hon. Research Fellow at the Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, and the author of six books on traditional Chinese clothing. She is a Council Member of the Royal Asiatic Society (vgarrett@hkucc.hku.hk). César Guillén-Nuñez, M.Phil., is a specialist in colonial Spanish and Portuguese art. He has degrees in the History of Art from the Courtauld Institute of Art, the University of Pennsylvania and University College, London. He is presently a research fellow at the Macau Ricci Institute (cgnunes@yahoo.com). Fr. Dr. Louis Ha, Ph.D., is the Archivist of the Catholic Diocesan archives and Chairman of the Hong Kong Archives Society. His Ph.D. was entitled The Foundation of the Catholic Mission in HK 1841-1894. Peter Halliday, M.A., Ph.D., is a former assistant commissioner of the Hong Kong xi ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2001 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g 42 Faure, David, 1986. The Structure of Chinese Rural Society: Lineage and Village in the Eastern New Territories, Hong Kong. Hong Kong &c: Oxford University Press. Gu jin tu shu ji cheng 4 (The Complete Collection of Ancient and New Matters from Illustrations and Documents). 1885-88 (1726). Compiled by Chen Menglei and Jiang Tingxi. 3rd edition. Shanghai: Major Brothers. HODOUS, Lewis. 1974 (1929). Folkways in China. Taipei: Ch'eng Wen Publishing Company. Jing Chu sui shi ji (Records of the Seasons in Jing and Chu). Complied by Zong Lin. Liang Dynasty. In Hubei yunxin yi shutt (Documents on Traditional Morals in Hubei). N.d. TUN LI-CH'EN. 1987 (1936). Annual Customs and Festivals in Peking as Recorded in the Yen-ching Sui-shih-chi. Translated and annotated by Derk Bodde. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. TURBAN, HELGA. 1971. Das Ching-Ch'u sui-shih chi, ein chinesischen Festkalender. Augsburg: Dissertationsdruck W. Blasaditsch. YANG, C.K. 1961. Religion in Chinese Society: A Study of Contemporary Social Functions of Religion and Some of Their Historical Factors. Berkeley: University of California Press. Yiyang xian zhi (Chronicle of the Magistracy of Yiyang). 1874. N.p. Yuanjiang xian zhi (Chronicle of the Magistracy of Yuanjiang). 1807-09. N.p. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2001 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g The Lugard Tribute 皇盧督頌詞 Aachons J Hudlev Deputy ne Lưumunty Vudio) +$/ 111 Alfred H Y Lun U8% Depat ne u of Pinson # D10 ## 28 1 jpg 香港豐幹 感押的「即將離港返件為期八 都在提前天在港督肛接作了 JURA SME 0 * TN 上面除爆 了大藍色化中國史字外『包含多 種動植物的本利,物。這件融為 (店督司的藝的精品 作盧押 RADAK 2001年香港人興 DA Yahud Matv #AY *** KJ NKI 1 10 1 1/1 R8 MR P f } f #1979 1 \ MAP & *# BIR & Prosall Rumsey AA #F **TOYA KIMA I A Richard Pinker he fl ODY KAPA Kent J BJ Brasted Chir 2001 f 2 月|克少检熱情招门來目 录下他們护 KOT NO CAN PAK 8.1 ef AmkaT L H On Thursday April 28, 1910 the day before his departure to England for six months' leave Sir Frederick Lugard, Governor of Hong Kong, received prominent members of the Chinese community, led by Dr Ho Kai, at Government House They presented Lugard with a beautiful satın scroll embroidered with dark blue Chinese characters and rich patterns and scenes depicting various kinds of fauna and flora Known as The Lugard Tribute, this beautiful work of art has returned to Hong Kong, through the courtesy of Lugard's family descendants, on the 90th anniversary of the founding of the University of Hong Kong in 1911 The story of the return of The Tribute to Hong Kong is one of extreme serendipity and chance encounters Ie began in October 1999 when one of us (AJH) was invited to speak to the Aberdeen University Chinese Studies Group on the topic of the role which four of that University's graduates played in the founding of the Hong Kong College of Medicine for Chinese in 1887. Prompted by a discussion on health issues a member of the Group, Mrs Priscilla Ramsey described The Tribute's present whereabouts and its connections with both an early 20th century public health problem in Hong Kong and the founding of the University of Hong Kong The Tribute was in the family home of Major Richard Pinker of Brasted Chart in Kent a great nephew of Sir Frederick Lugard In February 2001 Major Pinker warmly welcomed visitation from Hong Kong and displayed The Tribute in its case standing on the upstairs landing of his house together with the gold blocked paper versions of the text in both English and Chinese He recounted what is currently known about The Tribute's journey since it left Hong Kong at the end of Lugard's governorship in 1912 PRAKELI 1912 1 KAMÆLÉ LMEU Major Richard Pinker at home with The Lugard Tribute in Brasted Chart Kent DRPRO 74104” (Art fr! 24 (1) Kent J Brasted Chart ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2001 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g 116 The present The Tribute and 4 abun to Kai 1 ft ... # G A HAD AN DATO € F# 陷阱 # B 7 X 5 trai A J I I 24 Lau 710 MY AM I WM (I #OMI DA 作一份值得擁有了雪律 J UVM FARL PICKU f # قطر AT MEX TIMOTA 1P 400AY ARMP ( #BIT MADYAAL IN IF I AM MAI M 44 A 41 腆情路 香港大學的成疒 # A004 11 翻糖 香港人做作我(J嵌入 MANKAI B&HL ACH AU KAMKI PLOT AN TATA AMM 以長期的商業低潮的 (TWEN)M (LIENTEMINIZ 上有廣闊 AMS DIMILAJAR JANAKA 2 ng My u plea e far! eller or behalf of the lead ræember OF be thine e com unut¡ [1 «e he nonot r lo dit pre car you u sto uld in aldres a o Ibu ceen embr idered on atın and u bub IxR ask ye i sir te do us he h now to graciou l¡ ucept i a mill oken of the high esteem and iffe i mi i hue for you is ur (veren ind ruler will frie id an C0072 ellor It was clear that the Tribute was behind schedule as it had been the intention to have it completed on Wednesday 16th March 1910. But the pace of the fine work carried out by the craftsmen in Canton dictated otherwise. It was our intention to present you with the address shortly after the laying of the foundation stone of the Hongkong University, but time did not permit us, for we desired to present you with a work of art more worthy of your acceptance, and so we had perforce to wait for this occasion in order to allow time to get the work properly executed. Your administration was unstinting without being in any way fulsome. It is scarcely three years since our arrival in this colony, but during the comparatively short period, you have achieved much by your wise and able administration. You have come through a most trying time and succeeded in placing the colony once more on the high road to prosperity and success. The University In the presentation address, the founding of The University of Hong Kong is given special prominence. No one appreciates more than the Chinese community the immense benefits which you have conferred upon this colony, and they are doubly grateful to you for, though we have had a long commercial depression, you have succeeded by your broadmindedness and by your incomparable energy and enthusiasm in founding the Hongkong University. The benefits conferred by such an institution on the colony as a whole, and more especially upon the Chinese, whether resident in this colony or throughout China, are incomparable, and we thank you, sir, most cordially and most gratefully for such a boon. I am sure future generations will cherish your memory and thank you. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2001 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g 159 Extremo Oriente. Vol. 1. Tomo 1. Em Tomo de Macau, (A.H. de Oliveira Marques editor). Fundação Oriente. 1998, p.489. More recently also M. Nishiyama, "The Church of St. Paul in Macao under the Transformation of Portuguese Architecture in their Colonies"; a paper presented in the Modern Asian Architecture Network conferences held in Macao, 22-26 July, 2001. To the best of my knowledge only two other papers on the Church of St. Paul's agree that its façade is a retable-façade. See G. Couceiro, "The Church of the College of Madre de Deus", and F.A. Baptista Pereira. "A Conjectural Reconstruction of the Church of the College of Mater Dei', as well as C. Guillén-Nuñez's commentaries to both papers; all in Religion and Culture: An International Symposium Commemorating the IVth Centenary of the University College of St. Paul, Macao, 28 Nov.