RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1964 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r 62 K. M. A. BARNETT 51 Frann-buai, also Wrang-buui,2 near where the Sung emperor Ti-cheng or Ti-shih (**) may have been buried. I am keeping out of the controversy on how his title should be pronounced. Frungwrong-shaann, EL see 37. 52 Frung, . G 53 Locally written: Hakka gaann, Cantonese gaarn, 54 gao, A. There are so many examples of this word in the place of this and other districts of South China, obviously meaning "behind” or “lesser”, that it is surprising that anyone should still translate Kowloon as "Nine Dragons". 55 Gaolrung-xhaang, ★★- 56 Garm-trinn, $w. 57 Ghatqou-zhaw, ###. 58 Ghongshay-saarng, ***. 59 Ghowtrong, $. Gw 60 Gwhaysrin, # today Hulyang,145 61 Gwhuunn-fun-creong, later called Kowloon. * The name probably derives from fu or wu, the local word for salt, and gwhuunn standing, as so often in local place names, for ✯, dry. 62 Gwhuunn-jhamm-xroh, #IN. 63 Gworngdhung-saarng, ★★★. } 64 Jhaw Tae-krinn, ###, himself a Hakka149 of Linchuan75 in Kiangs(58, 65 Irawmraah-drev, . 66 jreoną in Cantonese, jrong in Hakka,149 usually appearing as but occasionally as Jri-braak, see 35, 67 Jrih Drek Jrung Mraann, A. 68 Jriw-jrann, . 69 frynn, ♫· A. 70 Jrynncriw, # 1280–1367. 71 Jrynn-Iromng, AM, pronounced jrynq-Ireorng. 72 Jrytghong Irawwrek jrannmrannsir, *^^£. L 73 leak, . 74 Lramm-chynn, ##. 75 Lramm-chynn, #}}} - 62 K. M. A. BARNETT 51 Frann-buai, also Wrang-buui,2 near where the Sung emperor Ti-cheng or Ti-shih (**) may have been buried. I am keeping out of the controversy on how his title should be pronounced. Frungwrong-shaann, EL see 37. 52 Frung, . G 53 Locally written: Hakka gaann, Cantonese gaarn, 54 gao, A. There are so many examples of this word in the place of this and other districts of South China, obviously meaning "behind” or “lesser”, that it is surprising that anyone should still translate Kowloon as "Nine Dragons". 55 Gaolrung-xhaang, ★★- 56 Garm-trinn, $w. 57 Ghatqou-zhaw, ###. 58 Ghongshay-saarng, ***. 59 Ghowtrong, $. Gw 60 Gwhaysrin, # today Hulyang,145 61 Gwhuunn-fun-creong, later called Kowloon. * The name probably derives from fu or wu, the local word for salt, and gwhuunn standing, as so often in local place names, for ✯, dry. 62 Gwhuunn-jhamm-xroh, #IN. 63 Gworngdhung-saarng, ★★★. 64 Jhaw Tae-krinn, ###, himself a Hakka149 of Linchuan75 in Kiangs(58, 65 Irawmraah-drev, . 66 jreoną in Cantonese, jrong in Hakka,149 usually appearing as but occasionally as Jri-braak, see 35, 67 Jrih Drek Jrung Mraann, A. 68 Jriw-jrann, . 69 frynn, ♫· A. 70 Jrynncriw, # 1280–1367. 71 Jrynn-Iromng, AM, pronounced jrynq-Ireorng. 72 Jrytghong Irawwrek jrannmrannsir, *^^£. L 73 leak, . 74 Lramm-chynn, ##. 75 Lramm-chynn, #}}} - ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1968 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d 110 STEPHEN UHALLEY, JR, no comparisons of historical references or reflections of the kind that are made after national unification which might mirror both the satisfaction of success and the new brand of problems and frustrations that follow. Finally, in terms of impact on the Chinese people as a whole, it must be conceded that Mao Tse-tung, and his references to Chinese history, is of a greater order. This last point is important, I should think, in terms of the over-all significance of such a study. Nevertheless, it is Sun Yat-sen we are assigned to deal with, and as we have already acknowledged, keeping our qualification in mind, this exploration might well be of some use in its own right. Sun Yat-sen is a fascinatingly paradoxical personality. He certainly enjoys an enviable position in history. Despite much politically naive and compromising activity on his part in his day he uniquely commands the continued respect of Chinese of all political persuasions in our day. This is not to underestimate Sun's vital role, for there should be little doubt but that he constituted for a critical period a persevering, idealistic and positive symbol around which a people trying to find nationhood, political unity and liberation from imperialistic bondage might rally. And the symbol continues today for many Chinese to represent something that might yet be, however hopeless the prospects seem. Such was the magnetism and the inspirational optimism generated by this remarkable man. Of course, his sanctification by the Nationalists has had something to do with the general absence of critical Chinese attention. But aside from such officially-imposed restraint there persists, even among normally critical-minded and politically non-involved Chinese scholars, an intriguing propensity to view Sun through mercifully rose-colored glasses, and to give his writings unmistakably charitable readings. This instinctively favorable image of Sun extends to his knowledge of Chinese history as well. Yet this is an aspect of Sun's career that requires some working at, for Sun's historical knowledge, and the means by which he attained it are not exactly self-evident. One distinguished contemporary Chinese historian, currently residing in Hong Kong, explains that soon after Sun had returned from Honolulu, he retained a good tutor to coach him in Chinese history and literature. This same informant continues with this anecdotal story. While at the Canton Hospital School, Sun kept a full set of the twenty-four dynastic histories in his room. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1970 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241 A BRITISH WARTIME CHART SHOWING HONG KONG 131 The name "Iron River" given to the present-day Hebe Haven may be related to the fact that Ma On Shan to the north has iron-ore (Magnetite) deposits on its south western side. It would seem to indicate that the deposits were known in the eighteenth century, if not worked. Mers (Mirs) Bay is shown as being very small. A number of soundings near the entrance indicate the visit of a ship, so the error in its size and shape would seem to be yet another indication of poor visibility causing errors in observation. Suggested Identification of Place Names (Alphabetical Order) Botoe Is. East Brother (Siu Mo To) Cape Lintin and Bay South West Point and Deep Bay Castle Land Nam Tau Peninsula Chang Cheou Is. Cheung Chau Chin-falo Tsing Yi Island Co-chee Ma Wan Island Co-long Kowloon City False Hook Wong Chuk Kok (on Lamma Island) Fan-Chin-Cheou or He-ong-kong Hong Kong Furado or Poo Toy Po Toi Island (N.B. Fury Rocks, 1 Sea Mile to N.E. on modern charts) Hay-tae-man Bay Tai Shan Bay Ichou Chi Chau I of Gatto Shek Wu Chau Iron Point Fat Tau Point Keyzers Hook Fan Lau Point Lammon Lamma Island (Nam A Island) Lang Shitoe or Chato Id. Lafsami Lantoe or Magpyes Island Lantao Island Lantoe Bay Bay at Sham Tseng Lentua Lantao Island-Peninsula north of Cheung Chau Lintin Lintin Lon-ko Lung Kwu Chau ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g 22 STEPHEN UHALLEY, JR. In Ningpo itself, the preparations were underway. British officials persuaded all missionaries of British nationality to withdraw from the city, a step which Consul Harvey indicated would "simplify considerably our future relations with the Taipings at Ningpo."14 British naval Captain Corbett concurred, reasoning that in the event of any difficulty with the Taipings the missionaries would otherwise "prove a source of great embarrassment to us."15 It is a matter of record that many of the missionaries who did comply and therefore lived apart from the Taipings during the duration of their occupation did come to share the negative or hostile attitude toward the insurgents.16 As the British intervention policy developed, an anti-Taiping propaganda campaign mounted. One of the most interesting and telling samples of this effort was the reporting of Consul Harvey. His dispatch of March 20, 1862, is perhaps the best example.17 Completely in contradiction to the report of the already noted China Overland Trade Report of less than a month earlier, Harvey declared that although three months had elapsed since the Taiping takeover they had still to take a single step in the direction of good government. Curiously, he repeatedly stressed his lack of bias and dispassionate judgment. He even conceded that “personally I have received every mark of courtesy and proper regard from the Tae-ping Chiefs; and further, I have found in official dealings with them a rough and blunt sort of honesty quite unexpected and surprising, after years of public intercourse with the Imperial mandarins.” But despite such lack of bias, repeatedly emphasized, and such acknowledgment of Taiping honesty and courtesy, Harvey went on to say: "Nevertheless, the Taepings with their frank demeanour and bluff energy have a fume of blood and a look of carnage about them, from which I, for one, recoil with horror." Harvey noted that the occupation of the Taipings, termed an "experiment", had produced "exactly what was expected - ruin, desolation, and the annihilation of every vital principle in all that surrounds the presence, or lies under the bane, of the Taepings." Still underlining, undoubtedly, his lack of bias, Harvey noted: "I now, therefore, take the liberty of declaring, once for all (and for ten years I have fairly adhered to and been consistent in this opinion), that the Taeping rebellion is the greatest delusion, as a political or popular movement, and the Taeping doctrines the most gigantic blasphemous imposition... ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1971 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g THE DEBATE ON NATIONAL SALVATION 49 That there be sufficiency of food, sufficiency of military equipment, and the confidence of the people in their ruler from of old, death has been the lot of all men; but if the people have no faith in their rulers, there is no standing for the state. I (4) was skilful at archery, and Ao (R) could move a boat along upon the land, but neither of them died a natural death. Yu (§) and Chi () personally wrought at the toils of husbandry, and they became possessors of the kingdom. NOTES 1 For Tseng Chi-tse, see Arthur W. Hummel, Eminent Chinese of Ching Period Vol. II, pp. 746-747; Lee En-han, Tseng Chi-tse ti wai-chiao, Taipei, 1966. 