-1 Dec. 1994, Cultural Institute of Macao, and Ricci Institute. Uni. of S. Francisco, Macao, 1999, pp. 177-248. G. Couceiro's paper was adapted from his PhD thesis. "L'Eglise de Notre-Dame de l'Assomption (ou de St. Paul) à Macao et L'Art de la Compagnie de Jesus en Chine: Art et Adaptation". Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes (en Sorbonne), IV Sect. Sciences Historiques et Philologiques. It has been recently published as A Igreja de S. Paulo de Macau. Lisbon, 1997. Baptista Pereira's paper was published in As Ruinas de S. Paulo. Um Monumento para o Futuro / St. Paul's Ruins. A Monument Towards the Future, (bilingual exh. catalogue), Setúbal, 1994, pp. 63-85. Although both these papers missed or ignored a number of important arguments by previous researchers on the subject, including the original dedication of the church, the iconography of the decoration and my identification of the façade as a retable-façade, they have informative sections on the ground plan of the church and other points. Videira Pires first pointed out that the original dedication of the church was to the Assumption. Vid. B. Videira Pires, “Igrejas e Cemiterios Antigos de Macau (1)", Religião e Patria, Ano XLVIII - No. 14, 15 Abril, 1962, p. 214 and p. 216. Pioneering writings on the façade, its decoration and artists begin with J.F. Marques Pereira, "Em prol de umas ruinas (A proposito do frontespicio do Collegio de S. Paulo, em Macau)'', in Ta-Ssi-Yang-Kuo, Archivos e Annaes do Extremo-Oriente Portugues, Lisbon, 1899-1902, Serie I, II, pp. 483-92. This is followed by J.D. Francis's article, "Macao's San Paolo, A symbolical Ruin”, The Macao Review, Macao, 1930, pp. 3, 14. J.D. Francis first noticed that the iconography of the façade was a didactic sermon in stone. After these studies came those of J.M. Braga, "A Igreja de S. Paulo”, Boletim Eclesiástico da Diocese de Macau, April 1932, pp. 246-7. M. Teixeira, A fachada de S. Paulo, Macao, 1940. Macau e a Sua Diocese, Macao, 1956, III, pp. 178-81, passim. Page 210 Page 211 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2001 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g 160 M. Hugo-Brunt, "An Architectural Survey of the Jesuit Seminary Church of St. Paul's, Macao", Journal of Oriental Studies, Vol. 1, No.2, July 1954, University of Hong Kong, pp.1-21. J.B. Bury, "A Jesuit Façade in China", The Architectural Review, VI. CXXIV, No. 743, London, Dec. 1958, pp. 412-3. "Macao's St. Paul”, in Actas do III Colóquio Internacional de Estudos Luso-Brasileiros, II, Lisbon, 1960, pp. 30-6. A version of the latter, first delivered in 1957, is found in J.B. Bury, "A Igreja de São Paulo”, Arquitectura e Arte no Brasil Colonial, São Paulo, 1991, pp. 154-61. With few exceptions Chinese gazetteers of the Ming and Ching Dynasties seem to have ignored the façade altogether. 3 Guillen-Núñez, Cesar, "Some observations on the architecture of the Jesuits in the Orient", in St. Paul's Ruins. A Monument towards the Future, (bilingual Portuguese-English exh. catalogue, directed by F.A. Baptista Pereira), Lisbon-Macau, September-December, 1994, pp.49-53. Unfortunately, in this catalogue part of the original English text is corrupted by numerous typographical errors. There is however an excellent Portuguese translation, although a few lines of the original have been misinterpreted. + For the dimensions of St. Paul's façade vid. Hugo-Brunt, op. cit., p. 9. plates 2-10, and plate 13. 5 The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia, 1608-1667, Hakluyt Soc., London, 1919, III, Part I, pp. 162-3. 6 Reynaldo dos Santos, Historia da Arte em Portugal, III, pp. 34-6. R.C. Smith, The Art of Portugal, p. 86. The literature on Spanish and Portuguese retable-façades is extensive but often only found piecemeal in more general works on Spanish and Portuguese architecture. Two pioneering researchers were B. Bevan, History of Spanish Architecture, London, 1938, p. 135; and G. Kubler, in Kubler and Soria, Art and Architecture in Spain and Portugal and their American Dominions, 1500-1800, Penguin Books, 1959, p. 1. It should be noted that in the latter San Gregorio's façade is wrongly described as that of the chapel, rather than the College of San Gregorio. The following is a selected sample of other important writing on these structures. A. Rodriguez G. de Ceballos, La Iglesia y el Convento de San Esteban de Salamanca, Salamanca, 1987. F.Checa, Pintura y Escultura del Renacimiento ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2001 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g 161 en España 1450-1600, Madrid, 1988, p. 58. Some of the more important writings on Latin American retable-façades, dealing also with those of the Jesuits, Dominicans and other religious orders, include, D. Angulo Iñiguez, E. Marco Dorta, M. J. Buschiazzo, Historia del Arte Hispano-Americano. II, pp. 427-38, 559-66, passim. J. A. Baird Jr., The Churches of Mexico, 1530-1810, University of California, 1962, pp. 22-3, 37-9, passim. A. Benavides, La Arquitectura en el Virreinato del Peru y en la Capitania General de Chile, Santiago, 1941, p. 54, passim. M. Collier, The Sagrario of Lorenzo Rodriguez, Yale University, 1973 (unpublished thesis). E. Harth-Terré, "El Imafronte de la catedral de Lima”. Arquitecto Peruano, 1941. "La obra de la Compañía de Jesus en la arquitectura virreinal peruana", Mercurio Peruano, 1942. P. Kelemen, Baroque and Rococo in Latin America, New York, 1961, p. 123 passim. A. B. Louchheim, "The church façades of Lorenzo Rodriguez: A focal point for the study of Mexican Churrigeresque architecture", Inst. of Fine Arts, New York University, 1941 (unpublished M.A. thesis). G. Navarro, La iglesia de la Compañía de Quito, Madrid, 1930, R. C. Smith, A First History of Latin American Art, The 2nd volume, Washington, 1952, pp. 157-61. M. Toussaint, "La catedra de Zacatecas y el arte del Virreinato", Anales instituto de Investigaciones Esteticas, Mexico, 1947. “La Catedral de Mexico y el Sagrario Metropolitano, Mexico, 1948, H. E. Wethey, Colonial Architecture and Sculpture in Peru, Harvard University Press, 1949, pp. 53-6, 58-60, passim. B. Vargas-Lugo, La iglesia de Sta. Prisca de Taxco, Mexico, 1974. 7 $ Late in the eighteenth century the fronts of Jesuit churches in Guanajuato, Tepotzotlan and elsewhere in Mexico display several of the most important retable-façades. M. Diaz, La Arquitectura de los jesuitas en Nueva España, Mexico, 1982, pp. 78-80. A. von Wuthenau, Tepotzotlan, Mexico, 1941. Gran Enciclopedia Gallega, XXV, Santiago, 1974, pp. 138-9. Carmen Aznar, Summa Artis, XVII, pp. 106-8. Summa Artis, XVIII, pp. 96-7. F. Checa Goitia, Arquitectura Española del Siglo XVI, XI, Madrid, 1953, pp. 47-8. Important carved retables were also produced in northern Europe during the fifteenth century, e.g., that of the Marienkirche, Lübeck, or that by an anonymous master of the School of Cologne, of c. 1434, in Frankfurt Cathedral. In Flemish altarpieces the theme is quite common. W. Kinkel, Der Dom zu Frankfurt am Main, München-Berlin, 1988, p. 18. Pearson, M. N., The New Cambridge History of India: The Portuguese in India, Cambridge, 1987. New Encyclopaedia Britannica, 21, University of Chicago, ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2001 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g 163 - Mario T. Chico. "Algumas observações acerca da arquitectura da Companhia de Jesus no distrito de Goa: igrejas, fachada, planta e espaço interior", Garcia de Orta. Lisboa, número especial 