曾紀澤的外交 2 Cf. Boulger D. C., The Life of Sir Halliday Macartney. London 1908. 3 Boulger D. C., op. cit., pp. 433-435. Papers which published Tseng's work include the China Mail in Hong Kong, the North China Herald in Shanghai and the China Times in Tientsin. In Hong Kong, Tseng's article appeared in the China Mail only. However, many historians have mistaken the Daily Press of Hong Kong for the China Mail. This confusion first appeared in Ko Kung-chen's Chung-kuo pao-hsüen shih, Shanghai, 1927, Ch. III, p. 20. Recent Japanese scholars in the field of modern Chinese Studies have followed Ko Kung-chen's mistake. Cf. Onogawa Hidemi - "Kai Kei Ko Reien no 'Shinsei Rongi'" Oriental Studies in honour of Juntaro Ishihama on the occasion of his seventieth birthday, Kansai University, Osaka, 1958 pp. 121-133; Watanabe Tetsuhiro, "Kai Kei Ko Reien no 'Shinsei Rongi'" Ritsumeikan bungaku, Journal of the Ritsumeikan University, Kyoto (1961) pp. 59-75. 4 Tseng's work was translated into Chinese by Yen Yung-ching and Yüan Chu-i. Both were graduates of the Peking Tung-Wen Kuan. The title of the Chinese version is Tseng-hou Chung-kuo hsien-shui how-hsing lun; cf. Hsin-Cheng chen-chüan ch'u-pien; Tseng-lun shu-hou fulu; Huang-chao hawi wen-pien, chuan i, pp. 32-37; North China Herald, Vol. 38, No. 1021, Feb. 16, 1887, p. 181; Dispatches From U.S. Ministers to China, Microcopy No. 92, The National Archives of the United States, Roll 80, No. 340, Denby to the Secretary of State, March 21, 1887. 5 North China Herald, Vol. 38, No. 1023, March 2, 1887 p. 229. 6 Ibid. Vol. 38, May 27, 1887, p. 569, 7 Foreign Relations of the United States, 1887, No. 158, Denby to Bayard, March 8, 1887, pp. 196-197. Dispatches from U.S. Ministers to China, Microcopy No. 92, Roll 80, No. 328, Denby to Bayard, March 8, 1887. Denby further pointed out that Tseng purposely ignored the importance of the evangelical missions in China in his article. Denby believed that Christian activities were directly supported by foreign powers in China. The priests were always acted as the mediators between the Western Powers ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1972 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h TRADITIONAL CHINESE REGIONAL ARCHITECTURE 137 world, yet by entering the backdoor of his shop, never leaving this world, he can work and provide for the needs of his family. South: In South China, the topography and climate of the land varies considerably from the Northern plains. The Chinese had to learn to adapt their architectural plans to different conditions. Certain groups of Chinese eventually devised new ways of expressing their character in their building in order to separate their communities from other groups. The former home of Mao Tse-tung11 in the province of Hunan is representative of many peasant houses in the South. It is a typical three-sided courtyard house (Fig.✯✯) with a U-shaped plan. In this case, the main door faces north and hence must be a more auspicious local orientation. There is evidence from a drawing that the house is nestled into the embrace of a sloping hill which, according to feng shui, is the ideal site and provides strength and protection for the home. The front door leads into a living room with an ancestral shrine, off which are the kitchens and bedrooms. Since Mao's house has become a national tourist attraction, a new addition has been added for the caretaker and slight renovations have been made. The left wing of the original house has bedrooms and a library now. The kitchen and animal sheds, which were originally in the left wing, have been moved to a new shelter farther to the left. The new addition runs parallel to the left wing and forms a new and totally enclosed courtyard. There is also to be found in the region a variation of the U-shaped plan which is L-shaped. Both types of houses are usually constructed of earth walls with thatched roofs—shelter provided by the material at hand. This house in Kiangsu province✯ is actually one room which has been partitioned. One enters heading north. It is an elaboration of a square plan also found in Kiangsu province.12 The living area is an all-purpose room and kitchen. At the far side, there is perhaps a screen which provides privacy for the bedroom. Within the bedroom, there are two k'angs: the whole family sleeps in this one part of the room. The owner of the house has built an addition in the form of a cobbler shop, placing it only a few paces from his front door. This poor craftsman's dwelling contains the basic needs for the family's well-being. No doubt there are fields or rice paddies around the house, though not necessarily those of the resident, as this region of China is under intensive cultivation. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1974 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077 62 CAROLE MORGAN Although, as we have seen, horses were hunted as early as the third millennium, there is still some controversy among experts as to whether horses were eaten by the Shangs. Certainly by Chou times the practice of eating horse meat had become prevalent enough to warrant an injunction in the Chou Li against eating bad horse flesh27 and a warning in the Li Chi that the taste of a horse with black hair growing along its spine is no better than that of a burrowing animal.28 In a book from the latter part of the third century B.C. called the "Travels of King Mu" we are told that King Mu, while on a journey through Western China, was offered 300 edible horses by the Chu Tse (✯✯) tribe, 900 by Tsao Nu (✯ ✯) and 700 by the Chih ( ),29 As for dogs they, along with pigs, constituted the major source of animal protein in ancient China. The Shuo Wen even gives a special character for dog's meat (1) written with the radicals for dog and flesh, while the Chou Li divides dogs into three categories: the tien chuan (□) or watch dog, the fei chuan (ok†) or barking dog and the chih chuan (✯✯) or edible dog.30 With the exception of the liver every part of the animal was considered edible.31 At the banquets of feudal lords a dish of dog's broth and glutinous rice was considered a great delicacy;32 for Summer dried fish fried in pungent dog's fat was thought to be cooling33 and when dog's meat was prepared as sacrificial meat it had first to be marinated in a mixture of vinegar and pepper.34 (Animals whose meat was used for sacrificial purposes were never referred to by name. Thus an ox was known as i yuan da wu (~✰✰✰) a head一元大武) on large feet; cocks as han yin (4) birds whose cry reaches heaven and dogs as gao hsien ( ‡**) animals used to make ancestor soup.35 The Emperor was required to eat dog's meat during the first three Autumn months36 and much later dog's meat was credited with the power of reducing fatigue and was recommended for scholars sitting for their examinations.37 Both edible dogs and horses were considered fit presents for the Emperor and feudal lords, although a pure white horse was deemed unsuitable, possibly because white was the colour of mourning.38 (The writer is more inclined to believe that since white horses were ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1976 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q 228 MAURICE FREEDMAN a stretch of water (the sea). The Green Dragon is satisfactory, but the White Tiger is imperfect; there is a break in the line of the hills through which too much wind can pass; so that the whole configuration, while being good, falls short of being a perfect embrace. For that reason Sun enjoyed power but not for long. A stream runs obliquely across the valley robbing the grave of its virtue in respect of money; Sun was poor. In the sea below there are several small islands which are to be taken as warships, some of them sailing out into the open sea, showing Sun's desertion by his armed forces. Finally, there appears in the distance just over the line of the White Tiger, the peak of another hill; such a feature means robbery-Sun was kidnapped. The site explains Sun's career (or some version of it) and justifies the geomancer who predicted that Mrs. Sun's son would be a king. This simple case illustrates two systems of analysis being employed together; the system of metaphysical forces composing a site, and the system of resemblances, the latter being invoked to interpret the islands. But the chief interest of the case lies in the example it offers of retrospective interpretation. Geomancy is a self-reinforcing system of ideas. What is predicted must always come true, because what is foretold is vague, or inevitable, or subject to frustrations which deny a part of the system or the competence of a particular practitioner without damaging the system as a whole. Retrospectively it can be demonstrated to be valid because the material can be read in a number of different ways to justify any collection of events. Moreover, the existence of prosperity by itself presupposes that it has been produced by fung shui, and failure to detect the precise reasons why the fung shui has operated so well leaves it in the realm of knowledge which in principle can be obtained but for the moment, because of lack of expertise, remains inaccessible. (One geomancer told me that Mr. Mao Tse-tung's mother is buried in a good fung shui. And he added, perhaps for political symmetry, that General Chiang Kai-shek also enjoys geomantic benefits, the fall in his fortunes being due to the operation of the cycle which governs all affairs. Retrospective fung shui is illustrated also in the traditions of the Tang clan. When the Sung princess who married a Tang in the twelfth century became old a famous geomancer chose a fung shui for her which resembled a lion, asking her whether she preferred to be buried in the lion's head or tail. 