1956, pp.257-72. See Professor Giorgio Bonsanti's elucidating article dealing mainly with St. Francis Xavier's mausoleum in the Bom Jesus, published in Velha Goa, exhibition catalogue of A. Martinelli's photos. Fundação Oriente, Macao. September 15, 2000. (Unnumbered). However, vid. D.Kowal, op. cit., p. 488, who states the Jesuit Domingo Fernandes, aided by J. Simão were architects of Bom Jesus. Also Documenta Indica, **For Charles Borromeo's Instructions, see E.C. Voelker, “Charles Borromeo's Instructiones Fabricae et Supellectilis Ecclesiasticae, 1577. A Translation with Commentary and Analysis". Ph.D. dissertation, Syracuse University, 1977. "L.E. McCall. "Early Jesuit Art in the Far East". Artibus Asiae, XI. Ancona, 1948. pp. 62-9. Y. Okamoto, The Namban Art of Japan, (translation by R.K. Jones of Namban Bijutsu. Tokyo, 1965), Weatherhill/Heibonsha, New York-Tokyo, 1972, pp. 99-103. See also more recently, Gauvin Bailey. "The Art of the Jesuit Missions in Japan in the Age of St. Francis Xavier and Alessandro Valignano”. lecture in the 450th Anniversary of St. Francis Xavier's Arrival in Japan. International Symposium '98, Sophia University 1998, pp.7-22. "Guillen-Nuñez, C., "Retablo and Imafronte: A Study of the Influence of the Retable on the Church-façade in Mexico and Peru", (unpublished M.A. dissertation), University of Penn., 1973. "H. Rodriguez-Camilloni. "The Retablo-Façade as Transparency: A Study of the Frontispiece of San Francisco, Lima", in Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Esteticas, 62, Mexico, 1991, pp. 111-22. Sylvie Deswarte, "Francisco de Hollanda et les Etudes Vitruviennes en Italie”, in A Introdução da Arte da Renascenca na Península Iberica, Coimbra, 1981, pp. 254-80. * Hugo-Brunt, op. cit., p. 11. Kubler and Soria, op. cit., p. 24. See Hugo-Brunt, op. cit., p.13, note 24. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2001 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g 164 26 F.A. Baptista Pereira in, Um Museu em Espaço Histórico: A Fortaleza de S. Paulo do Monte, Macao, 1998, p. 38, fig. 36, has published one such print with a dragon very close to that seen on the façade. 27 G. Bailey, op. cit., pgs. 10, 16 28 Teixeira, Manuel, Macau e a sua Diocese, II, Macao, 1940. pp. 98-100. Participation as programmers of a church's decoration by scholarly members of the Society, such as rectors of contemporary Jesuit colleges, is not unknown in Europe. 29 Fray José de Sigüenza, La Fundación del Monasterio de El Escorial, Aguilar, 1988 ed., pp. 483-4. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2001 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g 308 The Gula Lighthouse, situated at Longitude East 113°35,' Latitude North 21°11.' is 52 1/2 feet (13.3 m) high. Its light, originally lit by paraffin as an unclassed light, was modernised in 1910 by the installation of a group-flashing apparatus of the Third Order which can be seen for 20 miles in clear weather. On 20th March 1875. Cape D'Aguilar is at Latitude 22°12' 14" N. Longitude 114°15' 44" E. 10 T. Roger Banister (1932). The Coastwise Lights of China, Shanghai: Inspectorate General of Customs, Statistical Department, p. xiii. An example provided by the Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1957, Vol.14, p. 88 shows that a lighthouse of 200 ft. in elevation is visible at a distance of 16.22 nautical miles. It can be seen by an observer at an elevation of 30 ft., which by itself has a visible distance of 6.28 nautical miles, within 16.22 + 6.28 = 22.50 nautical miles. 12 CO129/166 pp.351-357 Letter from Earl of Kimberley to Hong Kong Governor Arthur Kennedy, 11 July 1873. 13 The corporation of Trinity House is said to have developed from the Trinity Guild formed by Archbishop S. Langton in the 13th century. The Guild owned a hall and alms-houses at Deptford for the benefit of seamen and their families. It also checked the pillaging of wrecked ships on the English coast. Trinity House, located at a place overlooking Trinity Square in London, has been the headquarters of the Lighthouse Service in U.K. since 1796. At present it owns 72 Lighthouses, 13 Major Floating Aids, 18 Beacons, 429 Buoys, 48 Radar Beacons and 7 DGPS Reference Stations. http://www.trinityhouse.co.uk/ 14 CO129/172 pp.17-22. 1974/06/03 15 CO129/172 pp.17-22. 1974/06/03 16 HKGG, 12 June, 1875. P. 242. 17 CO129/167 pp.124-128. 18 Sessional Papers of 1901. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 62 OH: USAAF, 1944), p.178 (hereafter referred to as USAAF). The higher the altitude of an airfield, the softer the surface of its runway, and/or the heavier the B-29, the longer its runway had to be for the aircraft to take off. Kai Tak was at sea level, but its runway was soft-surfaced for much of the war. 37 The B-29 runways that were constructed in India and China were 8,500 feet (2,591 metres) long and hard-surfaced. See Keith Wheeler and the editors of Time-Life Books, Bombers Over Japan (Alexandria, VA: Time-Life Books, 1982), p.99. 38 Peter Pigott, Kai Tak: A History of Aviation in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Government Printers, 1990), p.67. After the war, the press reported that the Japanese had cleared some residences and hills around Kai Tak to make way for its expansion. See SCMP, September 11, 1945 (Morning Edition), p.2. 39 (1) Eather, p.53. (2) Hong Kong Government Information Services, Hong Kong Airport (Hong Kong: s.n., 1962), p.27. (3) Wings Over Hong Kong: a Tribute to Kai Tak: an Aviation History, 1891-1998 (Hong Kong: Odyssey, 1998), p.131. The Japanese apparently had a scheme to extend one of Kai Tak's runways to about 5,580 feet (1,700 metres), which still didn't allow much latitude for B-29 operations. See "Japanese Scheme for Extension of Kai Tak," 7 Nov 42: Series 10/38; WIZ (Waichow Intelligence Summary) Vol.2; Nos.27-72 (Excluding Nos. 35, 37, 64, 65), April 1943-April 1944; Ride Papers. 40 Wheeler, p.39, 44, 59, 63. 41 Wheeler, p.44. 42 USAAF, p.178. The U.S. also faced a rubber shortage after Japan gained control over most of the world's natural supplies. But it eventually produced synthetic substitutes. 43 USAAF, p.180. 44 According to temperature data available for the three most recent years before the war in Hong Kong (1937-1939), early morning (1-5 AM) temperatures began to approach 75°F by late April, and didn't dip well below this figure until mid- to late November. See HKRO, Meteorological Results, 1937, 1938, and 1939 (Hong Kong: Government Printers, 1938, 1939, and 1940) for hourly temperature readings for each day of the year. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 192 Chalmers (Zhán Yuehàn, 1825-1899) in 1861.15 The dominance of the "Confucian" or Ruist traditions was symbolized by the central place that temples to Master Kong ("Confucius") held in all the major towns. So it was very appropriate that in the city of Poklo there was a large and impressive temple to the "Master of myriad generations." 16 From the brief description of the Fūzi miào (“Temple of the Great Master [Kong]") recorded by Legge in 1861 as well as from some descriptions preserved in other contemporary sources, a scenario of Ch'ea's role as a "keeper" can be partially reconstructed.17 Situated in a place lacking both "large population" and "flourishing trade" because of the more competitive neighbouring cities of Shek-lung (M. Shilóng) and Wye-chow (M. Huizhou), Poklo was a relatively poor walled town of about 15,000 inhabitants. In spite of its obvious shabbiness, the town's "temples and ancestral halls" were regularly maintained and attractive. Within the relatively elegant “temple of Confucius" were "images of the sage, of his four assessors, and of the twelve more distinguished of his followers." (Having published his first volume of the Chinese Classics only a few months earlier, Legge knew very well who these were because he had described them in detail in one of his essays in the prolegomena.) These were probably life-size sculptures of each figure, the Sage himself seated while the others were standing in his presence. 17 Temple rites offered in the presence of the Chinese Master Teacher were often described in local gazettes, and were intimately woven into the fabric of the civil examination system and the literati codes of honour. Ch'ea, as the keeper of the temple in Poklo, most likely had to maintain the temple's appearance and may have sometimes even offered the regular sacrifices at the first ("of fruits and vegetables") and fifteenth ("a solemn burning of incense") of each month. Similar ceremonies would be performed in the adjacent school to the Poklo temple, where students were tutored in the Ruist canon by a qualified teacher. Twice in each lunar year, all the temples to Master Kong throughout the Qing empire were filled with successful graduates, their teachers, and ... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 193 ruling authorities, including the emperor in the temples of the imperial college. Then very solemn ceremonies of reverence and adoration were performed, marking the Sage as the ultimate exemplar for all who aspired to any level of leadership within Chinese society.1 18 The Poklo temple to Master Kong was, indeed, more impressive than those in nearby villages, such as the one at Lung Ch'un (literally, the "River of the Dragon," M. Lóngchuān) also visited by Legge and others in 1861. There the temple had no images at all, but only the spirit tablet (shénpái) of the Sage along with a large plaque citing the sixteen maxims of the Sacred Edict (Shèngyù) of the Kangxi emperor (ruling from 1662-1722).19 Both temples at Poklo and Lung Ch'un were dwarfed by the massive grounds set aside to honour the sage in the capital city of Canton. There the image of the Sage was in a hall elevated from the grounds six to eight feet above the preceding courtyards, the roof made of "those splendid burnished tiles" constituting imperially-sponsored buildings, garnished with mystical beasts balancing on the upper beams. Seated on a large rock dais, the thick paper-maché-like image of Master Kong was taller and larger than life. Postured as if leaning over a tablet in his hands, the Sage appeared immersed in the study of the text before him.20 How Ch'ea came to take his place in this Confucian institutional and ritual system is never explained. Whether he had been a student at one time or not is also not made explicit, but he was able to read, and so had probably spent at least part of his youth as a student, one of large majority who had obviously not been elevated by successful results in the examination system. When the two colporteurs from Hong Kong met him, Ch'ea was already in his fifties, had been married, and had at least one son.21 Because no direct mention is made of Ch'ea's wife in any of the documentation after his conversion, there is the possibility that Ch'ea had become a widower even before the pair of colporteurs met him in Poklo. If conversion is a multiform and processural event,22 then all of the above cultural, social, personal and religious factors have a ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 194 part in shaping the openness Ch'ea expressed once he had heard about the Christian message from these two Chinese colporteurs. Would he have rejected it if the speakers were Scottish missionaries? It is highly probable that he would have resisted such an obvious foreign intrusion. But as he began to read the Delegates' Version of the New Testament presented to him by A-Wye, Ch'ea read a Sacred Sutra (Shèngjīng23) very different from the texts read by Hóng Xiùquán (1814-1864) twenty years earlier. Previous translations had been prepared primarily by foreign missionaries, always in consultation with some "native informants," but hardly proper persons qualified to act as "expert consultants" on translation problems. The Delegates' Version, on the contrary, was the result of a rigorous process of interaction between foreign missionaries and traditionally trained Chinese informants, among them the young scholar, Wáng Tāo.24 Among their translation goals was the concern to create a translation attractive in style to a relatively educated Chinese person, in essence, a Bible with a Ruist flavour. When Ch'ea read the Delegates' Version of the New Testament, he felt the influences of a Ruist mind shaping the ideas of the text in numerous obvious and more subtle ways. In addition, and this very much due to Legge's personal commitments regarding the so-called "term question" debates, Ch'ea read a Shèngjīng which referred to "God" as shàngdì, the classical term in the Ruist canonical texts of the Book of Historical Documents (Shūjīng or Shàngshū) and Book of Poetry (Shījīng) for the supreme "Lord on High."26 25 No precise record of the dialogue between A-Wye, the colporteur, and Ch'ea, the keeper of the Poklo temple to Master Kong, was ever made. What is relayed through a letter conjointly written by Legge and Chalmers in 1856 is the following. Since A-Wye and his colleague intended to leave Poklo very soon for other areas in eastern Guangdong, they presented Ch'ea with a copy of the Delegates' Version of the New Testament and then proceeded eastward, promising to return sometime later. Their discussion had apparently focused in part on passages describing Jesus' dialogue with the Jewish literatus, Nicodemus (John 3: 1ff) and the Samaritan woman (John 4), dealing with the question of ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 44 18th centuries. It is well documented now that the Manchurian despots who militarily overcame the weakened and corrupt Ming court were adamant in their efforts to rewrite the history of their forefathers in “angelic" terms. Perhaps more than in any other previous dynasty, the Manchurian emperors destroyed pro-Ming and pro-Hàn culture books and documents, burning also any books which stood against their Manchurian ancestors, and censoring portions of books which touched on these topics.** In numerous cases the contemporary relatives of earlier authors were themselves detained, tortured, and given death sentences. Sometimes the penalties were completely inordinate, causing not only racial tension among the Hàn elite (between those supporting and those fearing this Manchurian method of "intellectual cleansing") but also a deep seated resentment among the common people. Understanding the harshness, breadth, and persistence of this long-term policy of the Qing government, the Tàiping Insurgents' anti-Manchu ideology appears to be a long submerged political whiplash against a racist regime." Yet it remained another facet of Qing social life during this chaotic period that "the people become willing partners in their own subjection," very much in order to save their own lives as well as those who support them.46 Ch'ea's armoury against these tremendous cultural pressures and political dangers was his newly obtained Christian library and the inherent attractions of his alternative form of life. No precise details about what he brought back with him to Poklo in 1856 are available, but later records suggest that he and others had access to at least Ho Tsun-sheen's Introduction to a Comprehensive Commentary to the New Testament (Yīnyuē quánshū jiěshì xù), the Christian version of the Three Character Classic (Sānzì jing), and a translation of the first volume of Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress, rendered by another Scottish missionary of note, William C. Burns (using the family name Bào, 1815-1868).47 This third work was given the Chinese title Tianlu lìchéng (lit., The Course along the Heavenly Road),48 and was probably read with a great amount of empathetic understanding by Ch'ea as he faced these daunting forces in opposition to his Christian associations and beliefs. 