'She asked what difference it would make, and she was told that if ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1977 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n A JOURNEY TO YENAN 1946 49 it was mid-winter, the countryside around was bare, brown, and dusty, and many people wore white surgical masks to keep out the fine dust. The hillsides in Yenan and on the way there were all seriously eroded, and there was little sign of the spectacular reclamation work on terracing slopes and damming streams of later years, the result of which can be seen by today's visitors. Occasions in Yenan Having unloaded our cargo, checked the manifests, and visited the hospital, we spent a day servicing the trucks. We were staying at the Guest House, a row of very comfortable caves with a terrace and a courtyard in front. We were in the middle of servicing, with petrol drums and wheels scattered around, ourselves under the trucks greasing and checking, when we were informed that Chairman Mao Tse-tung was coming to see us! The courtyard was rapidly tidied, overalls and dirt removed, and the party went to the ketang to wait. We then discovered that the Chairman had been at the Guest House for some time seeing someone else and had arrived unnoticed while we were under the trucks. We were all introduced and thanked for our assistance and help, to which I replied that this was part of our normal work and not something to earn especial thanks. The impression, which I recorded then, was of great confidence and quiet strength. Two or three days later, we were invited to a performance of the well-known opera "Ta Ming Fu" (★1⁄2#) part of the "Liang Shan P'o" (b) series, which has a very suitable theme. We found ourselves sitting three rows behind the Chairman and other leading Party members, including Marshal Chu Te, all of whom enjoyed themselves as there was a strong cast with some excellent comic character performances. This was, of course, well before the growth of revolutionary opera. On one evening, we were entertained by, I think, members of the Lu Hsun Academy of Art (or the Anti-Japanese Revolutionary University). There was a yang ke dance team with a performance extolling improved methods of pest control on crops, some songs, and then dancing for all, mostly folk dances but including some foxtrots and quicksteps played on er hu and pi pa. We were presented with a set of woodcuts by various artists working there, including Zhang Wan, Yan Han, Xia Feng, Gu Yuan, and Weng ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 88 EUGENE COOPER it were triggered initially by a lockout at a plastic flowers factory in Kowloon and fanned by some arbitrary police action taken against demonstrating workers and students. Anti-colonial demonstrations occurred and anti-British sentiment ran high, fueled by stepped up anti-imperialist propaganda radiating from the mainland then in the midst of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. While most carved wood furniture factory and shop proprietors were unlikely targets for anti-imperialist attack, the Woodwork Carvers' Union seems to have taken advantage of the widespread unrest to extract a wage increase from the Merchants' Association at the time. One school of thought (with its locus in the Far Eastern Economic Review) maintains that the Peking government was dissatisfied with its compatriots' handling of the 1967 disturbances and called a halt thereafter to revolutionary activity in the Crown Colony. While these claims are difficult to substantiate with any certainty, it is widely admitted in the Hong Kong pro-communist community that Peking was desirous of a stable situation in post-1967 Hong Kong so that it could actively pursue, from its viewpoint, more pressing diplomatic questions like its entry into the United Nations and the liberation of Taiwan. "Hong Kong is a historical problem that will be solved at the appropriate time" goes the refrain. The Hong Kong "problem" does not have the status of a "principle contradiction" for the People's Republic. Hong Kong continues to remain valuable to the Communist government in terms of the significant amounts of foreign exchange which China earns by marketing its products in and through the port, and also as a place in which trade and diplomatic contacts are still pursued. While such functions may decline as China continues to open up diplomatically and economically, they are still a factor in Hong Kong's historical viability as a colony. In any event, in the post-1967 period, industrial peace in Hong Kong was the common desire of the British colonial government and the communist government in Peking. This led to the assumption on the part of the communist Federation of Trade Unions of some rather odd poses in the local adaptation of Mao Tse-tung thought to the Hong Kong scene. This was particularly so in so far as the implementation of Mao's thought has entailed a disciplined adherence to a policy of delayed ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 POLITICIZATION OF CHINESE CRAFT ORGANIZATION 97 annual membership meeting. I had occasion to be present at such a meeting in May 1973, the proceedings of which deserve description. The program began with an address by the Chairman of the union, a Shanghainese who has been the chairman for many years. He addressed the assembly of 7-800 people, workers, their wives and children, standing before a portrait of Chairman Mao Tse-tung, and his speech stressed the accomplishments of the Chinese nation in the recent past. He also touched on the skyrocketing cost of living in Hong Kong at present, a theme dwelt upon again and again during the evening. Next on the program occurred the swearing in of new officers, who were called out on stage, one by one, turned to face the portrait of Chairman Mao and the Chinese flags and recited "Serve the People" in union. There are twelve officers and another seven members of the executive committee. Both the Chairman and Vice Chairman have apparently served more than ten years, and the yearly election, which precedes the annual meeting seems to return the same officers year after year with a few jugglings among the less important officers. An address by an official of the Federation of Trade Unions was next on the program. An elderly man, his voice didn't carry and his words were barely intelligible. Background noise from the huge fans, as well as the constant hum of conversation of friends in the audience didn't help much. The most important speaker of the evening was the organization secretary, whose speech was clear and concise and who held the audience with his speaking power. He stated that prices, rents and living expenses were so high that an increase in wages was now necessary. Their demand was to be a H.K.$5/day increase in daily wages and a 25% increase in piece wages. Apparently, contacts had been made with the nationalist Camphorwood Trunk Workers Union to inform them of the wage demands so that if they too were going to push for wage increases in 1973, the right hand would know what the left was doing, so to speak. The organization secretary's speech was followed in the program rather anticlimactically by the poor vice-chairman, who had a hard time following his colleague's act. There was not very much he could add either in content or eloquence of presentation. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1978 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593 166 C. MARTIN WILBUR Ching Ho; A Sociological Analysis. The Report of a Preliminary Survey of the Town of Ching Ho, Hopei, North China. (Hsu, Leonard, S., Editor.) Peiping, Yenching, 1930. "Clanship Among the Chinese". (Chinese Repository, vol. 4, 1836, p. 411-415). Creel, Herrlee G.; Sinism; a Study of the Evolution of the Chinese World View. Chicago, Open Court, 1929. De Groot, J. J. M.; Les Fêtes Annuellement Célébrées à Emoui (Amoy); Étude Concernant la Religion Populaire des Chinois. 2 vols. Paris, Leroux, 1886. De Groot, J. J. M.; The Religious System of China. 6 vols. Leyden, Brill, 1892-1910. Demiéville, P.; "Hou Che Wen Ts'ouen (MILŻ#)" (Bulletin de l'École Française d'Extrême-Orient, vol. 23, 1923, p. 489-499). Des Routours, Robert; "Les Grands Fonctionnaires des Provinces en Chine sous la Dynastie des T'ang." (T'oung Pao, vol. 25, 1928, p. 219-330). Duyvendak, J. J. L. (translator); The Book of Lord Shang, a Classic of the Chinese School of Law, London, Probsthain, 1928. Ferguson, John C., "Political Parties of the Northern Sung Dynasty" (Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 58, 1927, p. 36-56). Ferguson, John C.; "Southern Migration of the Sung Dynasty" (Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 55, 1924, p. 14-27). Ferguson, John C.; "Wang An-shih" (Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 35, 1903-04, p. 65-75). Giles, Herbert A.; A Chinese Biographical Dictionary. Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1898. Giles, Herbert A.; A Chinese English Dictionary. 2nd ed., 2 vols.; Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, 1912. Granet, Marcel; Chinese Civilization, London, Kegan Paul, 1930. Hirth, Friedrich; The Ancient History of China to the End of the Chou Dynasty, New York, Columbia, 1911. Hsieh, Pao Chao; The Government of China (1644-1911). Baltimore, Johns Hopkins, 1925. Hu, Shih; "The Establishment of Confucianism as a State Religion During the Han Dynasty” (Journal of the North China Branch of Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 60, 1929, p. 20-41). Hu, Shih: "Religion and Philosophy in Chinese History" (in Symposium on Chinese Culture. (Zen, Sophia H. Chen, Editor). Shanghai, Institute of Pacific Relations, 1931, p. 24-58). Hu, Shih; "Wang Mang, the Socialist Emperor of Nineteen Centuries Ago” (Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 59, 1928. p. 218-230). Huang, Han Liang; The Land Tax in China. New York, Columbia, 1918. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 172 JULIAN F. PAS "If gods did have actual descendants, then it is clear that they could not serve the function which they do as foci of worship which goes beyond the Family.” (p. 240) To clarify my a priori statement, let us examine the major gods of the author's research area (mentioned in Chapter I). ✪ Matsu (ii) Shen-nung (iii) Kuan-yin (iv) K'ai-chang sheng-wang (v) Ch'ing-shui tsu-shih (vi) Ting-kuang Fo (vii) Cheng Ch'eng-kung (Koxinga) (viii) Kuang-tse tsun-wang (ix) Pao-sheng Ta-ti (x) Kuan-Ti (xi) The Wang-yeh gods (xii) The city gods None of those can be proven to have developed from a “withered corpse"; on the contrary, several of them were historical personages of much fame, who had been great leaders in their life-time and almost certainly led a normal life within a family. If a deceased person of great merit to the community cannot become a cult object because he has posterity, then by the same token, a great official cannot serve the community at large during his lifetime either. Family ties are not necessarily an obstacle either for government service or for cult formation. When people start worshipping a great person after his death, they do not worship him as an ancestor but as a great person who transcends the limitations of his family. An example to show how the author confuses two ideas and uses them as the need arises is the case of the Buddha: as I already quoted from p. 252 above: many small gods but also major deities can be shown to have been spirits without descendants. Now, the author also draws the Buddhas and bodhisattvas into the series "as exemplars of the same tradition of breaking the family tie" (my underlining). Now, it is well-known that Buddha Sakyamuni had a son (not without descendants) but that he later on broke the family tie. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1979 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938 NOTES AND QUERIES 209 The original temple thus belongs outside Hong Kong, though admittedly not far off: but it would not have been established here unless Pok Law people with a reverence for the goddess (and a firm belief in her efficacy) had settled locally and decided they must establish a local shrine. (c) Temporary Structure at San Tsuen Pai (***) serving as a shrine and meeting hall for disciples of the Chun Hung Kau (††*). The Chun Hung Kau was founded by the great teacher, Liu Tae-ping (*) of Chin Wu (44), Kiangsi (žr&). Liu was born in 1827. He was married, but his wife died a few years later. When he was 31 years of age, he decided to become a Buddhist monk. Reportedly, in a trance he learnt the Truth, quitted the Buddhists and founded the Chun Hung Kau in 1862. Early followers Liu founded a church in Chin Wu, and passed on his teachings to his brothers, Liu Taei-chor (†), and Liu Taei-chiu (★*). Later he had 3 disciples, Lai Yan-cheung (M1-‡), Ling Pong-pik (凌邦璧), and Cheung Sing-kin (張聲見), Death of Liu In 1892, Liu was arrested by the prefectural authorities on the ground that he was a heretic. Two of his disciples, Cheung and Lai, were also arrested. Liu died in prison in 1893 when he was 66 years of age. Early Propagation and Distribution in China Disciple Cheung started preaching in various places in China in 1890. However, the most effective preachers were disciples Lai and Ling, who were freed from prison in 1894. They managed to obtain some followers from among the intelligentsia and officials. This section comprises a summary of Professor Lo Hsiang-lin's book on THE ORIGIN AND DOCTRINES OF THE CHUN HUNG KAU AND ITS PROPAGATION IN SOUTH CHINA AND OVERSEAS. I owe this section to my colleague Mr. Valentine Yim (KA) who painstakingly (and very kindly) produced this summary instead of the two paragraphs I had requested! ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 SYMBOLISM OF THE NEW LIGHT 97 the darkness of the world of Yin, making the night seem as day, and lighting the temple votive lamps with a new, life-bringing fire, Saso's interpretation clarifies several important aspects of the ritual but is also confusing in some instances. The ritual chanting of the forty-second chapter of the Tao-Te ching appears to be an adaptation that does not truly illustrate the nature of the ritual: it does not merely allude to the "protogenesis of the myriad creatures" but is here interpreted as and applied to the proceeding of the original Triad of Taoism: three lamps are lit to symbolize and to honor the successive forthcomings of the Three Primordial Worthies: they are the projections of the creative powers of the universe. The emphasis is not on the creation process but on the origin of the creators. The new light, lit from one flame but used to light three candles in succession, vividly symbolizes the successive births of the three primordial "breaths". Therefore, from a phenomenological viewpoint, there is a kind of discrepancy between the text of the ritual (expressing the forthcoming of the Three Primordial Worthies) and the ritual action itself, which points to the creation of light. This may be an indication of a non-Taoist origin of the ritual act itself. The possibility of a non-Taoist but Chinese origin of the fen-teng is suggested by J. J. M. de Groot in his Fêtes Annuellement Célébrées,12 He refers to a custom widely spread among various sun-worshipping civilizations of extinguishing their 'sacred fires' especially before the spring equinox and of relighting them soon after the equinox: this symbolizes the sun's victory over darkness. Examples are given from ancient Rome, Syria, Persia, Egypt, and Greece. The custom also existed in ancient China, at least in the North. The original custom in China was to renew the fire in all the four seasons, but since the Han times, it was done only once a year in spring. De Groot refers to a text in the Chou Li ♬ which explains this ritual act13: with the help of a mirror, fire is taken directly from the sun to light the sacrificial candles. The date of this spring renewal of fire was the 105th day after the winter solstice: this would correspond with the fourth day of the fifth month. On the other hand, the relighting of the fires took place on the third day of 'cold food' called ch'ing-ming in Amoy: that also coincides with the 4th or 5th of the fourth month. In other ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 112 JULIAN F. PAS • M. Saso, Taoism and the Rite of Cosmic Renewal (hereafter abbreviated: Cosmic Renewal). * K. Schipper, "The Written Memorial in Taoist Ceremonies" in A.P. Wolf, Ed. Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, Stanford Univ. Press, 1974, * Liu Chih-wan, see end-note 9. This is the translation of J.J.M. de Groot's "Messe Taoïque". See his Les Fêtes Annuellement Célébrées à Emoui (Amoy). Paris, 1885 (Taipei reprint, 1977). This translation of chiao as well as de Groot's rendering of 'Buddhist Masses' for the Chinese Yu-lan-p'en are not satisfactory. * K. M Schipper. Le Fen-Teng. Rituel Taoïste (Publications de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient, vol. 103). Paris: Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient, 1975. Schipper's monograph on the Fen teng ritual is a product of great erudition. After a short introduction, pp. 1-13, (in which he briefly discusses the four manuscripts utilized to establish the text; and sketches the history and present day performance of the ritual), he describes the ritual itself with a detailed time schedule, pp. 15-32. Then follow references to sources in the Tao-tsang (pp. 33-38) and notes (pp. 39-43). The text itself (starting from the 'back') is given twice: first in fac simile, a beautiful reprint on high quality paper of a manuscript dated 1889, in 44 folios (or 88 pages); secondly a critical edition of the text based on the four above mentioned manuscripts with variant readings included, (pp. 1-36). Although this publication has its importance, it does not fully satisfy the wishes of the readers: no translation of the text is given (Schipper is certainly one of the few Taoist scholars capable of offering a translation!) and nowhere does one find an interpretation of the ritual. In the same year as Schipper's Fen-teng monograph "came to light”, (1975), M. Saso published his collection of Chuang-lin hsü-tao-tsang in 24 vols. In vol. 6, pp. 1629-1725 (a total of 96 pages), we find a reproduced manuscript of the Fen-teng ritual, dated 1883. The calligraphy is inferior to Schipper's manuscript, but at least Saso's manuscript is six years older. * Liu Chih-wan, Taipei-shih Sung-shan ch'i-an chien-chiao chi-tien (Great Propitiatory Rites of Petition for Beneficence at Sung chan, Taipei, Taiwan), Taipei: Academia Sinica, Institute of Ethnology, (monographs no. 14), 1967. Liu Chih-wan, Chung-kuo min-chien hsin-yang lan-chi (Essays on Chinese Folk Belief and Folk Cults), Taipei: Academia Sinica, Institute of Ethnology (monographs no. 22), 1974. 10 On the two occasion described by Liu Chih-wan (3-day festivals), the ritual likewise took place on the first evening. On other occasions, however, I have seen the ritual performed on the 2nd evening. The timing depends on the actual length of the festival, which may only last one day, but is more commonly a three or five-day event. One should, however, not confuse two things: first, the actual chiao is called san-ch'ao, wu-ch'ao or ch'i-ch'ao, etc., and refers to the number of days that the essential rituals are performed. However, the total event may last even longer; I have observed that the actual chiao was preceded by two days of preliminary rituals, such as the exorcisms of the water-spirit and fire-spirit. That brought the total duration of the chiao to ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 132 NOTES AND QUERIES Is this mismanagement? It can be called mismanagement by all who are dissatisfied: by ardent Maoists and by the proponents of greater liberalization. Teng Hsiao-p'ing must feel sometimes like a squeezed beancake. He will be criticized by some no matter what he does. The reader must be tired of articles that breathlessly give eye-witness accounts of the truth about China. There is no simple truth about China, which is too large and complicated a country. Articles about it often tell more about the observer than the observed; and about those on whom the observer depended for his information. This problem is not unique to China. England is complicated. The United States is more complicated. Russia and China are still more complicated. About Russia it is hard to learn because of the paranoid secrecy emanating from the Kremlin. About China it is hard to learn because of its long history of ups and downs, ins and outs, and the tendency of most Chinese to assume that "behind the curtain" much is going on that differs from what is going on in public view... During my whole trip in China I never heard any Chinese bring up Mao Tse-tung. His portrait was still everywhere—though I have heard that it is rarer in Canton. There was a very long line of people waiting to enter his mausoleum in Peking. But no guide—no one at all, in fact—brought up the name of Chairman Mao. I had an interesting experience in Nanking. The local head of the China Travel Service gave our tour-group a banquet in order to make amends for a mix-up about our arrival in his city. At the end of the banquet he proposed a toast to friendship between China and the United States, to future tourism, and so on. Then one of our tour group responded by proposing a toast to Mao Tse-tung. I was watching our host's face. He was at a loss. Then, after a moment's pause, he joined in the toast. If I had been he, I would have responded with a toast to George Washington. I had very good luck in visiting monasteries and meeting monks when I went to Sian, Loyang, Nanking, Soochow, Shanghai, and Peking. I have described some of what I learned in the Far Eastern Economic Review for August 15, 1980. Let me say here only that my good luck was because China is a free country today in a way that the Soviet Union is not. While my tour group went off in a bus to see the sights, I hired a taxi and visited a monastery. Only on ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1980 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207 192 WILLIAM Y. CHEN Yüan, Chou-tsung. Lao-tzu shen shih chi ch'i ping hsieh ssu hsiang t'an tse. Taipei, 1977. 