200 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 204 spontaneous concern for people, first assessing their willingness to enter sincerely into the Christian life he advocated, and then following up those who manifested sincere intentions. Like the accounts of many evangelists, Ch'ea emphasized the most notable and "promising" encounters. There was the 50 year old teacher Cheong of the little village of Mooey Lung (M. Méilóng) near the foot of Mount Lo-fow, who after hearing Ch'ea for a full day and night responded, "Your coming has been my salvation!” In another case near the town of Kum Ky Ngan (P. Jīnjī yăn, literally "The Eye of the Golden Rooster") Ch'ëa met a man named Tsü Moo Sow, heading toward a local temple with a large meat offering to present in sacrifice. Noting both the poverty of the place and the man, Ch'ea engaged Tsü in conversation, moving him into a "wayside tea room" to convince him that he was "not to worship idols, but to worship God the Lord of heaven and earth and all things." Responding positively to Ch'ëa's instruction, Tsü opened his home, treating him with "respect and kindness," claiming that "Heaven had sent me there to save him."59 These stories one would expect from an evangelist who himself had faced decisive moments of transition, but they do not portray the full range of communicative means Ch'ea employed. Undoubtedly, some Poklo residents found his ways to be strangely attractive, while others grew to consider them as offensive and unacceptable. Several independent sources present pictures of Ch'ea's methods and lifestyle, making a partial reconstruction of his modus vivendi possible. Kot A-Yuk had first met Ch'ea during the eighth month of the lunar calendar, probably during the Chòngyáng festival, Ch'ea attending to his ancestors' gravesite like many other residents during that holiday.60 Since this was fully expected for all village residents, something else had obviously caught Kot's attention. At the gravesite Ch'ea had cut the grass following conditions of ritualized filial duty, but had brought "neither meat nor wine for sacrifice." Even more curious were the dozen people who were sitting on the grass, listening to Ch'ëa speak about numerous religious themes. But after talking at some length Ch'ea mentioned that he had learned these things from "divine books," and so some who had been listening took Ch'ea to be "mad" Page 270 Page 271 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 224 (Sevenoaks: Hodder and Stoughton, 1981), the first volume subtitled Barbarians At The Gates, pp. 143-147, 174-175, 224-225. 11. Both Hong Réngan and He Jinshan have been discussed in detail in Pfister's Striving for "The Whole Duty of Man", especially chapters 4-6. A more thorough study of He Jinshan's contribution to Chinese Christian history by Lauren Pfister is an essay entitled "A Transmitter but not a Creator: The Creative Transmission of Protestant Biblical Traditions by Ho Tsun-Sheen (1817-1871)” in Irene Eber, et. al., eds., Bible in Modern China: The Literary and Intellectual Impact (Nettetal: Steyler Verlag, 1999), pp. 165-197. 12. The name of Ch'ëa Kam-Kwong is constituted by particular Chinese characters Legge described as the "Golden Light Chariot," a way of expressing in English what the common meaning of each character is. Unfortunately, two misspellings have predominated in other literature, one in English and one in Chinese. In English, we surmise that Helen Edith Legge put together the typescript entitled "Che'a Kin-KWáng," horribly mixing up the transliteration with something like the proper name in Hoklo dialect, but the given name in Mandarin. Legge never uses these transliterations in his own writings. In Chinese, Wáng Tão wrote the wrong characters for the name in his personal diary for 1862 when he had first come to Hong Kong, showing also his struggle in understanding Cantonese pronunciations, making his given name "Embroidered River" (M. Jinjiang, C. Gam-gong) presumably by guessing from the sounds he heard from other Hong Kong Chinese Christians who referred to him. Consult Fang Xing and Tăng Zhijūn, eds., Wáng Tão rìjì (Wáng Tāo ’s Diary) (Beijing: Zhōnghuá Book Store, 1987), pp. 196-197, record for the date of the 10th month and 15th day of the lunar calendar (or a day in September, 1862). 13. There is no study of Ch'ea Kam-Kwong in Chinese language sources as far as I know, and very little published about him in English after the 1860s. Part of the reason, as will be argued below, is that his murder became an embarrassment to both the British embassy and the Qing dynasty at the time. 14. Legge wrote memorials for his elder brother, an important Congregational minister in Great Britain, George Legge (1802-1860), and his co-pastor, Hé Jinshan, published in 1863 and 1872 respectively. See the typescript on the "Sketch of the Life of Ho Tsun-sheen" in SOAS/CWM/South China/Personal/Legge/Box 7, the original manuscript on Ch'a being held in the Bodleian Library (the second item in MS Eng. misc. c. 865, fol. 1-19). Consult the long introduction written for George Legge's Lectures on Theology, Science and Revelation already mentioned above. The text of "Che'a Kin-KWáng” is a compilation done most likely by his daughter, Helen Edith Legge. It uses many original and secondary sources citing her father's and other missionaries' writings, but also includes some perspectives and interpretations which may not portray the full story. 15. The story of their visit to Daoist and Buddhist sites on Mount Lo-fow is described in Legge's "Journey of a Missionary Tour along the 'East River' of Canton Province," China Mail, Supplement to #853 (June 20, 1861), p.4 (covering events of May 22-23, 1861). This is the full text from which extracts were and published in EMMC/MM, No.304 (New Series, No. 21) for September 2, 1861, pp. 249-260. made ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 225 A recently prepared description of the area from local sources can be seen, along with fuller descriptions of this famous mountain and its history, in Bóluóxiàn zhì (The Gazette of Bóluó District) (Bóluó: Guangdong Provincial Cultural History Research Library, 1988), pp. 69-79, 325-329. 16. These are drawn from Legge's notes in "Journal of a Missionary Tour" and materials from 19th century gazettes (fangzhi) from the Nanbai district of western Guangdong province. A description of the refurbishing and building up of the temple complex dedicated to Master Kong in Poklo, initiated in the seventh year of the Kangxi emperor (1668) is rehearsed in Bóluóxiàn zhì, pp. 315-316. In the third year of the Qiánlóng reign (1738) yellow tiles were added to the roof reflecting imperial honour and a decorative sign was added to the main temple, honouring Master Kong as one yǔ Tiān Dì gēn (“a Partner with Heaven and Earth"), a phrase from the Zhongyong which Legge translated "[Confucius] may with Heaven and Earth form a ternion" (Ch. 22, CC1, p. 416). Three other similarly adulatory signs were added in the fourth year of the Jiaqing emperor (1800), during the Dàoguāng reign (1821-1850), and the second year of the Tongzhi reign (1863). 17. See Chinese Classics, Volume 1 (CC1), prolegomena, pp. 112-127. The following footnote (p. 113) provides the necessary details for understanding the layout and furnishing of the "temples (diàn) of Confucius". [Transliterations replace characters in the original text, which can be looked up in the attached glossary. Here I use standard Pinyin for the sake of easier identification.] The principal hall, called Dàchéng diàn, or 'Hall of the Great and Complete One,' is that in which is his own statue or the tablet of his spirit, having on each side of it, within a screen, the statues, or tablets, of his 'four Assessors.' On the east and west, along the walls of the same apartment, are the two xù, the places of the shí'èr zhé, or 'twelve Wise Ones,' those of his disciples, who, next to the 'Assessors,' are counted worthy of honour. Outside this apartment, and running in a line with the two xù, but along the external wall of the sacred inclosure, are the two wǔ, or side-galleries, which I have sometimes called the ranges of the outer court. In each there are sixty-four tablets of the disciples and other worthies, ... Behind this principal hall is the Chong shèng cídiàn, sacred to Confucius's ancestors, whose tables are in the centre, fronting the south, like that of Confucius.... From a rubbing of a stele portraying the arrangement of the sacred tablets in the Beijing temple dedicated to Master Kong, it is seen that the "four Assessors” are (from left to right when facing the Sage) Mèngzǐ (“Mencius,” c. 372 B.C. - c. 289 B.C.), Zēngzǐ (noted for his filial piety, 505 B.C. - 436 B.C.), Yánhuí (noted for his humane virtue, the Master's favourite student, 521 B.C. - 490 B.C.), and Zǐsī (a grandson of the Sage who edited and/or wrote the Zhongyóng, one of the four books Legge first called it the Doctrine of the Mean, but later gave it the more preferable title, the State of Equilibrium and Harmony (see CC1, p. 383). 18. See Legge's descriptions of these ceremonies and some of their prayers to the Sage in CC1, prolegomena, pp. 91-93. 19. According to the journal record, Legge and Ch'ea had preached in the grounds of the Confucian temple at Lung Ch'un on May 15, 1861. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 228 any rate habitually did not, and those who did, is one of the most significant within the literate realm, perhaps as important as the distinction between those who did and did not have full access to the literary tradition. The fact that Ch'a later had others write down what he dictated about his experiences suggests that he was one of these people in the middle: able to read, but not yet able to write well. See the further discussion in David Johnson's article, "Communication, Class, and Consciousness in Late Imperial China”, in Popular Culture in Late Imperial China, pp. 34-72, here p. 38. 30. EMMC/MM 20 (October 1856), p. 215. 31. EMMC/MM 20 (October 1856), p. 215. 32. This story is part of the collection of vignettes in a typed manuscript entitled Reminiscences (pp. 15-18, quotation from p. 15) held in the Bodleian Library (Ms. Eng. misc. c. 812). Many of these stories show signs of an aging man not remembering particular details of dates and places, but there appears to be no good reason to doubt the authenticity of this encounter between Legge and Ch'ëa itself. It appears nowhere else in Legge's writings, and serves as one of the basic texts for Helen Edith Legge's typescript, "Che'a Kin-Kwang.” 33. Rambo refers to this as a further motif in conversion initially identified by John Lofland and Rodney Stark. It involves the "direct, personal experience of being loved, nurtured, and affirmed by a group and its leaders" (Rambo, Understanding Religious Conversion, p. 15). 34. For a helpful summary of Mary Isabella Legge's life see the section related to "Mary Isabella Morison" in Wong Man-kong, "Hidden in History: London Missionary Society Missionary Wives in Nineteenth Century China (1807-1877)”, in Lí Hànjī, ed., Dú shĩ cúngão (Reading History: Extant Documents) (Hong Kong: Xuéfeng wénhuà Co., 1998), esp. pages 156-160. 35. The timing of Ch'ea's leaving his post at the Poklo temple was not certain in an earlier letter, but Ch'ea himself dictates this fact in a letter translated into English for overseas readers. See EMMC/MM (September 1857), p.207. The following descriptions come from this and another translated statement (pp. 207-209) prepared by another convert led back to Hong Kong by Ch'ea, as will be described below. 36. This is the intent of the seventh of the sixteen edicts, translated by Legge as "Discountenance and put away strange principles, in order to exalt the correct doctrine” (chủ viduàn vì chống zhèng xuê). Among the “strange principles” regarded as unacceptable were Buddhist and Daoist extremities, rebellious groups like the secret societies of the White Lotus, and the Catholic religion. Legge makes clear that the condemnation of Catholicism "must be understood simply of Christianity" as a whole. See James Legge, "Imperial Confucianism" (Lecture II), China Review, 6:4 (October 1877), pp. 232-235. 37. In a similar way Hong Xiùquán was seen as "mad" by his family and neighbours, but had experienced a physical breakdown after repeated failures in the civil examinations during the time he began having visions. The experience of Ch'ea on this score is quite different, in that he apparently maintained a relative engagement with his local lifeworld until he returned from Hong Kong in the summer of 1856. Compare Hamberg's account taken down from Hong Réngan's ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 229 recollections, Jonathan Spence's depiction of Hong Xiùquan's madness in God's Chinese Son, and the argument of Robert P. Weller where he suggests the Taiping king's responses did maintain an appearance of sensibility to those in 19th century Guangxi and Guangdong (Resistance, Chaos, and Control in China: Taiping Rebels, Taiwanese Ghosts and Tiananmen (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1994)). 38. No recognition of this kind of cultural logic is explained or addressed in any direct manner within any of the materials published about Ch'ea. Wherever Legge hints at this kind of problem in his 1861 "Journal of a Missionary Tour," the new editors of the EMMC/MM in London (Legge's father-in-law having died in 1858) consistently deleted it from his original text. 39. This rarely mentioned factor in late Qing political movements is hardly given the attention it rightly deserves, but has been recently readdressed in Frank Dikkötter's study, The Discourse of Race in Modern China (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1992), especially the section on "Race As Type (1793-1895)", pp. 31-60. 40. Advocated in Paul A. Cohen's evaluation of historical writing about China as the appropriate new direction for academic studies. See his Discovering History in China: American Historical Writing on the Recent Chinese Past (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984). 41. Illustrations from the text are explained with translations and notes below each image, appearing in Paul A. Cohen, China and Christianity: The Missionary Movement and the Growth of Chinese Antiforeignism, 1860-1870 (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1963, third printing, 1977), consisting of nine plates (seven with scenarios) between pages 140 and 141. 42. The book title was also translated by Christian missionaries who exposed the content of the volume in a tamer manner as Death Blow to Corrupt Doctrines. See Paul Cohen, China and Christianity, pp. 277-281. 43. Whether or not these exact images were being employed in the ideological opposition to Ch'ea's conversion is not certain. In fact, Legge himself possessed one copy of Bixie shilu only later in his life, possessing it only after 1884 when he received an "LLD" from Edinburgh University. The copy he received in Oxford originally was owned by Alexander Wylie, if the signatures on the cover portray the story. This same copy was later donated to the Bodleian Library by "H. Corbett", and is a text without pictures (Ms. chin. d. 23). 