袁宙宗,老子身世及其兵學思想探賾,台北,台灣商務,1977. 280. [20] p. 2. BIBLIOGRAPHIES AND INDEXES 目錄與索引 Cheng-t'ung Tao-tsang mu lu so yin. Pan-ch'iao, 1977, LC 正統道藏目錄索引,原編者施博爾,改編者李殿魁,台北縣板橋,藝文印書館,1977 490. 64 p. LC Chuang-lin hsü Tao-tsang. Taipei, 1975. 莊林續道藏,莊陳登雲守傳,台北,成文出版社,1975. 25 v. (33,7496 p.) Chung wai Lao-tzu chu shu mu lu. Taipei, 1975. SA 中外老子著述目錄,嚴靈峯編纂,台北,中華叢書編審委員,1957. 12, 380, 6 p. LC Kyoto Joshi Daigaku. Toshokan. Min seitohon Dōzo shomei jikaku sakuin. Kyoto, 1965. 京都女子大學圖書館,明正統道藏書名宇畫索引,京都,該館,1965. 11, 64, 2, 5 p. CA Lieh chen yi lu chi yao. Taipei, 1958. 列真語錄輯要,孫誠德.李誡志編輯.台北,自由出版社,1958. 2. 122 p. Mi tien chu lin. n.p., 19– 秘殿珠林,n.p., 19- 8v. LC, SA, CA Tao-tsang mu lu hsiang chu. Taipei, 1975. 道藏目錄詳註,李杰註.台北,廣文書局,1975. 10, 4, 4, 326 p. Tao-tsang tzu mu yin te. Peking, 1935. CA, LC 道藏子目引得,翁獨健編,北平,哈佛燕京學社,1935. xxxvi. 216 p. Tonkō bunken bunrui mokuroku. Tokyo, 1969. SA 敦煌文獻分類目錄:道教之部,吉岡義豐編,東京,東洋文庫,1969. 83 p. LC ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1981 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m 210 DAVID FAURE 71 Mr. Chan T'aai 22.7.81, Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80, Mr. Wan Yau 14.7.81, Mr. Chan Shing 21.11.80. 72 Mr. Chan T'aai 22.7.81, Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80. 73 Mr. Lau Shang 24.8.81, Mr. Ng Tso 24.8.81, Mr. Chung Tin Fuk 24.8.81, Mr. Chan Shui Yung 25.8.81. 74 Mr. Kong Cheung 28.8.81, Mr. Tse Koon K'au 9.6.81. 75 Mr. Chung Tin Fuk 24.8.81, Mr. Loh Kai Faat 22.8.81. 77 Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80, Mr. Chau T'in Shang 13.11.80, Mr. Chan Tsz K'eung 28.5.81 also mentioned Mr. Koo T'in Lam as a key member of the Wai Ch'i Wooi. 78 Mr. Chan Tsz K'eung 28.5.81, Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80, Mr. Sham Kin K'eung 23.6.81, 1.7.81. The composition of the administrative districts may be found in "Special issue on regulations promulgated by the Governor of the occupied territory of Hong Kong", Ya-chou shang-pao, supplement (n.d., n.p.) pp. 25-29. A copy is in the holdings of the library of the Hoover Institution, Stanford University. See also Mr. Chung P'oon 13.11.80, Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80, and Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81. 70 Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81, Mr. Uen Chiu Ming 16.1.81, 13.2.81, 7.3.81, Mr. Tse Wing 9.6.81. 80 Mr. Chung P'oon 13.11.80. 81 Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Chan Tsz K'eung 28.5.81, Mr. Chan Shui Yung 25.8.81. 82 Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81. 83 ibid. ** It would seem that these three subjects left a stronger impression than disruption to education and the ritual life. Many villagers inter-viewed reported that they stopped going to school when the War broke out. The annual celebration at the T'in Hau Temple in Sai Kung Market stopped until the last year of the War (see int. Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80). 85 Madam Wan 20.7.81. 86 Mr. Uen Chun Wan 22.6.81. 87 Mr. Wong Ts'ing 23.6.81. 88 Mr. Chan Uet Shing 24.6.81. 89 Mr. Chan Shing 21.11.80. 90 Mr. Lau Wan 28.8.81. 91 Mr. Shing Uen On 21.8.81, Mr. Shek Kwong Lin 16.11.80, Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Chung P'oon 13.11.80, Mr. Cheung Wing 8.1.81. 92 Mr. Chau T'in Shang 13.11.80, Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81. 93 There were also several reports that 1 catty of rice per day in addition to a money wage was given to construction workers. See Mr. Lei Kan 19.6.81, Madam Lo Koon Mooi 21.6.81. 94 Mr. Hoh King 27.5.81, 5.6.81, Mrs. Tsui née Lei 20.5.81, Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81. 95 Mr. Chan Shing 21.11.81. 96 Mr. Chau T'in Shang 13.11.80, Mrs. Uen 18.1.81, 24.1.81, 7.3.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80. 97 Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x CONTENTS PRESIDENT'S REPORT TREASURER'S REPORT LIBRARIAN'S REPORT ARTICLES: vii xvi xviii Tan Tse Tao: A Contemporary Chinese Faith-Healing Sect in Hong Kong — Bartholomew P.M. Tsui 1 Notes for a Visit to the Government Cemetery at Happy Valley Carl T. Smith. 17 Kau Sai, an Unfinished Manuscript Barbara E. Ward 27 The Cult of the Dead in Ancient Rome and Modern China: A Comparative Analysis — John Karl Evans . 119 Found in a Pennsylvania Attic 1903-1906 Wei Peh Ti Letters form China 152 A New Source for Chinese Trade to Japan in the Seventeenth Century Anthony Farrington Bibliography of New Territories Historical Literature Peter Yeung.. NOTES AND QUERIES: The Decline of Tiu Chung as a Chinese New Year Flower 187 192 K.C. Iu 207 The Country Boy Who Died for Hong Kong D.D. Waters 210 A Republican Book of Receipts in United College Library - David Faure. 216 The Nixon Scroll James Hayes 217 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x TAN TSE TAO: A CONTEMPORARY CHINESE FAITH-HEALING SECT IN HONG KONG* I. Introduction BARTHOLOMEW P. M. TSUI It should not be surprising, given the laissez-faire attitudes of Hong Kong, to find a frequent occurrence of religious sects which can only be described as out of the ordinary. There are, for example, societies for women who live together and perform Buddhist chants and are bound by rules which make them neither laywomen nor nuns, or Taoist groups which centre their activities around fu-chi (planchette), groups which centre on morning and evening devotions in which the Buddhist prajñā-pāramitā hrđaya sūtra (the hsin ching) and the Confucian canon of filial piety (hsiao ching) are chanted, and groups interested in the primary worship of Lü Tsu, or, again, sects whose beliefs and practices show individualistic combinations of the traditional Three Teachings (san-chiao) and worship of deities of popular religion. Yet, Tan Tse Tao, a contemporary Chinese faith-healing sect which I am about to describe, is extraordinary even among this unusual group. Its origin is attributed entirely to the unusual events surrounding its founder, originally a thoroughly Western-educated Protestant. The foundation of the sect is based entirely on a fresh revelation given to the founder by a god (God, for there is only one God according to Tan Tse Tao) whose personal name has never been used in earlier history. And yet the adherents of Tan Tse Tao claim that its teachings correspond to many traditional concepts in Chinese philosophy, concepts vital to philosophic Taoism. Its faith-healing activity is surprisingly similar to the early Taoist religion of the Heavenly Master's sect of the Han Dynasty, and yet there is little evidence that the founder was aware of the resemblance until well after the establishment of the sect. The sect is noted for its worship of only one god and for the avoidance of crude symbolism in worship. These characteristics lift Tan Tse Tao out of the ordinary. *Plates 1 and 2. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 2 BARTHOLOMEW P.M. TSUI ordinary run of religious sects in Hong Kong and render it worthy of attention. II. History of a Faith-healer Perhaps the best introduction to Tan Tse Tao is to tell the story of its founder, Patriarch Lo Ka Ping.2 Born into a well-to-do family in the District of Hsiang-shan in Kwangtung Province in the year 1894, the Patriarch received a thoroughly Western education from Protestant missionaries.1 He studied in Lingnan University, again a Christian institution, and graduated with a B.A. degree at its first convocation in 1918. He became a tutor in English at the Chung-shan University (中山大學) and later became the headmaster of a number of middle schools.