44. This is the argument of An Pingqiu and Zhang Péihéng, editors of Zhōngguó jinshu dàguān (A Complete Introduction to [the History of] Chinese Censored Books) (Shanghai: Cultural Pub. Co., 1990), esp. pp. 102-144, and also illustrated with extensive detail in Okamoto Sae's new publication, Shindai kinsho no kenkyu (The Prohibited Books in the Qing Dynasty) (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1996), where she discusses the kinds of books censored, the contents of these volumes, the authors and their fates. 45. And so the Taiping in their own demonology cast the Manchurians into the role of demon devils in response to these intergenerational racist oppressions. Spence notes the presence of the demonology, but does not point out the connection with the previous imperial tactics oppressing intellectuals (God's ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 230 Chinese Son, pp. 115-116). For a fuller account of Taiping demonology, see the article on “Taiping Tiânguó de 'móguï'” (“The ‘Devil' in the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom") by Wang Qingchéng in his book, Taiping Tianguó de lìshí hé sixiang (The History and Ideology of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom) (Běijing: Zhōnghuá Book Co., 1985), pp. 328 ff. From another perspective it must be remembered that Christian missionaries in the 19th century also regularly employed demonology to express their frustations with obstructive Qing officials, Chinese cultural attitudes, and opposing religious alternatives. 46. Quoted in David Johnson, “Communication, Class and Consciousness in Late Imperial China,” p. 47, 47. A helpful biographical account of Burns' career is written by I. Hamilton, "Burns, William Chalmers" in Nigel M. de S. Cameron, et. al., eds., Dictionary of Scottish Church History and Theology (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1993), pp. 114-115. 48. First published in Amoy (now Xiàmén) in 1853 and repeatedly published in various revisions in Hong Kong, Canton, and Shanghai for many years, the copy of this work I have seen is entitled Tianlu lichéng túhuà (Pilgrim's Progress in the Local Language [Cantonese]) (City of Sheep [i.e. Canton]: Huishi litang, tenth year of the Tongzhi reign [i.e. 1871]). 49. This Chinese conception of conversion has also been discussed in Lauren Pfister's "A Transmitter but not a Creator." 53 50. According to Paul Reuter, international standards and institutions for settling treaty disputes were first put into place in Europe in the 1870s, and so the only formal way of advancing political agendas at this time was through war. This single and often overlooked historical fact manifestly shaped the whole situation, so that local Chinese residents could only consider the foreign military presence as a preamble to a full invasion by an even "more foreign" power—the Manchurian elite. Consult the initial pages of Paul Reuter, Introduction to the Law of Treaties, trns. José Miro and Peter Haggenmacher (London and New York: Kegan Paul International, 1995). than 51. EMMC/MM (September 1857), p. 207, the quotations coming from the translation of a dictated document prepared by Ch'ea for Legge and Ho in May 1857. 52. Legge himself had vomited twice from consuming some of the bread, one of the first to feel its effects because it was his habit to rise early and work on his project related to the Chinese Classics. See reports of the trial against Cheong Alum in the China Mail, a three-page "Extra Edition," dated February 7, 1857, and Legge's own recollections in his public lecture (presented on November 5, 1872) entitled "The Colony of Hong Kong." Legge's lecture was later published in the China Review 1:3 (1872-1873), pp. 163-176. An edited version of this essay was published as a centennial recollection in the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 11 (1971), pp. 172-193. A helpful article revealing details about this event is "Cheung Ah-lum: A Biographical Note”, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 24 (1984), pp. and 53. The last phrase is quoted in Helen Legge, James Legge: Missionary Scholar, p. 103, from an unknown letter she claims came from a missionary in ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 232 the former found in CWM/South China/Personal/Legge/Box 5). There is no written record of Ho's sermons, but one could search certain passages of his commentaries to the Gospels of Matthew and Mark for suggestions. 62. Both the cults of Guanyin and Guandi (or Guangōng) have been very popular in different periods of Chinese history, the former originally a Buddhist bodhisatva and the latter originally a military general made famous in the early Weijin period novel, Three Kingdoms, and later honoured as a warrior spirit. Devotion toward them both is still a regular feature of traditional Chinese practices. For initial information, see articles and cross references on Guanyin [Kuan-yin] and Guandi [Kuan-ti] in Jonathan Z. Smith, ed., The HarperCollins Dictionary of Religion (San Francisco: HarperCollins Pub., 1995), p. 647, and a fuller article involving the origins and reverence shown to Guanyin in Raoul Birnbaum, "Avaloketsvara," Mircea Eliade, ed. The Encyclopaedia of Religion (Chicago: MacMillan Pub. Co., 1987), Vol. 2, pp. 11-14. See broader discussions about the influence of the cult of Guanyin in the past and present in John E. C. Blofeld, Bodhisatva of Compassion: The Mystical Tradition of Kuan Yin (Boston: Shambhal, 1988), Wen Guangxi, Guānshìyīn pusà běnjī yinyuán (The Causes of the Various Expedient Manifestations of the Bodhisattva Guānyin) (Hong Kong: Library of the Tripitaka Temple, 1986), Tay C. Y. (M. Zhèng Sēngyǐ), Guānyīn: Bàngè yǎzhōu de xìnyǎng (Guanyin: A Faith [Expressed throughout] Half of Asia) (Taipei: Hui Chu Pub., 1993). Recent studies on Guandi include Hong Shuling, Guangōng mínjiān zàoxíng zhī yánjiù: yǐ Guāngōng chuánshuō wèi zhōngxīn de kǎochá (Studies of the Models Of Guāngōng Found among the People: Investigations taking the Traditional Stories about Guāngōng as the Central Focus) (Taipei: Taiwan National University Pub. Co., 1995). 63. "Sabbath culture" is a technical term I developed in Striving for "The Whole Duty of Man" in order to describe the Chinese Christian form of life which had been adopted and transformed from Scottish Dissenter precedents. It involved resting from all normal work on the Christian Sabbath, devoting oneself to church worship in Christian community for part of the day, and doing works of charity and witness at other times, whether with family, church friends, or by oneself. 64. In his "Reminiscences" Legge tells how Ch'ea at first found the German missionaries being treated meanly by a group of local people, and so he rushed up to the crowd, yelling at them not to disturb them but to listen, because "they are servants of the Most High God". See Reminiscences, p. 15. 65. See EMMC/MM 24 (February 1860), pp. 39-40. 66. Days before Ch'ea's murder the two men were together again in a boat, and Legge noted how Ch'ea made it his personal goal to speak to each of the crew members about spiritual matters. His evangelistic approach was thorough and consistent, positively impressing Legge especially during the time when his own reappearance in Poklo was taken as a self-conscious risk (as will be described below). The very same zeal, however, was evaluated in very different terms by Ch'ea's enemies, See Legge, Ch'ea Kin Kwáng, typed manuscript, p. 6. 67. When in the presence of the mandarin Wang, Legge and Chalmers spoke Cantonese, and this was assumably translated into either Mandarin or guanhua by Ch'ea (a more literary form of the Mandarin used among the Chinese gentry) ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 236 months he had physically broken down, and was dead in April, 1871. The loss for Chinese Protestants at the time was irreparable, for he was the only ordained Chinese pastor with lengthy experience and a notable record of creative publications in all of China at the time. Details on this event are given in Pfister's "A Transmitter but not a Creator" 94. The fact that Bruce was the younger brother of Sir Elgin, who ordered the burning of the imperial Summer Palace in 1860, is of some importance especially for impressing and reminding the Qing officials at the time of the destructive power of the British and allied forces. 