* It is no longer possible totrace the exact route of the Patriarch's religious development in his early years. Suffice it to say that he became a fervent Christian and married the daughter of a Protestant minister by the name of Tan (譚). Apparently, he did not show any interest in Chinese philosophy or religion. He adopted a Western style of life and became a keen player of tennis, joining tournaments including at least one in Hong Kong. In his spare moments he also took up traditional physical exercises, to be precise, the set of exercises called I-ken-ching.5 6 It was during one of these exercises that Patriarch Lo felt God's presence, an experience which radically changed his life. Recounting the event he said: "The Supreme Spirit's manifestation occurred on the 18th day of the eighth month of the year yi-hai (乙亥). The location was at my residence Man Lu in Canton.6 While I was exercising in the twelfth position of the I-ken-ching, suddenly I felt that all my limbs moved of their own accord. It was as if my ten fingers were charged with spiritual energy and light. The execution of the exercises was not only effortless and skilful, but I was also absolutely tireless. The same thing happened to me a second time, and again a third time. At first, I thought this was an effect of my subconscious mind, but later it dawned on me that it must have been a gift from God. Then I burned incense and bowed in veneration.7 Not knowing how to communicate with God, I simply asked with my mouth 8 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x BARTHOLOMEW P.M. TSUI fire. At first, thirty to forty came to seek cures, but after five months as many as fourteen thousand came each day and the Patriarch cured most of them. Among the more noted cases of cure was that of Li Tsung-yao (), brother of Li Tsung-jen (), the Vice-President of the Republic. Li Tsung-yao had an incurable disease. His intestines were exposed. Lo cured him completely, to the surprise of the then famous German physician called Otto, who pronounced the event as inexplicable.12 The message of this new god did not stop with curing. He demanded the establishment of an institution with a body of beliefs and a group of disciples. This he revealed on the eighth day of the first month (January 31, 1936). This god, who could not really be named, was provisionally called the Supreme Deityx), and the name of the new belief was called Tan Tse Tao () or the Revealed Truth.13 The Patriarch soon made a number of disciples who were endowed with healing powers equally with himself. Of these the most successful was Ms Liu Han-lien (劉漢廉女士). In 1936, that is, almost immediately after her initiation, she worked in Hui-chou () and Lung-kang Market() and cured over ten thousand sick people. In 1937, two other disciples, Li Han-kun () and Han-lun (), went to Hsin-hui (#) and cured over a thousand people there. Han-lin (***) and Han-ts'ai (#) worked in Wu-chou (梧州) and Han ch'üan (漢全) in Ts'ung-hua(從化).14 The Patriarch's work in Canton lasted only a few years. Eight months before Japanese soldiers marched into Canton, he was instructed by the Supreme Deity to come to Hong Kong and to establish his religion there. At first, with the help of Mr. Wong Yiu-tung, J.P. (), Lo set up his office at Tung-lu (). Shortly afterwards, he found a plot of land in Ping Shan in the New Territories and built his worshipping hall there where he continued the work of curing and converting disciples. He died in 1981 and his religion is actively carried on by his disciples. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x the altar." Although this practice follows logically from the concept of the Supreme Deity, one cannot help thinking, bearing in mind that no temple in Chinese religion, whether at present or in the past, is devoted to one deity alone, that this must have been the result of Lo's Protestant up-bringing. iii. Human destiny According to Tan Tse Tao, man's final destiny is to return to the Supreme Deity after death.24 This immediately brings up a number of questions with regard to the human constitution. Is there life after death? Do such places as heaven or hell exist? What sort of union with the Supreme Deity is envisaged? First of all, Patriarch Lo recognizes the separate existence of the body and of the soul. “If the body functions but the soul is dead, that person is really dead even though his body is alive; if the body is dead but the soul exists, he is really alive even though his body is dead.”25 Indeed, the soul has three destinies. If a man's deeds are good, he goes up to heaven and may even become a god after death. If his deeds are evil, he goes below ground and becomes a ghost. If his deeds are neither good nor bad, he becomes a wandering soul,26 Given this belief in the existence of the soul after death and notions of reward and punishment, the belief in the existence of a heavenly paradise and hell becomes unavoidable. Tan Tse Tao recognizes this fact, but it tries hard to avoid crude notions of sensual gratification in heaven and of instruments of torture in hell.27 Perhaps the more intriguing and difficult question is one about the nature of the union with the Supreme Deity. Will the identity of an individual be lost and the individual be merged with the Absolute in the final destiny or will the soul retain its individuality? Patriarch Lo did not discuss this problem in his writings. According to informants, the correct interpretation is that the soul retains its individuality. This is in keeping with the practice of keeping an altar in memory of dead disciples.28 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x religious thought never progressed beyond his initial experiential phase. V. Morality Patriarch Lo allocated a lot of space to the discussion of morality. In both T'ai-hsüan's Discourse on the Truth and T'ai-hsüan's Discourse of Various Topics he listed twenty-six virtues that one should develop and twenty-five vices that one should avoid. They are all concerned with social relationships. In fact, they are hardly distinguishable from Confucian morality. Even the same terms like jen (仁), i (義), hsiao (孝), chung (忠), hsin (信) and others are used. The slight bit of difference comes only in his discussion of internal and external virtues. (Midiya) 35 "The internal aspect of virtue is called Simplicity (素) or Truth (真); the external aspect is called Benevolence (仁) or Righteousness (義)." I believe this is an attempt to harmonize Taoist concepts with Confucian ones. The Patriarch thought that social morality is continuous with cultivation. Virtue in its ultimate effect is indistinguishable from the goal of cultivation. In answer to the question about the highest virtue (德) he says, "The highest virtue is to preserve the Truth and to bring human nature to its completion so that one is in harmony with heaven and earth; and to save the world and give assistance to the people so that one attains the virtue which enables one to be in communication with the gods." 36 IV. Religious Institutions and Practices Tan Tse Tao is not only a body of abstract religious thought. It is also a community of believers, and a community must have a boundary which separates it from the larger family of human beings. The institutions which make up this boundary are few but they do provide a distinct identity. First, the community is governed hierarchically. At the top of this hierarchy was Patriarch Lo. Below him were four Elders of ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 10 BARTHOLOMEW P.M. TSUI the Tao; below them in turn eight Healing Masters. Then came an indeterminate number of Cultivation Masters, the Protector of the Tao, Advanced Disciples and Novices." However, this hierarchical structure was probably only an ideal and not rigidly adhered to at any time. The current structure runs as follows. There are two Elders of the Tao at the top. Then comes a Person-in-Charge (#), four Healing Masters, Advanced Disciples and Novices. It is not clear what are the exact functions of each of the ranks beyond that vaguely suggested by their titles. Entrance into this religion is usually made by the recommendation of a follower and the permission of the Supreme Deity. The sect claims that it can discern the Supreme Deity's will by prayer. Those who are admitted can then be allowed to approach the altar and to begin a programme of learning about the way." The altar is the place where one can venerate the Deity, practise quiet-sitting, discuss the truth, seek healing, longevity, direction in life and ask the Deity to deliver dead ancestors. There are no hard and fast rules about worship. The sacred shrine is opened on Sundays for reasons of convenience and on four festivals special to the sect. These four festivals, in which all believers are encouraged to participate, have absolutely no relationship with traditional customs or religions. They are the Day of Commemoration of the Establishment of Tan Tse Tao (eighth of the first month), the Day of the Disciples (fourth day of the fourth month), the Day of Revelation (eighteenth day of the eighth month) and the Day of Prayer (tenth day of tenth month). In thanksgiving for the Deity's grace, each follower is responsible for spreading the faith, forming extensive relationships with persons of good character, establishing and bringing to perfection the follower's own person and the person of others, delivering all men from various pains and diseases, and obeying the sacred injunctions. The latter consists of the five precepts and the ten good deeds. The five precepts are: 1. Do not do wrong-doing. 2. Do not become an apostate. 3. Do not make monetary gains with healing. 4. Do not believe in astrology and geomancy. 5. Do not worship blood-eating gods. The ten good deeds are: 1. Be diligent ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 11 and thrifty. 2. Be trustworthy and loyal. 3. Know yourself. 4. Be self-controlled. 5. Be content and know your limits. 6. Be careful of your words and be watchful when alone. 7. Be filial to your parents. 8. Respect your elder brother. 9. Be friendly with your neighbour. 10. Love your own people. Although nominally a Taoist sect, Tan Tse Tao does not make use of any Taoist scripture or any other traditional scripture for that matter. The Patriarch's two books, T'ai-hsüan's Discourse on Truth and T'ai-hsüan's Discourse on Various Topics, are distributed to believers and function as a kind of scripture. V. Method of Healing The method of healing in Tan Tse Tao is one of the most striking things about this sect. It employs absolutely no medicine, not even placebos, acupuncture, surgery, hypnotism, massage or breath-cultivation (chi-kung). Externally, the healer uses certain hand and eye gestures. Occasionally, he uses a talisman (fu-lu). Internally, the healer must have a deep devotion to the Supreme Deity. He employs his original breath and original spirit. Among his paraphernalia are the treasure sword, the gourd for imprisoning the demon, the fly-whisk and the five thunder palm. None of these are actual objects but are only imaginary within the healer's mind. 39 40 What is amazing is that there is no physical contact between the healer and the patient. Indeed, healing can take place at a distance, with the patient at another room or in a house a hundred yards away. Healing can take place with several patients at the same time. There is no limit to the kind of physical ailments cured. All kinds of diseases are cured, including those declared incurable by Western medical doctors. During the cure, the patient can sometimes feel power surging in his limbs or heat in certain parts of the body. Sometimes the body vibrates on its own accord or the patient uncontrollably bends forwards and backwards. A lame person may straighten up and walk away. Page 30 Page 31 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 12 BARTHOLOMEW P.M. TSUI There are certain dispositions on the part of the patient before he or she can be cured. The first is that the patient should venerate the Supreme Deity with devotion. Secondly, he should repent of his wrong-doings and resolve to live a better life thereafter. Thirdly, he should not worship other gods or the Buddha. Fourthly, he should not use paper gold and candles (in worship)." There are also four conditions under which a patient may not be cured: firstly, where the patient has committed a grave sin; secondly, where the disease is a result of the patient's misdeeds; thirdly, where the patient has only a minor sickness; fourthly, where the patient has reached the end of his or her natural life-span. (However, the Supreme Deity may grant an extension to the natural life-span as a favour.) Although a recognition of the Supreme Deity on the part of the patient is necessary for healing, a full initiation into Tan Tse Tao is not necessary, and many who were not followers were cured. VI. Notable Characteristics We have now seen the history, teaching, practices, organization and healing method of Tan Tse Tao. It has all the essential elements which go to make up a religion. Thus it claims to have a special revelation, a beginningless and endless God, a teaching which will settle the perplexities of human life, a hierarchical church which governs the group of followers, a form of worship, its own festivals, and its own holy books. The most striking thing about this religion is the spontaneity of its origin and the unlikelihood of its having a thoroughly Westernized Protestant uninterested in traditional Chinese religion as its founder. It is as if the circumstances of the Patriarch's conversion were so chosen as to accentuate the authenticity of this revelation. The fantastic power of Tan Tse Tao's healing method also contributes to this end. Another striking thing about Tan Tse Tao is that, unbeknown to Patriarch Lo, it bears remarkable resemblance to certain other faith-healing sects. I have in mind, for example, the Tenrikyo of Mrs. Nakayama Miki (1798-1887) of Japan and the Heavenly ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 13 Master Sect of Chang Tao-lin. All these sects claim to have received a special revelation. They all teach that disease is caused by sin and/or demons. Healing must go hand-in-hand with repentance. They all decline the use of medicine but resort to prayer and exorcism. They are all organized into religious sects. Do these similarities among healing sects speak for a type of religious expression? Perhaps, underneath the conscious mind, all men have something in common which, when manifested externally, is constituted along similar lines. The second reflection to which I would like to draw attention concerns the association of Tan Tse Tao with Taoism. As can be seen from the history of the Supreme Deity's revelation and the teaching as recorded in Lo's important writings, there is little hint that Tan Tse Tao is a form of Taoism. Yet in its later development, Tan Tse Tao was considered as such by the Patriarch and his disciples. It is in fact at present a member of the Hong Kong Taoist Association. It is not too clear how this could have occurred. Perhaps Patriarch Lo felt that the ineffable quality of the Supreme Deity is the same as the "Tao" discussed by Lao Tzu, and that the quiet-sitting is similar to Chuang Tzu's "sitting in forgetfulness.” Or perhaps he found an identity in the terminology used in his own religion and that of Taoism. Or perhaps the association with Taoism is simply revealed.42 Whatever the reason for the association, it must have provided a strong support by reason of Taoism's reputation as the most ancient native Chinese religion. This association is a parallel to the association of the Heavenly Master's sect with Lao Tzu. Scholars with Confucian sympathies have invariably ridiculed the association of the Han Dynasty faith-healing sect with Lao Tzu. In their minds the faith-healers have simply twisted the meaning of Lao Tzu to fit their own purpose. The association of Tan Tse Tao with Lao Tzu should make us think again. Perhaps the association is not as arbitrary as Confucian scholars make it out to be. Perhaps Maspero's conjecture of a religious base to Lao Tzu is still a live issue.43 The last notable character about Tan Tse Tao is its exclusive veneration of the Supreme Deity. This practice is unprecedented in Chinese cults. Writers have often drawn attention to the fact ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 14 BARTHOLOMEW P.M. TSUI that the spirit world is just an exact copy of the administrative world in Chinese popular religion or in Taoism, and worshippers carry on transactions with the gods just as they would have dealt with bureaucrats. Their offerings to the various gods are just like bribes to officials. In contrast to this, the veneration of the Supreme Deity is of a different nature. The praise of the deity and the acknowledgement of his greatness are the predominant sentiments. The only offerings made are one stick of incense and some flowers. No other gods are venerated. The holy shrine contains no images of any gods, thus giving an impression of austere reverence and an attempt to root out extravagant expressions which might be taken to indicate something superstitious. The exclusive veneration of the Supreme Deity follows logically from the history and teaching of the sect, but outside observers cannot help speculating just how much this is due to Patriarch Lo's early Protestant background. Out of deference to the founder who has transliterated (Tien Chi Tao) as Tan Tse Tao, the latter title will be retained in this paper. Source material for this paper consists of the books FBIEZ, which contains Patriarch Lo's most important writings, the 太玄真言 and the 太玄漫言, 天昏道神靈治療釋義 and interviews with Mr. Alfred Lo, son of the founder and an Elder of the sect and Mr. Law Ping Chi (MM), current Person-in-Charge (E) of the sect. Responsibility for the accuracy of this paper is entirely mine. 2 The title 尊師 (tsung-shih) has been used to address the founder, whose Taoist sobriquet (道號) is T'ai-hsüan (太玄). 3 was later changed to 孫, in memory of Dr. Sun Yat-sen, the father of the Republic of China. In fact, the Lo family is related to the Sun family. 4 Among these, the 少林拳, reputed to have originated from Bodhidharma and the Shao-lin (†) school. This account is taken from ZE › XL. 6 September 15, 1935, when Lo was forty-one years old. 7 經嘯。廣州東平路萬芳園內。 9 • Another account placed the second attempt at exercise on the following day. XILE · 1-This account also records that these events happened in the presence of family members who thought he was going crazy. 10 Is "the burning of incense" a matter of style of the Chinese language? It is inconceivable for Christians at that period to keep incense. None of my informants could answer this question satisfactorily. 11 The interpretation of this is that God uses Lo's own hand and words to convey His displeasure over Lo's unbelief. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1985 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x 15 11 At the time of my research in 1985, Tam was still alive in Canton. He has not altered his Protestant faith. 12 From my interview with Alfred Lo. 13 Lo translated it as the "Tao of Apocalypse." He probably was not aware that the word 'apocalypse' had connotations which were not in keeping with his teaching. 14 By now it is obvious that the first generation of disciples all changed their middle names to Han (). This is significant in that a name-change signifies a new identity, that is, the disciples were conscious that they belonged to a new sect. 15 **. This worshipping hall must have been built before the fall of Hong Kong to the Japanese, for Alfred Lo recalled the pillage of the hall by neighbouring villages during the period of lawlessness. Page 1 16 XANT · KM. There are certain esoteric elements in Lo's teaching, especially those which pertain to specific methods of sitting in meditation and the method of curing and of chasing of demons. These specific instructions cannot be divulged to the uninitiated. However, the abstract formulation of his teaching is open to the public. 17 至大至達顧聖紀念館講詞, 18 See his essay "Does God exist? { »h_27[® )". 19 神也否無形而有徵者也 20 有,形,名,性,欲,尬,恩怨,注,數情, 21 This text appears as the centre-piece on one of the altars of this sect. 22 This is as much as Lo is prepared to say about the creative function as the Supreme Deity. 23 See photo on the inside of back cover of the AM (Plate I). 24「歿後可以復歸干种」至大至尊顯聖紀念館講詞。「復貼於神,復節於無極」神之有無講詞。 25 AZGI, ch. 8. 26 Ibid., ch. 3. 27 神之有無。 28 Thus, human destiny in Tan Tse Tao is envisioned quite differently from monistic Indian religious thought. 29「養身之道先修達德伤去监性」太太真jch. 17. 30 Aliki chỉ 28. 31 Ibid., ch. 8. 32 Ibid., ch. 7. 33 神之有無 34 £ì, ch. 31. Also in f¡¡ ch. 18. Page 1 ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1986 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063 114 NICHOLAS TAPP Hsieh, Jiann. ‘China's Nationalities Policy: Its Development and Problems': Anthropos 81, 1-20, 1986. Lemoine, J. ‘Ethnologues en Chine': Diogene 133, 82-112, 1986. Mao Tse-tung. The Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, Peoples' Press, Beijing 1966). Moseley, E. The Consolidation of the South China Frontier, Univ. California Press, Berkeley 1973. Tapp, N. "The Relevance of Telephone Directories to a Lineage-based Society: A Consideration of Some Messianic Myths among the Hmong'. Journal of the Siam Society, 70, 1982, Categories of Change and Continuity among the White Hmong, Unpub. Ph.D. thesis, Univ. London 1985. 'The Impact of Missionary Christianity upon Marginalised Ethnic Minorities: the case of the Hmong'; paper presented to the 32nd International Congress for Asian and North African Studies, Hamburg, August 25-30, 1986. Wiens, H. Han Chinese Expansion in Southern China (Shoe-String Press, New York 1967), Winnington, A. The Slaves of the Cool Mountains: The ancient social conditions and changes now in progress on the remote South-Western borders of China (Lawrence and Wishart, London 1959). ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 178 be embellished by a variety of cosmoramic views which will add much to its beauty" 92 This process was continued and another new drop scene, “A View of Palermo" was unveiled on May 6, 1852.93 Thus everything was done to turn the godown into something that resembled a theatre. B. Of course it would be more or less a waste if everything had to be demolished because the lease of the building could not be extended. Yet that was possibly the case, for during the season 1852-1853, after many doubts whether any theatricals would be given at all, the Imperial Theatre became the scene; it can only be guessed if this was the same as the Theatre Royal. C. 94 For subsequent years we are on somewhat firmer ground.* The seasons 1853-1854, 1856-1857 and 1857-1858 came off in the same building, viz. a godown in the Commercial House or Commercial Hotel compound that was situated at the northwestern corner of Park Lane (Nanking Road), and Church Street (Kiangsi Road) (the names of the roads were, in 1864-1865, changed from the old "homelike" ones; Park Lane, Church Street, Mission Road, etc. into ones more in tune with local conditions: Nanking Road, Kiangsi Road, Foochow Road, etc.).† Despite the fact that the theatre was housed in one and the same building throughout this period it bore several different names. It was called the Tae Ming Theatre (i.e. Great and Bright Theatre) 1853-1854; once the name Old Theatre was attached to it (1856), then it was called the Theatre Royal (1857-1858). There was some political irony involved when the Herald announced that on March 8, 1854 the Tae Ming Theatre had opened "under a concession from and immediate patronage of the Tae-ping-wong" (the leader of the Taiping movement). Because of the change of regime in the native city the name "Imperial" Theatre was mockingly considered a little inappropriate. Originally the stage was rather small, but later it was "extended in the rear and the wings thrown back, giving a larger area for action".95 * See Map at Appendix III. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h art of French concession YANG KIM PANG GATE STREET Race course TEMPLE BARRIER CHURCH NOISSIW ROAD 244 ROAD ROAD ROADE ROAL NORTH BRIDGE THE STREET ᄆᄆᄆ BUND Shanghai Club WONG - POO AVENUE S CONSULATÉ Of BRIDGE STRECT KIRK ROAD CHURCH ROAD SOD CHOW American ROAD CREEK VoĮsseɔuo; AIVER THE b Theatre Royal Tae-ming Theatre Olympic Theatre d Lyceum Theatre Appendix I!! Plan of Shanghai BUND Part Star House Hotel ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1989 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h 403 is starkly countered by David Arkush's study of Hebei village opera in the twenties. Concluding his perceptive study of the underside of China's recent history, Arkush observes that, at least in rural northern China, 'the moral categories and values of the ruling elites did not totally dominate the thinking of the subordinate classes', (p. 105). The illustrations presented to support this claim reveal not only a rupture in thought but also in language. How true was this of the pre-Republican period? Do these folk themes reflect a popular contrapuntal, an unprinted Zhuangziese, which actually questioned the values and concepts inherent in Confucian discourse? The ‘optimistic this-worldliness' Metzger discovers as a continuous element of Chinese scholars' historiography and cultural analysis tends to bypass Wyatt's identification of metaphysical themes which, though 'premodern', are still approached without intellectual incredulity by some of these same scholars. Metzger recognizes this fact, but believes that an issue more important than general philosophical discussions of human nature is the actual production of ‘self-propelled adults' in Chinese society, (p. 284). These morally autonomous leaders are in fact the reason why China could maintain its cultural continuity as well as uphold a normative vision of culture for her future generations. Whether in premodern China or in Mao's Republic, this salient feature of the morally autonomous individual can be observed. Metzger draws this to a point by announcing that modern China has 'fully merged with liberalism and humanism', (p. 288). This evaluation is explicitly denied by Leo Ou-Fan Lee, who carefully distinguishes between the adoption of 'historical modernism' by Chinese intellectuals in the twentieth century (i.e. progressive history) and their general irresponsiveness to Western 'esthetic modernism', (pp. 109 ff). Examples of the latter are few and far between, as Jeffrey Kinkey's study of a young writer in the eighties affirms. Metzger was more reserved in his judgement earlier in his essay, admitting that China, following Alistair McIntyre's criteria for modernity, had only committed herself to socialism and not to existentialism or some form of ethical scepticism, (pp. 269, 279). Metzger's promotion of an ‘anti-teleological' historical methodology as the proper tool for more critical studies of China by Chinese intellectuals flies in the face of Lee's awareness of the salient historically progressive element in China's modern consciousness. The suggestion may well be beneficial, but it sets up a tension between Chinese and non-Chinese forms of modernity. It seems a poignant truth that ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1990 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299 23 2 China: The Land and the People (New York, William Sloane Associates. 1948), pp. 152-153. 3 A most useful survey is given in chapter 4, Autonomous Hong Kong, 1972-1982, of Ian Scott's Political Change and the Crisis of Legitimacy in Hong Kong (London, Hurst and Company, 1989). 4 My government service was mostly spent in departments and in direct contact with the population. 5 Lin Yutang, My Country and My People (New York, Halcyon House, 1938), pp. 203-206. 6 My The Hong Kong Region 1850-1911: Institutions and Leadership in Town and Countryside (Hamden, Connecticut, Archon Books, 1977) and The Rural Communities of Hong Kong: Studies and Themes (Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1983) are directed at this theme. See especially the Introduction to the former, at pp. 11-13. See also David Faure, "The Hong Kong History Project”, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 27 (1987), p. 261. 7 Personal letter from Walter Schofield (1888-1968) dated 27 July 1962. 8 Austin Coates, Summary Memoranda on the Southern District of the New Territories, Spring 1955 (Unpublished). He was District Officer between May 1953 and July 1955. 9 Everard Cotes, Signs and Portents in the Far East (London, Methuen & Co., n.d. but 1907), pp. 110-111, 10 Rev. R.H. Graves, D.D., Forty Years in China, or China in Transition (Baltimore, R.H. Woodward Company, 1895), pp. 18-19, 11 Reginald F. Johnston, Confucianism and Modern China (London, Victor Gollancz Ltd., 1934), p. 66, citing Mencius, Book 1, Part 2, Chapter viii. 12 13 Stuart Schram, Mao Tse-tung (Harmondsworth, Penguin Books, 1967), p. 21. 14 Herbert Giles gives numerous examples in the chapter "Democratic China" at pp. 75-106 of his China and the Chinese (New York, The Columbia University Press, 1912). Many others are cited by Kung-Chuan Hsiao, Rural China, Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century (Seattle, University of Washington Press, 1960), pp. 433-440. 15 I am uncertain whether this record was engraved on a stone which has since been lost, or whether it only ever existed on paper. Either way, the original is now lost, and I cannot now recall who was kind enough to give me a copy. 16 My early lectures came from male and female indigenous New Territories villagers living in remote places at a time when modernization had not yet set in; it was seemingly part of the tradition. 17 In Leonard A. Lyall, China (London, Ernest Benn. 1944). p. 99. 18 E.R. Hughes, The Invasion of China by the Western World (London, Adam and Charles Black, 1937), p. 157. 19 Arthur H. Smith, China in Convulsion (Edinburgh, Oliphant, Anderson and Ferrier. 1901), Vol. 1, p. 6. Striving to convey to his readers and listeners the power of these teachings, he explained that ... the tenets of Confucianism, as a whole and in detail, [are] intellectually and psychologically appropriated by the Chinese as on a par with a law of nature. 20 Yang Kang, Daughter, An Autobiographical Novel, (Beijing, Phoenix Books: Foreign Languages Press, 1988) pp. 225-226, and see also pp. 67-74, 80-83 of this fascinating book. ================================================================================ RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊 | RAS-1994 https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g 116 Poon, Clement and May Fung, 'Plenty More Fish to Fill the Tanks of Mong Kok', Hong Kong Standard, 26 November 1994, 'Race-Day Rites to Exorcise Sha Tin Jinx', South China Morning Post, 3 May 1987 Ram, Jane, 'Asia Conjures Wind and Water to Boost Business', International Management, July/August 1987 Saw Puay Lim, "The Force is With Them', Sunday Morning Post Magazine, August 1990 Stewart, Rob, 'Can Your Business do Without the Feng Shui Edge?', Executive, November 1995 'Superstitions Rife. Survey Reveals', South China Morning Post, 11 December 1989 Tatlow, Dermot, 'Safe and Sound in Domain of the Yellow Emperor', Sunday Morning Post, 7 March 1993 Tse, Patricia, 'Banking on a Grand Design and Good Luck', South China Morning Post, 28 May 1990 Wan, Melanie, 'Fungshui Experts not what They Used to Be', Hong Kong Standard, 19 August 1985 Wesley-Smith, Peter, Identity, Land, Feng Shui and the Law in Traditional Hong Kong, Law working paper series no 5, University of Hong Kong, 1992 'What Pyramids and the River Thames have in Common', International Property Review, undated Woo, Anthony, 'The Tao of Technology', Asia Magazine, c. 1995 Letters to the Editor of the South China Morning Post Chan, C.W., 'Safety Concern', 24 June 1990 Ho, Eugene, 'Fung Shui and a Lesson from Science', 25 May 1987 Webb, Richard, 'In Defence of Fung Shui', 10 July 1991 'Unlucky Bank', 21 September 1991 ================================================================================