95. See Legge's long letter including copies of the offending note sent by Bruce to Russell and Russell's response in China Mail #955 (June 4, 1863), p. 90. It is quite by coincidence that at the end of the 20th century in Chinese language the date "June Fourth" (liùsì) also immediately brings up images of persecution. 96. Much evidence for this exists in the South China correspondence with the London Missionary Society Directors for this period. 97. A note gleaned from the archives of Carl T. Smith in Hong Kong. 98. See Bóluóxiàn zhì, p. 330, where it simply states, "[We are] lacking any other materials." The total number of Chinese believers associated with the church work initiated by the Basel missionaries was over 300 in 1941. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 CHINESE AND JAPANESE GLOSSARY Amoy (see Xiamen) An Pingqiu 安平秋 A-Wai A-Wye unconfirmed unconfirmed Bào Beijing Bóluó Bóluóxiàn zhì Canton Che Jinguǎng Ch’ěa Kam-kwong 北京 博羅 Béi Zhiwén. 俾之文 鮑 博羅縣志 (see Guangzhou) 車金光 車金光 Cheong A-lam 張阿霖 chóngshēng 重生 Chóng shèng cidian 崇聖祠殿 Chóng váng 重陽 chù yiduàn yǐ chóng zhèngxué 異端以崇正學 237 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 238 Dà chéng diàn Dàoguāng 大成殿 道光 di 帝 Dú shǐ cónggǎo 讀史存稿 Fányí 番夷 Fang Xing 方行 Fatsaan Fóshān Fùzǐ miào (see Foshan) 佛山 夫子廟 Gé Hóng 葛洪 Guandì 關帝 Guǎngdōng 廣東 Guangōng 關公 Guāngōng mínjiān zǎoxíng zhī yánjiù: 關公民間早型 之研究: yǐ Guāngōng chuánshuō wèi 以關公傳說為 zhōngxīn de kǎochá 中心的考察 Guangōng xìnyǎng 關公信仰 Guǎngzhōu 廣州 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 Guānshiyin púsà běnjī yīnyuán 觀世音菩薩本蹟因緣 Guanyin 觀音 Guanyin: Bàngè Yăzhòu de xinyáng 觀音:半個亞洲的信仰 Guishàn 歸善 Guixiàng 歸向 Hàn 漢 Hé Jinshan 何進善 Héyuán 河源 not confirmed Ho Fuk-tong 何福堂 Hóng Réngān 洪仁玕 Hóng Shūlíng 洪淑苓 Hóng Xiuquán 洪秀全 Hongkong 香港 Hoppo 河 Huáng Shèng 黃勝 Hullái 惠來 Huizhōu 惠州 Jiaqing 嘉慶 239 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 240 Jinji yǎn Jinjiang Kāngxi Kong Kong Tong 金雞眼 錦江 康熙 孔 not confirmed Kot A Yuk not confirmed Kum Ky Ngan (see Jinji yǎn) Kwye-sheen (see Guishàn) lǎo Zhōu Lee Kam-keung 老周 李金 李劍麟 Lee Kim Leen Leung Gongfa 粱公發 Leung Ka-lun Leung Man-shing 粱家麟 (see Liang Wencheng) Li Hànji 李漢基 LI Yagè Liáng Afă 理雅各 梁阿發 Liáng Wénchéng 粱文誠 Liúfü 流浮 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 Lóngchuān 龍川 Luófú 羅浮 Luó Zhōngfán 羅仲藩 Méilóng 梅龍 Mèngzǐ 孟子 Ming 明 Mui-loong (see Méilóng) Ng Mun sow 吳文秀 Okamoto Sae Quánlóng 岡本さ之 乾隆 Qing 清 Sanzi jing 三字經 Shàngdì 上帝 Shàngshū 尙書 shénpái 神牌 Shèngjīng 聖經 Shèngyù 聖諭 shí èr zhé 十二哲 Shījīng 詩經 241 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 242 Shílóng Shindai kinsho no kenkyu *Shujing Soo Hoy-u Song Hoot Kiam Taiping 石龍 清代禁書 * 研究 書經 not confirmed 宋旺相 太平 Taipingtianguó dē lishǐ hé sixiăng 太平天國的歷史和 思想 Tang Zhijun Tián Xĩngshù 湯志鈞 田興恕 天路歷程 Tiānh lìchéng Tianlù lìchéng tuhuà 天路歷程土話 Tiānzhi jiào tú 天主教徒 > Tổngzhì Tsu Moo Sow wàijiao Wang Qingchéng Wang Shouren Wáng Tão 同治 not confirmed 外教 王慶成 not confirmed 王 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 Wáng Tāo rìjì 王韜日記 Wén Guāngxī 溫光熹 Wong Chik-wai not confirmed Wong Man-kong 黃文江 Wong Shen yan not confirmed Wong Shing (see Huang Shèng) wŭ 廡 (see Huizhou) Wye-chow Xiàmén 廈門 + Xinyuē quánshū jiěshì xù 新約全書解釋序 Xù 序 Xuéfēng wénhuà 學峰文化 Yán Huí 顏回 yángguǐ 羊鬼 yìduān 異端 Ying Fuk-tsang 邢福增 Yinghua shuyuán 英華書院 Yongzheng 雍正 yú Tiān Dì cān 於天地參 243 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2002 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278 244 Zòng *Zan Zhan Yuêhàn 湛約翰 Zhāng Péihóng 章培恆 Zhèng Sengyi 鄭僧一 Zhèng Túyou 鄭土有 Zhōngguó jinshū dàguān 中國禁書大觀 Zhonghuá 中華 Zhongyong 中庸 ZI ST 子思 Zönggiáo án 宗教案 Zongli yámén 總理衙門 Zhujing 豬精 Zhů Yésu 主耶穌 Zhū Yésu 豬耶穌 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2003 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390 120 HERMES herself though always small and crowded, and below decks a very hot ship, seems to have been a happy ship and "old hands" with whom I have chatted refer to her with considerable affection (JP). 6840 tons. On 5th May 1942, just a day before the surrender of U.S. forces, to be sunk in Manila Bay by Japanese air attack. 'Public Record Office/National Archives, Kew. File PRO ADM 156/101-2. Report by Captain E.J.G. Mackinnon dated at Wei-Hai-Wei, 13 June 1931. *Built in Aberdeen in 1889 as YUEN SANG, 1,723 grt, for Indo-China S.N. Co. Ltd. (Jardine Matheson & Co.). In August 1923 sold by them to Mr. Pao Ying Lin for Yen 75,000. Registered at Newchwang, China. Newchwang is in Southern Manchuria, and in 1931 within a Japanese zone of influence. Only to be sold to the breakers in 1937, aged 48 years. 'PRO ADM 116/2843. China General Letter No. 7 covering the period 1 - 30 September 1931. - "Ewo is Jardine's Chinese name 'Happy Harmony' - I believe adopted from that of a merchant in Canton with whom they did business in very early days (JP). "Lieut. E.H. Chavasse, Up and Down the Yangtze, printed privately. - 122,595 grt. Built in Hong Kong in 1926 for Indo-China S.N. Co. Ltd (Jardine Matheson & Co.). In 1940 to be requisitioned for service as an auxiliary patrol vessel with the Royal Navy. On 13 February 1942, when carrying escaping personnel south from Singapore towards Batavia, to be bombed by Japanese aircraft. Damaged, beached and abandoned at Muntok on Banda Island. "PRO ADM 116/2843. Report 0702/204 dated at Hankow, 6 October 1931. "PRO ADM 53/78855. Log book, H.M.S. HERMES. 15625 tons. Built in 1915. In March 1939 to be sold for scrap. Anne M. Lindbergh (1936). North to the Orient. (London: Chatto & Windus), 248. Born on 22nd June 1906 she was to die only as recently as 7th February 2001. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-2003 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390 121 176,243 grt. Built in 1907 in Dumbarton, Scotland as CULNA for British India S.N. Co. Ltd. In 1923 bought by Ryuoh Kisen K.K. of Dairen, Manchuria and re-named RYUJIN MARU. Japanese flag. She was to be salvaged from the Tan Rocks however on 13th April 1942, when to the south of the Bungo Strait between Kyushu and Shikoku, to be torpedoed and sunk by U.S.S. GRAYLING SS-209 (Lieut. Commander E. Olsen). 1*2,549 grt. In 1915 built at Taikoo Dockyard in Hong Kong for China Navigation Co. Ltd. (Butterfield & Swire). From 2nd August to 5th December 1922 ashore at Swatow, there blown by a typhoon. Eventually in May 1948 to be sold for breaking up. 19PRO ADM 116/2843. Report 158/197 dated 6 November 1931. 20770 tons. Built shortly after the Great War. Three 4.7" guns. 214,400 tons. Launched in October 1911. Eight 6" guns. 223,802 grt. Built in 1919 for Osaka Shosen K.K. On 31 May 1944 to be torpedoed and sunk to the west of the Kuril Islands by U.S.S. BARB SS-220 (Lieut. Commander E.B. Fluckey). 233,001 grt. A new ship, built in 1931 by Scotts at Greenock for China Navigation Co. Ltd. (Butterfield & Swire). Between the World Wars there was a great demand for a passenger service between Shanghai and destinations to the north such as Tsingtao, Wei-Hai-Wei, Chefoo and Tientsin. The ship had been especially built for this trade with twin screw steam turbines to give 16 knots, and her cabin accommodation was luxurious. For winter service her bow was ice strengthened. 241,765 grt. Also built by Scotts but rather earlier, in 1905. She too served on the Shanghai/Tientsin route but was reaching the end of her useful life. In November 1933 to be sold for breaking up in Shanghai. PRO ADM 116/2844. 158/1559 dated 24 June 1932. ================================================================================